"How do you spell Czechoslovakia?"
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WEDNESDAY, JULY 31,1968
NIGHT EDITOR: HENRY GRIX
Message fromi thePope:
Surely not 'ife'
POPE PAUL'S encyclical on "artificial"
birth control was entitled "Of Human
Life." The title is, perhaps, significant in
more ways than he intended.
The Pope contends in the, encyclical
that it is immoral and, indeed, sinful to
use artificial -methods of birth control.
He even hints that the "natural" or
rhythm method, approved by the Church
in 1930, is not altogether free fron taint.
This teaching (and it is a teaching -
the Pope did not issue his letter "from
the chair of Peter" which would have
made it, according to the Church, infal-
lible and would have bound all Catholics
to it on penalty of mortal sin) was not
at all unexpected - even in light of the
recommendations of the Ecumenical
Council that the Church's stand on birth
control be liberalized.
The Pope justifies his letter on moral
rather than scriptural grounds. Use of
artificial birth control, he argues, would
cheapen the union of marriage - would
encourage the spread of the idea that
sex is for pleasure rather than procrea-
tion and lead to adultery, a mortal sin.
Thus, artificial birth control is a tempta-
tion to the user.
THIS PART of the Pope's letter is a hard
one to defend. The distinction here
between "artificial" means of birth con-
trol and the approved rhythm method is
tenuous at best. For the Pope encourages
research into "natural" birth control to
increase its admittedly uncerain effec-
tiveness. It would seem to follow that if
research were to uncover a truly safe
means of "natural" birth control, the
fears of the Pope would be applicable to
it as well as to the "artificial" methods.
The temptation comes from the method's
being safe - whatever the method used.
A man or woman who is tempted to in-
fidelity by the pill would be tempted just
as surely by effective rhythm.
The whole argument seems to rest on
the use of fear as a means of avoiding
temptation to sin. The pronouncement,
coning as it does in the wake of a liberal
(Ecumenical Council that stressed the
moral responsibility of the individual for
his own salvation, seems an unnecessary
counter-reform in its return to the use
of fear tactics to justify a still uncerain
THE POPE must also be aware of the
grave implications his pronouncement
has in terms of population pressure and
All over the world, children are starv-
ing because their parents did not prac-
tice birth control - whether out of pov-
erty, ignorance, morality or fear - and
cannot afford to feed them. The sugges-
tion of one Spanish Cardinal that em-
ployers raise the salaries of workers with
large families sounds alarmingly like
Marie Antoinette calling "Let them eat
It was Thomas Malthus who first
painted the bleak picture of what will
happen if population growth is not
checked soon. Mass starvation and an in-
ability of all the world's resources to even
marginally support all its people is not
a pretty picture. Perhaps the Pope should
have considered more seriously the long-
range effects of his pronouncement. He
has solved the dilemma of temptation
now or death tomorrow by banning to-
When the tomorrow of Malthus arrives,
the Pope might reconsider the titling of
his encyclical - perhaps "life" was the
196& Tbo V
and Tribune gat.
sUDDENLY and sadly, because his hectic gallantry is so engaging,
we know that Gov. Rockefeller has failed to stop Mr. Nixon.
We knew it last Wednesday when Sen. Thurston Morton, the
Governor's Washington campaign manager, announced with gratifica-
tion that half the Texas delegation would withhold its votes from
Nixon and give them to Gov. Reagan.
This desperate dependence on Reagan gives the game away. Mr.
Nixon need only sit and wait. Reagan is clearly in business for himself.
He is one of those accidents of politics who begins to mistake his
accident for destiny.
A long time ago, Rockefeller might have set Reagan's wandering
fancy on the Vice Presidency. It is too late for a maneuver that deli-
cate; Reagan has been permitted to daydream too long; he now thinks
of himself as a Presidential candidate. He might get the votes of a
hundred Southern delegates offended by Nixon's practical disposition.
He cannot get any more than that; the figure is at once too low to set
him in real motion as a candidate and enough to scare back to Nixon
too many moderates now tempted by Rockefeller.
