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March 07, 1962 - Image 4

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Publication:
The Michigan Daily, 1962-03-07

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Seventy-Second Year
EDITED AND MANAGED BY STUDENTS OF THE UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN
UNDER AUTHORITY OF BOARD IN CONTROL OF STUDENT PUBLICATIONS
Where Opinions Are Free STUDENT PUBLICATIONS BLDG. * ANN ARBOR, MICH. * Phone NO 2-3241
Truth Will Prevail"
Editorials printed in The Michigan Daily express the individual opinions of staff writers
or the editors. This must be noted in all reprints.
NTESDAY, MARCH 7, 1962 NIGHT EDITOR: MICHAML HARRAH
City Council's Hollow Gesture
Won't End Discrimination

OSA IN TRANSITION:
Lewis's

ONDAY NIGHT, picketers confronted the
Ann' Arbor City Council to ask public
port of their Pittsfield village integration
vement. The Council answered them with
hollow gesture of passing a resolution say-'
segregated housing is "contrary to public
icy."
his is just another substitution of platitudes
action. If the Council really meant what
aid, it would have passed the fair housing
inance last November. Instead, the fair
ising measure died for lack of a second.
e whole matter was referred to the Human
ations Commission for further study and
t, for all practical purposes, was the end
t.t
row, three months later, the Council has to
front the Pittsfield dilemma. This is the
1 -test of so-called gradualist policies. If
Council, and more specifically Mayor Cecil
Creal, can make use of their personal in-
ence in order to persuade the Pittsfield
ltors to integrate, their policies of slow
The Bride
HE MACKINAC BRIDGE has conquered
more than miserable weather and rough
ers. It has dispelled a long-standing belief-
Michigan that financing a state public
'ks project through revenue bonds sold to
rate investors is unfeasible
'he creation of the bridge brought cries of
lfare spending" and "political pump-'
ning." Some critics inferred that the bridge
ild lose its novelty after the first few years
i fall into disuse.
'his is not the case. Last year more than
nillion vehicles crossed the bridge and toll
eipts approached $5 million dollars. This
enough to pay the interest on the bridge
ds and retire $600,000 to a sinking fund
ch will be used to pay the bond's principal
m it is due in 1994.
3,TIME GOES ON, the bridge should handle
more and more traffic. Perhaps the Upper
insula, which is now losing population due
the progressive depletion of its mines, will
urbanized, partially due to the influence
he bridge.
a many respects the upper half of Michigan
ideal for light industry. If this expected
nge is realized, the bridge will not only be
e to pay for itself, as it is now doing, but
reap a large profit. Indeed, if the Upper
insula is going to make such a change,
existence of the bridge is a necessary pre-
uisite.
ow that the bridge has been built and
ven feasible financially as well as physically,
must compliment its creators for having'
foresight that makes progress possible.
--FRED RUSSELL KRAMER

