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FRIDAY JULY 19, 1968 NIGHT EDITOR: STEVE NISSEN
Untimely action:
The Regents and the bylaws
PRESIDENT Robben Fleming is bringing
to the Regents today for their consid-
eration a new chapter for the book of
bylaws under which the University oper-
ates. On its face, there is nothing unusual
about this; the Regents have been re-
writing the University's bylaws over the
past several years, and this simply rep-
resents another step in the continuing
process of updating these bylaws, which
were last revised in 1952.
What is unusual and disheartening
about Fleming's proposal is that it
threatens to negate the gains which have
been made in the past several years to-
ward the goal of making the University
a more democratic institution.
Here are several sections of Fleming's
proposal which most graphically illus-
trate how it threatens to undo that which
hasleen done toward giving members of
the University community a say in the
University's decision-making processes:
-7.12 (3) "All offenses of students
against good order and proper conduct
committed in any classroom or laboratory
in the presence of any instructor may be
dealt with summarily by the instruc-
tor ..." This means, for example, that
students meeting in a University building
may be forthrightly ejected by any in-
structor if that instructor feels that they
are acting against "good order" and/or
"proper conduct."
-7.12 This section leaves unclear the
questions raised in the above as to who
will formulate "standards of conduct" for
members of the University community
and exactly what those standards shall
be, saying these standards shall be adopt-
ed "by University authorities." It fails to
mention who these authorities might be.
-7.07 This section, which regulates
public meetings addressed by speakers
who are not members of the University's
staff, prohibits such persons from urging
the audience "to take action which is
prohibited by the rules of the Univer-
sity.. "Although this section repre-
sents no substantive changes from the
current bylaws, the current bylaw has
been justifiably ignored in recent years.
Writing it into new bylaws and thus
legitimizing it instead of omitting it, sug-
gests that perhaps current practices in
this area will change.
-7.04 This section, which puts into
bylaw form for the first time recognition
of student government, states that the
Regents must approve the form which
such government will take. This is ab-
surd. The governing body formed by and
for the students should certainly take
any form the students wish it to.
-7.12 (2) In this section, the Regents
would refuse to delegate disciplinary
power over students directly to a student-
run Joint Judiciary Council, but would
leave the power to delegate such author-
ity up to the faculties of the various
Seen one.
"4EEN ONE redwood, seen them all,"
Ronald Reagan once said.
Thanks to Reagan - and California's
powerful lumber interests - Americans
from now on will be seeing very few more.
President Johnson Monday signed into
law the House version of a bill creating
a Redwoods National Park. The House
measure largely takes land from exist-
ing state parks, for a net salvation of
pitifully few thousand acres. The Senate
bill would have saved 33,000 acres of land
now in private hands.
It is difficult to blame Johnson for
this tragedy; the bulldozers and power
saws are posed for destruction now. Had
he vetoed the bill, none of the redwoods
would have been saved.
But it takes almost no effort to con-
demn the greed and selfishness of the
lumber interests, who seem bent on de-
Second class postage paid at Ann Arbor, Michigan
A~~n wl....«.,..~.t t A age tl..a.a gnAf
schools. This removes the judicial func-
tion from the Office of Student Affairs
which is supposedly being restructured.
Several schools have already indicated
that they do not wish to delegate the
judicial authority to student courts,
where it should indeed be vested, follow-
ing the principle of trial by peers.
-7.06 This section states that some
person over 21 must publicly assume le-
gal responsibility for public meetings and
programs sponsored by student organiza-
tions. This is in direct conflict with the
current policy, whereby no names of any
members of any student organizations
are normally made public. Instead, cur-
rently, the names of two members of an
organization are given in confidence to
Student Government Council.
THIS PRACTICE was adopted to pre-
vent a recurrence of the incident in
1966 when the names of the members of
several student organization were handed
over to the House Committee on Un-
American Activities (HUAC) by the Uni-
versity administration without knowledge
or consent of the students involved.