IF ROCKEFELLER'S vote and Reagan's together are enough to
stop Nixon on the first ballot, Rockefeller has bought time and very
little else. Rockefeller is just not a compromise nominee. His one
hope has been to persuade the delegates that he is a stronger national
candidate than Nixon. But the polls suggest that Reagan would be a
far weaker candidate than Nixon. Thus when Sen. Morton reports a
large Texas defection to Reagan, he is offering a reason not why
Rockefeller should take heart but why he should despair. A delegate
who switches from Nixon to Reagan puts his principles; depresping as
they are, above his desire to win an election.
Reagan then, if he wished, could not deliver these delegates to
Rockefeller. Their own inclinations' and Nixon's cunningly devised
blocks make that trip inconceivable. Nixon has the support of Barry
Goldwater, of Sen. Dirksen, who nominated Goldwater in 1964, and of
Sen. John Tower, the steward of what remains of the Goldwater spirit
in the Congress. All have larger authority with the faithful than Rea-
gan; and the little house they have built on the road is the place any
lonely Reagan delegate will stop and stay, long before he gets to
And then everytime the Rockefeller people suggest that Reagan
is a formidable contender, they cannot escape alarming those practical
spirits like Gov. Rhodes of Ohio who doubt that Nixon is as strong a
potential candidate as Rockefeller. Rhodes knows that the only chance
of a real disaster in Ohio would be for the Republicans to nominate
Ronald Reagan; if he had the faintest suspicion that a convention
exhausted by the deadlock which is Rockefeller's only chance might
turn to Reagan, he would clutch desperately at Nixon instead.
OF COURSE, Nixon knows ways to lose unimagined by ordinary
reason; but, he shows no signs of that weakness now; he has never
seemed so comfortable with himself. The danger of blunder would
seem in fact to lie all on the side of his rivals, on panic by Reagan
leaners at the thought of Rockefeller or panic by Rockefeller leaners
at the thought of Reagan. He said the fratricidal divisions of his
party have worked perfectly in his cause. Be a delegate a liberal in
Rockefeller's camp or a conservative in Reagan's, once he heads for
an exit there is no road for him that does not lead to Nixon.
Nixon deserves this prize if nothing else within the gift of Ameri-
cans. He knows his party, as Reagan does not bother or Rockefeller
condescend to. The Republican Party is a branch of studies neglected
by every scholar except Richard Nixon. Now we shall again have a
chance to know whether he has mastered the mystery of America.
SLetters0 to theEdtor
BNB WS AA3 'gJ,.S/G -TME41. . iBb124 a
James M. Hare's'
politics of power
"HUMPHREY UNITY" claimed two vic-
tims last week when Secretary of
State James M. Hare fired two close as-
sistants who refused to support the Vice
President in his bid for the Democratic
Hare's justification of the decision on
the grounds that his position is "both
partisan and elective" does not make the
action any less obnoxious.
APPROXIMATELY two years ago, Ann
Arbor was one of five cities in the
nation being considered as the site for
the world's largest atomic reactor. After
considerable efforts to land this giant
defense installation, sure to provide jobs
and other economic benefits to the com-
munity, Ann Arbor's p.r. men failed, and
the contract was granted to Weston, Ill.
Now, it seems, Weston has reaped an-
other benefit in addition to the 6000 jobs
that the government promised: To make
way for the giant installation, the New
York Times said, the city literally had to
vote itself out of existence.
When Weston was picked, it was sad
that Ann Arbor wasn't named as the
site. Now that this added feature has
become clear, I feel even worse. It would
have been the best thing to ever happen
to this town.
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DANIEL OKRENT....... .............Co-Editor
URBAN LEHNER.................. ..Co-Editor
As chief of the largest patronage con-
cern in the state, Hare holds the threat
of compulsory unemployment over the
heads of very many appointees, ranging
from fee branch managers to deputy sec-
retaries. The position, needless to say, has
tremendous political influence.
THE OFFICE and its director offer a sad
commentary on the Democratic party
and the American political system in
Hare's action, described by Ann Arbor
city councilman and national convention
delegate Leroy Cappaert as "repulsive,"
leaves little doubt that the Humphrey
people demand unity in Chicago at any
cost - even the political purge of "mav-
The dismissal of Hare's assistants raises
serious question as to the sincerity of
the claim by Humphrey supporters that
they seek an open convention. The release
of unit rule delegates seems farcical when
other party members are forcibly coerced
into supporting the candidate.