movement based on education will be vin-
dicated to some degree
T HE MAYOR will probably be unable to
mediate the dispute. First, the realtor in-.
volved is not a local businessman but a De-
troit developer. It is unlikely that the mayor
can put effective pressures on him. Further,
his attitude has been one of "this is my busi-
ness." He is dead set against integration and,
his total concession to the picketers has been
that he "might" let a few Negroes live in
Pittsfield if they "didn't push him." He has
agreed to meet with representatives of the
picketers next Friday; but no concessions are
in sight.
The gradual approach won't work because of
the inherent nature of discrimination. There
is at least some evidence that formal educa-
tion does not tend to diminish racial prejudice.
Other researchers found that about the only
way to reduce bias is for people of different
races to come into contact with each other.
The morning coffee hour between a Negro
housewife and her white neighbor is a much
more effective weapon against bigotry than
a lot of self-righteous brotherhood committee
meetings.
The gradual approach has one important
psychological defect: it presupposes that people
must first understand each other before they
come into contact. This is a false premise.
Unless people meet and talk to each other'
informally, as human beings, they will not
reach understanding.
IN THE CONTEXT of the City Council, there
is more than a little hypocrisy about race
relations. Only one of the councilmen is
strongly in favor of pressing for direct improve-
ments. Several of the others believe sincerely
in a slow approach. But by and large the
Council has used gradualism as an excuse for
inaction.
Whatever the councilmen's moral or per-
sonal reasons for inaction, they have directly
contributed to the underlying Uncle Tommism
so prevalent in Ann Arbor. Many white citi-
zens have followed the outward attitudes of
their civic leaders and adopted it into a pa-
ternalistic concern for Negroes. This was the'
issue in the recent community center con-
troversy-are Ann Arbor Negroes to exist as
human beings, or by the grace of their white
neighbors?
It is in this paternalism conflict that the
Council has failed to give positive direction.
Monday's resolution is fine in principle; but
it doesn't do anything There is a difference
between saying that discrimination is against
public policy and saying that discrimination
in t'e sale of housing is a crime punishable
by a fine of up to $100 and 90 days in jail.
A fair housing ordinance would put some
teeth into their noble mouthings.
--DAVID MARCUS

By MICHAEL OLINICK
Daily Staff Writer
ABOUT 10 MONTHS AGO, the
University Senate's Student
Relations Committee issued some
advice. It urged Vice-President for
Student Affairs James A. Lewis
to clean up the mess in the OSA.
Mr. Lewis apparently did not
like the advice which came from
his chief advisory board. So he
created a new advisory board. We
know it as the Reed Committee.
The Reed committee has issued a
report urging, among other things,
the creation of three new advisory
boards to help guide Lewis and the
OSA.
Lewis doesn't seem to be com-
pletely enamored of all the advice
of the Reed advisory group either
-even though he was a member
of that committee and sighed its
report. He has stated that he does
not like everything in the report
(he won't specify precisely what)
and may alter some of its advice
when he in turn advises our
beloved Regents.
* * *
ONE THING is certain, however:
the advisory boards will stay. For,
as Michigan Union President Paul
C. Carder, a member of the Reed
Committee, laughingly told Stu-
dent Government Council last
week, "Dr. Lewis wants as much
advice as he can get."
If the Reed Committee report
is adopted, Lewis will have an
Executive Council for Student Af-
fairs, a Residence Hall Advisory
Board and an Advisory Board on
Discipline to give him advice
which he can reject along with
the advice he now gets from the
SRC and SGC.
* *. *
THE CREATION of these ad-
visory boards is an important pro-
posal of the Reed Report since
they provide the opportunity to
bring the academic element into
student affairs. The committees
are supposed to be the consequence
of the committee's philosophy of
student affairs and philosophy of
administration.
The committee's descriptions of
the advisory boards, however, con-
tain some very apparent incon-
sistencies and ambiguities, both
in composition and duties. For no
apparent reason, each board has
a different number of members
Percentage of administrative rep-
resentation varies.
The Executive Council, for ex-
ample has 11 members: four fac-
ulty, four students, three admin-
istrators. The residence halls
group would have 12 members,
with equal student faculty and ad-
ministration representation. The
personnel on the judic board
would be equally split also, but
it would have only nine members.
The committee offers no reason
for the discrepancies in the num-
bers of members, nor why one
committee-the most important
one-has an unequal distribution
of power. The "troika" scheme ad-
vanced in the committee's philos-
ophy of administration is forgot-
ten in the construction of the
executive council.
ANOTHER of the inconsisten-
cies existing between the boards
is the presence (or absence) of
the administrator who is receiv-
ing advice from the advisory
board.
The Executive Council exists to
advise the vice-president; the
vice-president serves as a mem-
ber. The residence halls advisory
board would be designed to advise