Fleming formulated this proposal alone,
without consulting any students or the
bulk of the University's faculty. This ac-
tion was in direct violation of the spirit
of the Hatcher Commission Report,
wherein all groups affected by a policy
should have a voice in formulating that
policy. Also, many provisions of Fleming's
bylaws are in substantive conflict with
the work currently being done by the
duly-recognized ad hoc student-faculty
committee which is writing bylaw rec-
ommendations covering the establish-
ment of a University Council and a Uni-
versity Judiciary system.
'E AD HOC group, which has been
putting in long hours over the past
five weeks, says that it will be at least
several more months before they are fin-
ished with their work. While waiting for
the group to complete their task, many
of the University's schools and colleges
have made use of their prerogative to es-
tablish non-academic conduct rules by
establishing interim regulations.
Apparently, however, President Flem-
ing is too impatient to make do with
these interim rules and the rules drawn
up by SGC. He feels that the time for
changing the bylaws governing student
conduct is now, and is willing to throw
the good will that has been established
in the University community out the
window.
THIS MUST not be done. There is no
reason to rush. The revision of the by-
laws has taken several years so far, and
it will probably be several more before
the task is completed. President Fleming
must withdraw his proposal and the Re-
gents must be patient with the ad hoc
committee. The proposal must not be
passed at today's Regents' meeting.
-THOMAS R. COPI
Reagan .,..
stroying what should be a treasured pub-
lic heritage for their own profit.
And to deplore Gov. Reagan's support
for their ravages.
THE FINANCIAL journal, Barron's, in
an editorial reprinted on this page a
few weeks ago, criticized left-wing ac-
tivists for their "fantastic view of Amer-
ican society." Indeed, how can this so-
ciety - in which a few men's interests
are consistently placed above the inter-
ests of the public - be viewed as any-
thing less than fantastic?
-URBAN LEHNER
Go, Harold!
NEWS ITEM: The Associated Press re-
ports that Harold Stassen, one-time
Boy Wonder and currently an impas-
sioned candidate for the Presidency, is
claiming 103 delegate votes on the first
ballot at Miami's Republican convention.
Tn nther news. unllv imnaecable
More
EDITOR'S NOTE: This is the
third and final part of an inter-
view with Black Panther Par-
ty Minister of Defense Huey
P. Newton, originally published
in The Movement, a Bay Area
radical newspaper, and supplied
to The Daily by Liberation News
Service. In yesterday's instal-
ment, Newton spoke of the
guerrilla as the perfect man,
because of his unity of mind
and body, and applied this spe-
cifically to black man.
MOVEMENT: Would you be
willing to extend this formula
in terms of white radicals; to
say that one of their struggles
today is to get back their bo-
dies?
HUEY: Yes. I thought I made
that clear. The white mother
country radical by becoming an
activist is attempting to regain
his body. By being an activist and
not the traditional theoretician
who outlines the plan, as the
Communist Party has been trying
to do for ever so long, the white
mother country radical is regain-
ing his body. The resistance by
white radicals in Berkeley during
the past three nights (July 2-4)
is a good indication that the white
radicals are on the way home.
They have identified their ene-
mies. The white radicals have in-
tegrated theory with practice.
They realize the American sys-
tem is the real enemy but in order
to attack the American system
they must attack the ordinary
cop. In order to attack the educa-
tional system they must attack
the ordinary teacher. Just as the
Vietnamese people to attack the
American system must attack the
ordinary soldier. The white moth-
er country radicals now are re-
gaining their bodies and they're
also recognizing that the black
man has a mind and that he is a
man.
MOVEMENT: Wouldsyou
comment on how this psycho-
logical understanding aids in
the revolutionary struggle?
HUEY: You can see that in
statements that until recently
black people who haven't been en-
lightened have defined the white
man by calling him "the MAN."