Furthermore, at this late stage in the
campaign, nearly all the convention dele-
gates having been chosen, there is little
the two minor political appointees could
have done to affect its outcome.
THEREFORE, it appears, Hare's action,
was nothing more than vindictive
punishment for failure to obey the politi-
cal dictates of one's boss.
The )entire situation closely parallels
the continued obsequious conduct of can-
didate Humphrey, who himself feels ob-
ligated to support lame-duck Lyndon on
the war, the Kerner Report, or any of the
other important issues of the day.
It is apparently the philosophy of
Humphrey and his political hacks that
absolute obedience is owed political
bosses by their underlings. They neither
prevented Hare from firing the two men,
nor criticized him after the act.
IRONICALLY, Hare has only hurt the
Humphrey campaign by adding to the
alienation of the McCarthy Democrats.
And this might well destroy the party's
n'tl t n c in.m i-1. nha11mn(T PianrA
By WALTER SHAPIRO
Associate Editorial Director
BASEBALL and politics are kin-
dred activities, the two na-
tional pastimes with the longest
That's why it was so fitting
that what was intended to be a
massive delegate-intimidating ral-
ly for Senator Eugene McCarthy
was held in Tiger Stadium last
What the rally suffered from
was the boredom of the intensely
serious. Maybe that's what's wrong
with politics as well. Today too
many Americans really believe
that the election of Eugene Mc-
Carthy would make life particu-
Instead politics and baseball
should be cherished because they
provide the best larger than life
drama we've got.
Baseball, with its elaborate bat-
ting and slugging averages, poli-
tics with its many polls and in-
volved vote totals, are both de-
signed to appeal to the statis-
tically oriented, those quixotic
few who demand some small de-
gree of predictability from this
While it is the bane of many
sensitive baseball fans that only
politics is bathed with that special
aura of public service and good
citizenship, the slow pace of the
entertainment in Tiger Stadium
brought to mind some other, less
obvious, differences between these
two crucial spectator sports.
This season, the Tigers' long and
dreary record of unfulfilled p-
tential makes them sentimental
favorites to capture their first
pennant in 23 years. But senti-
mental favorites or not, the Ti-
gers know they have t win the
flag themselves on th playing
EUGENE McCARTHY, on the
other hand, is basing his faint
hopes of winning the Democratic
nomination primarily on the emo-
tional impact of his being the
underdog, another sentimental fa-
The McCarthy strategy is predi-
cated on the politicians becoming
so bored with the impending nom-
ination of Vice President Humph-
rey that it will affect their po-
litical judgement. And as a result
they will regard the nomination
of the anti-war crusader, from
Minnesota as the only way to in-
ject suspense into the drab pro-
ceedings in Chicago and restore
the interest of the fans in the
Since the Minnesota Senator's
only chance of nomination lies in
the implicit dreariness of a
Humphrey campaign, it is ironic
and somewhat paradoxical that
the McCarthy campaign contin-
ues to be so unbearably dull.
Beginning with the relatively
disappointing turnout, the entire
Tiger Stadium rally was an utter
fiasco. There was something total-
ly pathetic about the "Warren
Loves McCarthy" sign taped to
the upper right field stands, when
no one from Warren or anywhere
else was sitting any closer than
200 yards away.
AFTER TWO AND adhalf hous
of droning speeches and inept en-
tertainment, the greyishncandi-
date whom everyone had been
waiting for finally arrived. And
the climax of the evening was
reached seconds before he even
began to speak.
As McCarthy stepped to the
microphone, the whole stadium
fnoused on the anguish of the lo-
ored balloons sailing every which
way into the lights of Tiger Sta-
dium, there were instead four
bunches of 20 balloons each which
drifted futilely out of the stadium,
and presumably landed somewhere
in the nearby ghetto.