the director of housing; the direc-
tor of housing is a member. The
judic advisory board, with similar
duties, specifically excludes the
assistant dean of students in
charge of discipline.
Why include the men to be ad-
vised on the first two committees?
The committee members will tell
you that since these boards have
no policy making powers, but
exist to advise certain powerful
administrators, the administrators
should be sitting in on the meet-
ings and participating in the dis-
cussions.
If this is true, why exclude the
discipline dean from his advisory
board?
A common explanation that has
floated out from the committee's
closed chambers is that the com-
mittee views this dean as relatively
impotent who acts as secretary to
a strong committee and merely
administers its policy.
* * *
ALTHOUGH this explanation is
inconsistent with the role of the
administrator adopted for the
other two boards, it does have
some sense to it.
But you ask, why is he called
a dean and why-in the organiza-
tion chart yanked out of the com-
mittee's working draft but present-
ed to SGC last week-is he put in
a special box which contains the
dean of students and associate
dean, above the other offices in
the OSA?
Committee explanation: "We
feel that the man in charge of
discipline has a very vital role to
perform and his importance rates
the title of a dean."
Inconsistent, you say? Perhaps
the committee has a certain man
in mind for the job and doesn't
want his status lost by stripping
the deanship title from his name?
Committee explanation: Person-
alities were never discussed, but
consideration of them Wvas grub-
ably subconsciously present. Yes,
there is an inconsistency.
. 4. *
LET'S TAKE another look at
the judiciary board. The commit-
tee views the board's role as an
adviser "on mattersof policy." It
would also have the power to
select the members of Joint Judi-
ciary Council, a right now enjoyed
by students. This is a step for-
ward on the committee's path.
toward getting the student "to
participate fully in decisions af-
fecting his welfare."
On this advisory board sit the
Dean of Students and the as-
sociate dean and some other ad-
ministrative officer who is not
the discipline dean Seemingly,
this third administrator can be
plucked from any of the offices
in the Salmon Loaf without par-
ticular regard for his experience
or interest in student affairs. But
then again the committee implies
that everyone in the University
should be moving toward the same
lofty educational goal-so it does
not really matter who he is. (It
also seems by the committee's
language, its preciseness in de-
fining the length of faculty and
student terms, that this adminis-
trator may serve forever.)
THE RESIDENCE HALLS Ad-
visory Board is the boldest back-
ward step the committee makes.
The committee would ask the
board to undertake responsibility
"for seeing that the general educa-
tional purposes in student affairs
are served in the residence hall

system" while it strips away power
from the students and faculty.
The Residence Halls Board of
Governors-which the advisory
board would replace-now has the
final say-so on policies governing
the dorms and quads. Though the
student representation is dis-
proportionately small (two out of
11), the faculty members most
often docile followers of the vice-
president, and the board itself
little more than a grumbling rub-
ber stamp, it does represent fac-
ulty and students and has the
Regental responsibility to run the
educational program in the resi-
dence halls.
The board as now constituted
has the same potential for de-
veloping into an energetic, vig-
orous reformer of the residence
halls as the advisory boards
would have-and, if it ever reach-
ed that idyllic state, would have
the power to actually get things
changed.
.* * *
THE EXECUTIVE Council pro-
posed by the Reed committee
would "consider whether the en-
vironmental circumstances pro-
vided by the University are con-
sistent with the University's edu-
cational purposes."
What this means is again a
cloudy issue. According to the
student members of the commit-
tee, the council could consider
whatever subjects it wanted to.
According to Lewis, its scope would
be sharply restricted to the OSA.
Again, the chairman of this
Council is supposed to be a faculty
member. There is no similar pro-
vision for the other two boards.
THE EXECUTIVE council would
assist the Vice-President in formu-
lating rules over student conduct'
It would also act as grievance
mechanism for students, an ad-
, iirable idea, if it succeeds.
The council, however, would be
bound to report to the Regents at
least once a year. This, in effect,
could keep the committee silent
when the vice-president chooses to
ignore its advice
The SRC faces the same problem
now. It constitutionally is an ad-
visory committee to Lewis and
reports to the University Senate
If Lewis continues his freeze on
the Lehmann report of last spring,
the committee has no power of its
own to publicly release the docu-
-ment.
The executive council, working
under similar conditions, could re-
port its recommendations only to
Lewis or to the Regents. The com-
mittee would probably not have
the authority, on its own, to no-
tify the community about what it
has been doing and thinking and
advising.
The pressure which the council
can bring to bear against Lewis
when he refuses to heed its ad-
vice consists in sparking wide-
spread public support for its posi-
tion. If it can not reach that
public, its cause is fated and it
might as well flee to the fen.
* * *
HOW DOES the committee ra-
tionalize increasing the power of
administrators? One must look
to the report's section on philos-
ophy of administration: "The ad-
ministration must concern itself
with the 'administrability' of poli-
cies and plans, providing for per-
iodic evaluation of rules and pro-
cedures, with flexibility to meet
changing conditions and special
problems without loss of stability."