"The MAN' 'is making this deci-
sion, "the MAN" this and "the
MAN" that. The black woman
found it difficult to respect the
black man because he didn't even
define himself as a man! Because
he didn't have a mind, because
the decision maker was outside
of himself, But the vanguard
group, the Black Panther Party
(along with all revolutionary
black groups), have regained our
mind and our manhood. There-
fore we no longer define the om-
nipotent administrator as "the,
MAN" . . . or the authority as
"the MAN." Matter of fact the
omnipotent administrator along
with his security agents are less
than a man because WE define
them as pigs!
I think that this is a revolu-
tionary thing in itself. That's po-
litical power. That's power itself.
Mater of fact what is power other
than the ability to define pheno-
menon and then make it act in
a desired manner? When black
people start defining things and
vords f
making it act in a desired man-
ner, then we call this Black
Power!
MOVEMENT: Would you com-
ment further on what you mean
by Black Power?
HUEY: Black Power is really
people power. The Black Panther
Program, Panther Power as we
call it, will implement this peo-
ple's power. We have respect for
all of humanity and we realize
that the people should rule and
determine their destiny. Wipe out
the controller. To have Black
Power doesn't humble or subju-
gate anyone to slavery or oppres-
sion. Black Power is giving power
to people who have not had power
to determine their destiny. We ad-
vocate and we aid any people who
are struggling to determine their
destiny. This is regardless of
color. The Vietnamese say Viet-
nam should be able to determine
its own destiny. Power of the Viet-
namese people. The Latins are
talking about Latin America for
the Latin Americans. Cuba, si and
Yanqui, no. It's not that they
don't want the Yankees to have
any power; they just don't want
them to- have power over them-
selves. They can have power over
themselves. We in the black col-
ony in America want to be able
to have power over our destiny,
and that's black power.
MOVEMENT: How would
you characterize the mood of
black people in America today?
Are they disenchanted, wanting
a larger slice of the pie, or
alienated, not wanting to inte-
grate into Babylon? What do
you think it will take for them
to become alienated and revo-
lutionary?
HUEY: I was going to say dis-
illusioned, but I don't think that
we were under the illusion that
we had freedom in this country.
This society is definitely a deca-
dent one and we realize it. Black
people are realizing it more and
more. We cannot gain our free-
dom under the present system, the
system that is carrying out its
plans of institutionalized racism.
Your question is what will have
to be done to stimulate them to
revolution. I think it's already
being done. It's a matter of time
now for us to educate them to
a program and show them the
way to liberation. The Black Pan-
ther Party is the beacon light to
show black people the way to
liberation.
You notice the insurrections
that have been going to through-
out the country, in Watts, in
Newark, in Detroit. They were all
responses of the people demand-
ing that they have freedom to
determine their destiny, rejecting
exploitation. Now, the Black
Panther Party does not think that
the traditional riots, or Insurrec-
tions, that have taken place are
the answer. It is true that they
have been against the Establish-
ment, they have been against au-
thority and oppression within
their community; but they have
been unorganized. However, black
people have learned from each of
these insurrections.
They learned from Watts. I'm
sure that the people in Detroit
were educated by what happened
in Watts. Perhaps this was wrong
rom
Huey
education. It sort of missed the
mark. It wasn't quite correct ac-
tivity, but the people were educa-
ted through the activity. The peo-
ple of Detroit followed the ex-
ample of the people in Watts, only
they added a little scrutiny to it.
The people in Detroit learned that
the way to put a hurt on the ad-
ministration is to make Molotov
cocktails and to go into the street
in mass numbers. So this was a
matter of learning. The slogan
went up, "burn, baby, burn." Peo-
ple were educated through the
activity and it spread throughout
the country. The people were ed-
ucated on how to resist, but per-,
haps incorrectly.'
WHAT WE HAVE to do as a
vanguard of the revolution is to
correct this through activity: The
large majority of black people are
either illiterate or semi-literate.