THE McCARTHY SPEECH was
billed as a major policy address
on the "urba-n crisis," but the
multi-colored balloons in batches
of 20 represented just about the
most concrete thing McCarthy had
to offer the ghetto.
'By now few expect great
speeches from McCarthy, but
these steadily declining expecta-
tions still don't excuse his pen-
chant for saying almost nothing
worthy of remembering.
THE BULK OF the short speech
was devoted to constantly reiter-
ating that the war in Vietnam is
bad and how moral the candidate
was to pursue his self-interest
when he made his ostensibly dar-
ing gamble last November.
As near as one could tell from
the limp prose, the McCarthy for-,
mula for the ghettbs is ending the
war, promising a few more houses
than LBJ, hinting at a guaran-
issues which generated his un-
likely campaign in the first place.
Judging from events like the
Detroit rally, the McCarthy cam-
paign represents the embarrass-
ingly pathetic denouement of the
ineffectual history of pure and un-
sullified American liberalism.
It is significant exactly who
McCarthy attracted to Tiger Sta-
dium for his major policy address
on urban affairs-98 per cent of
the audience were upper middle
class whites who converged on the
ball park from tree-shaded sub-
urbs and well-manicured campus
It was a shirt-sleeve crowd -
the young reflecting the casual-
ness of the times, the old almost in
homage to the ball park itself.
And in a way, the presence of all
of them in Tiger Stadium on the
edge of the ghetto was almost de-
meaning. Almost a denial of ev-
erything they are fighting for.
IN A WAY-perhaps a cruel
way-the whole McCarthy candi-
dacy can be regarded as a desper-
ate effort by the affluent to make
politics safe for the Upper Middle
The whole McCarthy campaign
has been a high-minded attempt
to purge from the political process
the smell of sweat mixed with
acid cigar smoke, to end the
meaningless hand-grabbing and
back-slapping of whistle stops.
The goal has been to campaign
without special appeals to the
provincial, to ethnic and racial
groups and to replace this kind
of old-fashidned politics with
something better, som e th in g
cleaner, something higher.
All this would be fine except
that what emerged as the new
politics has really been the poli-
tics of sterility, the politics of an
By not making appeals to pe-
cific groups, McCarthy has con-
veniently managed to all but ig-
nore the problems of specific
groups. Not only can't McCarthy
talk to the black community, he
can't even reach leftish whites
who feel concerned about the
ONE IS REMINDED of that
epic remark that McCarthy made
while campaigning in Oregon.
"All the educated seem to be for
me and the uneducated for Ken-
No one but the most myopic
Democrat could honestly be of-
fended by this kind of remark.
For whether we admit it or not,
underneath most of us are elit-
ists, believers in the elite of the
But the whole problem is that
this year the elites, the best-
educated, have shown the exec-
rable political judgement.
Even to someone congenitally
anti-Kennedy, the late Senator is
beginning to become sorely missed.
His assassination taught some
about the dangers of using poli-
tics as an emotional release.
For Kennedy did not deserve all
the vituperation he received from
many on the political left. For
while there /was much that was
contrived and much that was
shallow in his campaign, at least
his whole appeal was not predi-
cated on an intellectual sterility
of the most perverse sort.
BUT WITH THE dead - espe-
cially the tragically dead - there
are no ways in which these errors
of emotionally based judgement
teed annual income, and suggest-
ing a wisp of black control over
some Federal funds.
Even the faithful will generally
acknowledge McCarthy's weakness
on domestic matters,but to them
his courageous and principled
stand on Vietnam excuses all.
However, it is ironic that even
this single issue, Vietnam, has all
but faded from the public con-
sciousness ever since Bland Gene
began his much-vaunted crusade.
For the anguish of the liberals
over Vietnam has been trans-
formed into their agonizing over
the nomination of Hubert Humph-
There is a definite parallel here
to the recent events which shat-
tered France. There the universi-
ties and the factories ground to a
halt as first the students and then
the workers demanded control
over their own lives. And due to
the inadequacy and the irrele-
vance of the political left in
France, the students looked to di-
rect action and not the political
process as the arena in which to
make their demands felt.
After some indecision, the wily
Charles de 1Gaulle responded by
calling a general election which
pitted the impotent parties of the
left against the previously unre-
sponsive Gaullist government.