On the other hand, the com&.iit-
tee sees the role of the faculty to
provide the educational thrust to
the non-academic experience. And
of, course, the report mouths w:>me
platitudes about students being ac-
tive participants in the process.
At one point in the committee's
discussions about their structure,
their proposed ideal gave all the
policy making powers to these
boards. But somehow, when the
student members were studying
for exams and the faculty mem-
bers were grading them, the com-
mittee had a meeting and-no-
body seems clear exactly how-the;
boards became mere advisers.
* * *
ANY PREDICTION of the ef-
fects the advisory boards will ac-
tually have must rely on the per-
sonnel occupying the administra-
tive offices being advised. If the
Vice-President 'for Student Af-
fairs, the Director of Housing and
the Assistant Dean of Students for
Discipline are honest men, judi-
cious in their treatment of stu-
dents, ready to admit mistakes,
encourage evaluation of his office
and follow the well thought out
suggestions of his advisers, much
progress can' be made in the area
of student affairs - no matter
what the rest of the structure
looks like.
The likelihood of seeing these
kinds of administrators in the Ad-'
ministration Bldg. or the SAB is
small. The chief of the student
affairs office and the adminis-,
trator mainly concerned with dis-
cipline ' now will most likely be
the same men filling parallel po-
sitions in the new structure. The"
Director of Housing will probably
fit the present mold of ineptitude
and nondirection.
* * *
THE DIRECTOR of Housing
position was pulled out from under
the Dean of Students and made
directly responsible to the Vice-
President. The theory behind this,
we are told, is that Lewis will
bring in a strong and able ad-
ministrator from outside the Uni-

Device

versity to fill the slot. The posi-
tion is supposed to be an attrac-
tive one: high pay, lots of power
To get such a man and hold him
here, you can't let a group of
students and professors keep tell-
ing him how to run his office. A
good Director of Housing, coaxed
here by the proposed strategy,
wants to be as independent as pos-
sible.
In the other corner, stands the
prime contender for the new posit
tion of Assistant Dean for Dis-
cipline, the man performing the
job today: John Bingley. Bingley
certainly has a great knowledge
of student judiciaries and vast
experience in rule enforcement. He
isn't about to accept advice from
a committee which no doubt has
less competence in his field of
specialization than he does.
* * 4.
IF MR. LEWIS is to continue
in his present post (and the Reed
committee never discusses replac-
ing him) the odds are that he will
persist in his past behavior with
reference to the new advisory
committees.
He will shun major decisions,
shunting them off to the .om-
mittees to be studied and debated
while the, controversy cools down.
The committee, then reports to
Lewis and he does whatever he
had in mind to do in the first
place-or whatever the higher
levels of administration have de-
creed must come to pass.
Unless there is a major shakeup
of personnel in the OSA-from the
top of the pyramid on down--
little progress will be made in im-
plementing the ideals of the Reed
report philosophy.
With the present administrators
-occupying basically the same
desks as before, the same confu-
sion and paternalism will reign
The advisory committees will only
provide additional cubbyholes in
which pr9posals for change will be
bogged down. In addition, we will
have an OSA run by administra-
tors with the blame foisted on
students and faculty.