They don't read. They need ac-
tivity to follow. This is true of any
colonized people. The same thing
happened in Cuba where it was
necessary for twelve men with
a leadership of Che and Fidel to
the hills and then attack the cor-
rupt administration, to attack the
army who were the protectors of
the exploiters in Cuba. They
could have leafleted the com-
munity and they could have writ-
ten books, but the people would
not respond. They had to act and
the people could see and hear
about it and therefore become
educated on how to respond to
oppression.
In this country black revolu-
tionaries have to set an example.
We can't do the same things that
were done in Cuba because Cuba
is Cuba and the U.S. is the U.S.
Cuba has many terrains to protect
the guerrilla. This country is
mainly urban. We have to work
out new solutions to offset the
power of the country's technology
and communication, its ability to
communicate very rapidly by
telephone and teletype and so
forth. We do have solutions to
these problems and they will be
put into effect. I wouldn't want
to go into the' ways and means
P. Newton
Al
of this, but we will educate
through action. We have to en-
gage in action to make people
want to read our literature. Be-
cause they are not attracted to
all the writing in this country;
there's too much writing. Many
books make one weary.
MOVIMENT: Kennedy be-
fore his death, and to a lesser
extent Rockefeller and Lind-
say and other establishment
liberals, have been talking about
making reforms to give black
people a greater share of the
pie and thus stop any develop-
ig revolutionary movement.
Would you comment on this?
HUEY: I would say this: if a
Kennedy or a Lindsay or anyone
else can give decent housing to all
of our people; if they can give full
employment to our people with a
high standard; if they can give
full control to the black people to
determine the destiny of their
community; if they can give fair
trials in the court system by turn-
ing over the structure to the
community; if they can end
their exploitation o f people
throughout the world; if they can
do all these things they would
have solved the problem. But I
don't believe that under this
present system, under capitalism,
that they will be able to solve
these problems.
I don't think black people
should be fooled by their come-
ons because every one who gets in
office promises to same thing.
They promise full employment
and decent housing; the Great
Society, the New Frontier. All
of these names, but no real bene-
fits. No effects are felt in the
black community, and black peo-
ple are tired of being deceived
and duped. The people must have
full control of the means of pro-
duction. Small black businesses
cannot compete with General
Motors. Thats just out of the
question. General Motors robbed
us and worked us for nothing for
a couple hundred years and took
our money and set up factories
and became fat and rich and then
talks about giving us some of the
crumbs. We want full control,
We're not interested in anyone
promising that the private own-
ers are going to all of a sudden
become human beings and give
these things to our community. It
hasnt ever happened and, based
on empirical evidence, we don't
except them to become Buddhists
over night.
MOVEMENT: We raised this
question not because we feel
that these reforms are possible,
but rather to get your ideas to
what effects such attempted re-
forms might have on the revo-
lutionary struggle.
HUEY: I think that reforms
pose no real threat. The revolu-
tion has always been in the hands
of the young. The young always
inherit the revolution. The young
population is growing at a very
rapid rate and they are very dis-
pleased with the authorities. They
want control. I doubt that under
the present system any kind of
program can be launched that
will be able to buy off all these
young people. They have not been
able to do it with the poverty
program, the great society, etc.
This country has never been able
to employ all of its people simply
because it's too interested in pri-
vate property and the profit mo-
tive. A bigger poverty program
is just what it says it is, a pro-
gram to keep the people in pov-
erty. So I don't think that there
is any real threat from reforms.
MOVEMENT: Would you like
to say something about the
Panthers' organizing, especially
in terms of the youth?
HUEY: The Panthers represent
a cross section'of the black com-
munity. We have older people as
well as younger people. The
younger people of course are the
ones who are seen on the streets.
They are the activists. They are
the real vanguard of change be-
cause they haven't been indoc-
trinated any they haven't sub-
mitted. They haven't been beaten
thers. Of course, by the very na-
ture of their being prisoners
they can see the oppression and
they have suffered at the hands
of the Gestapo. They have reacted
to it. The black prisoners have all
joined the Panthers, about 95%
of them. Now the jail is all Pan-
ther and the police are very wor-
ried about this. The white prison-
ers can identify with us because
they realize that they are not in
control. They realize that there's
someone controlling them and the
rest of the world with guns. They
want some control over their
lives also. The Panthers in jail
have been educating them and so
we are going along with the revo-
lution inside of jail.