In an election where the inter-
ests of the students and the work-
ers were almost totally unrepre-
sented. de Gaulle won a mandate
The following letter is a copy
of a communication sent to
President Fleming; the Univer-
sity Regents; Ernest Zimmer-.
man, Chairman of the Fee
Committee; and Don E. Beach,
Director of Registration.
To the Editor:
THIS LETTER is written in
protest of the gross inequity
inherent in the University fee as-
sessment schedule used for the
Spring-Summer, Spring and Sum-
mer Half-terms, effective August,
I am a Michigan resident and
an undergraduate student in the
College of Literature, Science and
the Arts. Due to the necessity of
my taking courses in all three of.
the summer terms, I am being as-
sessed a full term minimum fee
of $30.00 and two half-term mini-
mum fees of $18.00 each, in ad-
dition to $18.00 per credit hour.
This means that I am paying
$210.00 rather than $174.00 for
eight credit hours.
I have been told that is re-
quired because the fee chart is
oriented toward simplified book-
The phrase "minimum fee" is
not appropriate because this is
not merely the minimum amount
acceptable to the University. It
is a base fee which all students.
must pay in addition to the per
credit hour assessment. The Di-
rector of Registration has ex-
plained the fee to me as a type
of service charge for the educa-
tional facilities of the University
which are placed at the student's
disposal for a term.
FEW STUDENTS would argue
against the relevance of this.
"service charge." Hiowever, all
should question the reasoning be-
hind the assessment. of 'a $30.00'
base fee for the Winter and Fall
terms, and a $66.00 base fee for
the Spring-Summer term. (This
assumes the student elects courses
in each' of the three summer
terms. If the student should elect
courses in the Spring-Summer
term and the Spring or the Sum-
mer Half-term, the fee becomes
$48.00. If courses are elected only
in the Spring-Summer term, the
fee remains $30.00.) Rather than
charge this fee on a -per credit
hour basis, it is applied against
the first credit hour elected (i.e.,
the first credit hour in a full
term costs $48.00, while the first
credit hour in a half-term cost
$36.00-this is indicative of the
graduate student elects eight
hours in the Spring-Summer
term, he pays $174.00 If he car-
ries the same number of hours,
but elects four hours in the
Spring-Summer term and two
hours in each of the half-terms,
he pays $210.00. Choosing an-
other combination, a student may
take five hours in a half-term
and pay $105.00, or five hours in
the Spring-Summer term and pay
$120.00. Speaking in terms rela-
tibe to the fee schedule, the Uni-
versity is favored in the first in-
stance, while the student is favor-
ed in the second.
NUMEROUS 'SUCH combina-
tions can be t found in the fee
schedule, as many students have
discovered. The problem is greatly
increased for the inon-resident
graduate student, whose losses.
can reach several hundred dollars.
(This is well illustrated by the
various combinations in which a
non-resident graduate can elect
to take four hours credit in a
given summer.) Though I am not
directly concerned with the plight
of the graduate non-Michigan
student, it is the same mechanism
within the fee schedule which
causes' the ineqUity. The all-Uni-
versity tuition rates may be equal-
ized from the institutional stand-
point by groups such as the res-
ident nurses ;paying' only $55.00
per term regardless of credit hours
elected; however, the injustice, to
the (students who are over-paying
is more than I care to bear with-
I hope that in bringing this
problem to your attention, some
corrective action , can soon be
-Linda Carter, '69
To the Editor:
PERMIT me to mention the fol-
lowing errors of fact which ap-
peared in The Daily' July 30 in
an article by Nadine Cohodas re-
garding the filn "Flaming Crea-
First, Hebert Cohen is not the
faculty supervisor of the Cinema
Guild. He is an employe of the
Guild and holds the position of
Second, at no time did the U.S.
Supreme Court rule upon the ob-
scenity of "Flaming Creatures."
The Court did grant a motion to
dismiss and did 'deny an appeal as
moot in a case involving "Flam-
ing Creatures" (Jacobs, et al v.
N.Y.-388 US 431). The effect of
this was no more than to let a