BURMA:
Latest Army Coup:
1958 All Over Again?

TODAY AND TOMORROW
On Nuclear Testing
By WAL.TER iPPrMANN

NCE THE MIDDLE 'FIFTIES we have all
suposed, and this included the Soviets, that
easiest and simplest of the steps towards
er relations would be a treaty 'to ban nu-
r testing. This is no longer the case. On
contrary, it must now be said that on a
ban the deadlock is complete, and without
e kind of scientific or diplomatic break-
>ugh the issue is not at present negotiable.
[IS IS A BITTER conclusion to have to
:ome to. But the controversy has evolved to
point where a treaty is possible only if
side is willing to concede nuclear superior-
to the other and to acept nuclear in-
>rity for itself. If the Soviet Union would
e to the treaty we are demanding, it
id have to accept as permanent, enforced
nspection, the existing American superiority
uclear power. The Soviet Union would have
ive up the attempts to overtake us.
ad if we were to accept the kind of treaty
Soviet Union is proposing, we would have
ccept the risk that they could prepare in
et to overtake us while we could not pre-
to keep ahead of them.
IT IS impossible for both sides to be
superior, a treaty would be negotiable only
here were an equality which both sides
ved was real and lasting. We are a long
from that theoretical situation. The nu-
r art is young and new and this develop-
t is as yet not only unrealized but not
lictable
the bottom this is why the Soviet Union
not only done its series of tests, but is.
cting the very idea of the kind of treaty
we would like to have. Without testing,
Soviet Union cannot expect to overtake the
ed States, and with testing it might be
to gain a decisive lead over the United
es at least for a time.
e for nur nrt will nnt acent the riskld

The Soviet Union, for its part, is asking us
not to test any more and is asking us to allow
our scientists and technicians to work without
being allowed to test their work by experimen-
tation.
N THE NUCLEAR RACE the stakes are so.
high !that both sides are convinced that
they must win the race. There may have been
a moment in 1958-we cannot know for sure
-when Mr. Khrushchev was strong enough
politically to agree to a treaty with some in-
spection which would in fact accept American
nuclear superiority.
That moment, if it ever existed, passed and'
since the spring of 1960, since the U-2 re-
vealed the effectiveness of our knowledge of
Soviet bases, the Soviet government has want-
ed no treaty and has devoted itself to pre-
paring to overcome our nuclear lead.
The President's decision to resume testing
is intended to prevent the Soviet Union from
getting the lead, and it is based on the con-
viction-which is also the Soviets' conviction
-that' there can be no security without su-
premacy. While those convictions exist, there
can be no nuclear test ban treaty.
THUS THE RACE goes on, and we ask our-
selves whether it can ever be brought to
an end. To answer that question, we must enter
the field of speculation.
If we say that the race will end when there
is nuclear equality which both sides can accept,
then it may be that' this condition would
exist if both sides invented and discovered
an effective anti-missile defense.
The prevailing scientific opinion is that this
is improbable if not impossible and it would,
of course, be a spectacular breakthrough. A
workable equality might also prevail if each
side were able to construct an invulnerable
retaliatory or second strike force, one which
would surivea nv rind of nre-emntiv attack-

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By JAMES NICHOLS
Daily Staff Writer
APPARENTLY because of a pro-
posed governmental shift to the
left, Burma's military leader, Gen.
Ne Win, has assumed . control of
the nation for the second time in
40 months. This time, the near-
bloodless coup seemed not to have
the support of Premier U Nu, as
the first one did, but again the
people of Burma have received.
the s h i f t without noticeable
change in their daily life.
In 1957; Nu's government found
itself faced with eight separate
rebellions. The rulers of the 33
near-autonomous feudal princi-
palities in Northern and Eastern
Burma agitated for freedom from
the Rangoon government. Refugee
soldiers of the defeated National-
ist Chinese armies lived by orga-
ed banditry along the Chinese bor-
der, and two separate and quarrel-
ing Communist factions waged in-
termittent guerrilla war against
the Burmese army.
* * *
U NU is botha shrewd politi-
cian and a gentle- man, He is a
Buddhist, as are virtually all the
Burmese people, and he frequently
threatens to leave politics for the
peace and order of a monastery.
The neutral Socialisf governs a
nation with a 1,500-mile Chinese
boundary.
As a neutralist, Nu tried to
avoid commitment to either side
of the "cold war." His UN dele-
gation joined (as India's did not)
in condemning Russia's brutal
suppression of the 1956 Hungarian
revolt, but he has also attacked
the United States for permitting
weapons given to Formosa to be
used by Nationalist Chinese guer-
rillas against his troops.
Nu regards neutralism as some-
thing to be actively practiced, and
says he feels it is his duty to rec-
oncile the hostile halves of the
world. "In Peiping, I told the Chi-
nese how good the Americans are.
In Washington, I told the Ameri-
cans how good the' Chinese are.
Some persons are apt to forget
these things in the heat of the
moment," he once said.
* *. *
IN 1957, hoping to end the gen-
eral chaos, Premier Nu proclaimed
general amnesty for the rebels,
promising old crimes would be
forgiven those who laid down their
arms. The move permitted the
Communists to form political par-
ties, which many promptly did.
But the Communist question
split the ruling party into two ir-,
reconcilable factions. The party,
ponderously named the "Anti-Fas-
cist People's Freedom League,"
disagreed on the wisdom of le-
galizing the Communist movement.

of the League met illegally and
'expelled the Premier. By Septem-
ber of 1958$, each faction was
charging the other with stockpiling
arms and fomenting civil war.
Finally seeing no other recourse,
Nu balled on General Win, popu-
lar commander in chief of the
armed forces, to try to form a
stable government with the gen-
eral at its head.
"We intended to hold general
elections in November," Nu told
the people of Burma, "but we came
to realize that the public elec-
tions could not be free and fair.
I invited General Ne Win to
make arrangements essential for
holding such 'elections within six
months. I am happy to say Ne Win
has accepted my invitation.''
4. * *
NE WIN was a very well-liked
figurq, both by the Burmese and
by his many American friends. He
was an important figure in the
post-independence transformation
period of 1949-50, serving for a
time as: deputy premier. He had
fought against the British colon-
ialists in Burma, and continued
the independellce struggle during
World War II in a temporary al-
liance with the Japanese, whom
he later fought against.
The quick-tempered profession-
al soldier with the winning smile
emerged from the war andthe in-
cessant guerrilla fighting with a
deep hatred for Communists.
THOUGH WIN failed to rectify
the entire nation within six
months, he made remarkable prog-
ress in ousting corruption and in-
efficiency in Rangoon. He refus-
ed loans from either East or West
at first, adding bluntly that they
were not needed. The rice-rich
nation had good harvests in suc-
cession, bringing production close
to pre-war levels, and Win's deci-
sion to accept American financial
aid gave the nation a Rangoon-
Mandalay highway which helped
ip the transport of crops.
By February, 1960, the success
of the Burmese army in suppress-
ing the Communist Rebels freed
them to insure a peaceful elec-
tion. U Nu's faction won over its
former League-members by an
overwhelming majority, and Ne
Win, as promised, turned over the
government to him.
Whether this remarkable act
will be repeated following the
present crisis remains to be seen.
Geography
~ FORMER FIRST LADY Eleanor
Roosevelt recently disclosed the
thought of giving nuclear weapons
to the West Germans "terrified"

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