MOVEMENT: What has been
the effect of the demonstrations
outside the jail calling for "Free
Huey"?
HUEY: Very positive reactions.
One demonstration, I don't re-
member which one, a couple of
trusties, white trusties, held a
cardboard sign out the laundry
window reading "Free Huey."
They say people saw it and re-
sponded to it. They were very en-
thusiastic about the demonstra-
tors because they too suffer from
being treated unfairly by the pa-
role authorities and by the police
here in the jail. -
MOVEMENT: The Panthers'
organizing efforts have been
very open up until this point.
Would you like to comment
about the question of an un-
derground political.organiza-
tion at this point in the strug-
gle?
HUEY: Yeah. Some of the
black nationalist groups feel that
they have to be underground be-
cause they'll be attacked. But we
don't feel that you can romanti-
cize being underground. They say
we're romantic because we're try-
ing to live revolutionary lives, and
we are not taking precautions.
But we say that the only way we
would go underground is if we're
driven underground. All real rev-
olutionary movements are driv-
en underground. Take the rev-
olution in Cuba. The agitation
that was going on while Fidel was
in law school was very much
above ground. Even his existence
in the hills was, so to speak, ,an
above the ground affair because
he was letting it be known who
was doing the damage and why he
was doing the damage. To catch
him was a different story.. The
only way we can educate the peo-
ple is by setting an example for
them. We feel that this is very
necessary.
This is a pre-revolutionary pe-
riod and we feel it is very neces-
sary to educate the people while
we can. So we're very open about
this education. We have been at-
tacked and we will be attacked
even more in the future but we're
not going to go underground un-
til we get ready to go under-
ground because we have a mind
of our own. We're not going to
let anyone force us to do any-
thing. We're going to go under-
ground after we educate all of the
black people and not before that
time. Then it won't really . be
necessary for us to go under-
ground because you can see blak
anywhere. We will just have the
stuff to protect ourselves and the
strategy to offset the great
power that the strong-arm men
of the establishment have and are
planning to use against us.
MOVEMENT: Your com-
ments about the white prisoners
seemed encouraging. Do you see
the possibility of organizing a
white Panther Party in opposi-
tion to the establishment pos-
sibly among poor and working
whites?
HUEY: Well, as I put it before,
Black Power is people's power and
as far as organizing white people
we give white people the privilege
of having a mind and we want
them to get a body. They can or-
ganize themselves. We can tell
them what they should do, what
their responsibility is if they're
going to claim to be white revolu-
tionaries or white mother country
radicals, and that is to arm them-
selves and support the colonies
around the world in their just
struggle against imperialism. But
anything more than' that they
will have to do on their own.
Oh, crap!
BOULDER, Colo. (CPS) -Crit-
ics say it stinks; art students
who created it and their profes-
sors call it a valid art form.
"It" is an art display created by
two University of Colorado grad-
uate students whose primary com-
ponent is horse manure. The
dung, arranged on rows of paper
plates filling a plastic-draped gal-
lery in the CU Memorial Center,
has caused quite a furor on the
University campus - members of
the Board of Regents have called
for its removal; the faculty of the
Fine Arts Department has voted
to support Joan Moment and Jer-
ry Zeniuk, its designers; and more
curious university and townspeo-
ple have probably viewed the dis-
nlav than nnv CT has hnd
ai
Letters to the Editor
To the Editor;
WHILE strolling aloni
University enjoying t
fair yesterday evening,I
a pleasant-looking crew-
shaking hands, talking t
smiling, and acting in ger
a candidate. On further
tion, this person turnedc
none other than Wes Viv
Arbor's favorite liberal.s
his attention, I walked(
introduced myself, shoo
and got straight down toF
of very dear interest to
draft.
How did he stand on t
asked I.
He paused thoughtfu
mentioned his oppositio
Vietnamese unwar, e
how this would lessent
for draftees. To be sure.
mentioned a few reforms
might support (if we w
boys, maybe?), and bega
moan the difficulties of d
ing who was an "ethical"
conscientious objector.I
that some people are s
and unethical as to not
serve the army because t
to live. Ah, how degenen
we become! I then aske
he believed that men hav
to their own lives. He rep
under certain circumst
man doesn't have a rig]
own life,"
I MUST HAVE looke
vinced, because he began
me the "look-buddy-I'v
and - what-the-hell-do-yo
spiel. Since I have in
served, and have no inte
so doing, I nonreacted and
out that the Declaratio
Vivian action every day and I still don't
believe it.
But I digress. Having now
g South reached an impasse, he brought
he street up the point that reduced foreign
I noticed committments would lessen the
cut man need for troops anyway. I men-
o people, tioned that it was only the insti-
neral like tution of the draft that enabled us
r inspec- to take on such committments
out to be in the first place. At this point,
vian, Ann seeing his campaign time being
Catching blown on some filthy radical who
over and can't even vote, he terminated the
k hands conversation, and I walked off
a subject into the crowd.
me: the
AS I MADE my way home I
the draft marvelled at the fact that rights
' which were taken for granted in
1776 are advocated only by radi-
ully and cals today, at the fact that one
n to the man could believe that he had
xplaining the right to control the destiny of
the need another, and that his mind could
He then be more typical of my countrymen
s that he than mine. Oh well, I consoled
ere good myself. Come the Revolution.
n to be- --Jim Rand
ietermin-
selective isfra
It seems To the Editor:
o selfish
want to TOUR editorial entitled "The
,hey want real arms race" (Daily, July
ate have 16) is laced with the half-truths
d him if so common in the bourgeois press.
e a right It is unfortunate The Daily would
lied, "No, print such an editorial. Your g-
ances, a norance of Nigerian history is ap-
ht to his parent.
The Ibos were the first tribe in
Nigeria to be converted to Chris-
d uncon- tianity. They have a longer his-
n to give tory of European contact than
e-served- either the Yorubas of the west or
ou-know" the Hausas of the north. The Ibos'
deed not involvement with the Europeans
ention of dates back to the slave trading era
d pointed when the Ibos were responsible for
n of In- putting thousands of Yorubas and
--Al- is aasintonsanv.The victims
against the Ibo monopoly of the
Nigerian economy. Only a small
part of the incident can be at-
tributed to tribalism.
After the incident, the Ibos emi-
grated back to the Eastern Re-
gion leaving the commerce of the
rest of Nigeria in ruins.
Because of the westernization
and commercial sophistication of
the Ibos, American and European
multinational companies began
some time ago to develop an in-
dustrial complex in the Eastern
Region. Oil was discovered there
recently. When the Ibos pro-
claimed the sovereign state of Bi-
afra, the prizes were the industrial
complex and the oil and the even-
tual impoverishment of what re-
mained of Nigeria.
When fighting began, both sides
were poorly armed. Britain sup-
ported Nigeria because of Com-
monwealth ties. The Soviet Un-
ion, realizing the economic impli-
cations of the creation of Biafra,
supported Nigeria. The U.S. would
have liked to recognize Biafra but
could not because of British pres-
sure. The U.S. proclaimed neutral-
ity while her businessmen and
their neo-colonial allies covertly
armed Biafra. Africans" did not
appreciate the American's stand.
It is interesting that Biafran re-
lief has come via Portugal. The
repressive and ruthless colonial
policy of Portugal makes that
country despised by the black peo-
ple of Africa.,
The Ibos must fight, for they
feel they are fighting for their
lives. The Ibos should be aware,
however, that they created the
situation that now exists. They
must be aware that they are re-
sponsible for the quagmire that
they now find themselves in.
The federal troops of Nigeria
have been ruthless. I do not con-
rtnn t+s Tn,+ +he Thns .vpr.: