Seventy-seven years of editorial freedom Edited and managed by students of the University of Michigan under authority of Board in Control of Student Publications 420 Maynard St., Ann Arbor, Mich. News Phone: 764-0552 Editorials printed in The Michigan Daily exp ress the individual opinions of staff writers or the editors. This must be noted in all reprints. FRIDAY JULY 19, 1968 NIGHT EDITOR: STEVE NISSEN Untimely action: The Regents and the bylaws PRESIDENT Robben Fleming is bringing to the Regents today for their consid- eration a new chapter for the book of bylaws under which the University oper- ates. On its face, there is nothing unusual about this; the Regents have been re- writing the University's bylaws over the past several years, and this simply rep- resents another step in the continuing process of updating these bylaws, which were last revised in 1952. What is unusual and disheartening about Fleming's proposal is that it threatens to negate the gains which have been made in the past several years to- ward the goal of making the University a more democratic institution. Here are several sections of Fleming's proposal which most graphically illus- trate how it threatens to undo that which hasleen done toward giving members of the University community a say in the University's decision-making processes: -7.12 (3) "All offenses of students against good order and proper conduct committed in any classroom or laboratory in the presence of any instructor may be dealt with summarily by the instruc- tor ..." This means, for example, that students meeting in a University building may be forthrightly ejected by any in- structor if that instructor feels that they are acting against "good order" and/or "proper conduct." -7.12 This section leaves unclear the questions raised in the above as to who will formulate "standards of conduct" for members of the University community and exactly what those standards shall be, saying these standards shall be adopt- ed "by University authorities." It fails to mention who these authorities might be. -7.07 This section, which regulates public meetings addressed by speakers who are not members of the University's staff, prohibits such persons from urging the audience "to take action which is prohibited by the rules of the Univer- sity.. "Although this section repre- sents no substantive changes from the current bylaws, the current bylaw has been justifiably ignored in recent years. Writing it into new bylaws and thus legitimizing it instead of omitting it, sug- gests that perhaps current practices in this area will change. -7.04 This section, which puts into bylaw form for the first time recognition of student government, states that the Regents must approve the form which such government will take. This is ab- surd. The governing body formed by and for the students should certainly take any form the students wish it to. -7.12 (2) In this section, the Regents would refuse to delegate disciplinary power over students directly to a student- run Joint Judiciary Council, but would leave the power to delegate such author- ity up to the faculties of the various Seen one. "4EEN ONE redwood, seen them all," Ronald Reagan once said. Thanks to Reagan - and California's powerful lumber interests - Americans from now on will be seeing very few more. President Johnson Monday signed into law the House version of a bill creating a Redwoods National Park. The House measure largely takes land from exist- ing state parks, for a net salvation of pitifully few thousand acres. The Senate bill would have saved 33,000 acres of land now in private hands. It is difficult to blame Johnson for this tragedy; the bulldozers and power saws are posed for destruction now. Had he vetoed the bill, none of the redwoods would have been saved. But it takes almost no effort to con- demn the greed and selfishness of the lumber interests, who seem bent on de- Second class postage paid at Ann Arbor, Michigan A~~n wl....«.,..~.t t A age tl..a.a gnAf schools. This removes the judicial func- tion from the Office of Student Affairs which is supposedly being restructured. Several schools have already indicated that they do not wish to delegate the judicial authority to student courts, where it should indeed be vested, follow- ing the principle of trial by peers. -7.06 This section states that some person over 21 must publicly assume le- gal responsibility for public meetings and programs sponsored by student organiza- tions. This is in direct conflict with the current policy, whereby no names of any members of any student organizations are normally made public. Instead, cur- rently, the names of two members of an organization are given in confidence to Student Government Council. THIS PRACTICE was adopted to pre- vent a recurrence of the incident in 1966 when the names of the members of several student organization were handed over to the House Committee on Un- American Activities (HUAC) by the Uni- versity administration without knowledge or consent of the students involved. Fleming formulated this proposal alone, without consulting any students or the bulk of the University's faculty. This ac- tion was in direct violation of the spirit of the Hatcher Commission Report, wherein all groups affected by a policy should have a voice in formulating that policy. Also, many provisions of Fleming's bylaws are in substantive conflict with the work currently being done by the duly-recognized ad hoc student-faculty committee which is writing bylaw rec- ommendations covering the establish- ment of a University Council and a Uni- versity Judiciary system. 'E AD HOC group, which has been putting in long hours over the past five weeks, says that it will be at least several more months before they are fin- ished with their work. While waiting for the group to complete their task, many of the University's schools and colleges have made use of their prerogative to es- tablish non-academic conduct rules by establishing interim regulations. Apparently, however, President Flem- ing is too impatient to make do with these interim rules and the rules drawn up by SGC. He feels that the time for changing the bylaws governing student conduct is now, and is willing to throw the good will that has been established in the University community out the window. THIS MUST not be done. There is no reason to rush. The revision of the by- laws has taken several years so far, and it will probably be several more before the task is completed. President Fleming must withdraw his proposal and the Re- gents must be patient with the ad hoc committee. The proposal must not be passed at today's Regents' meeting. -THOMAS R. COPI Reagan .,.. stroying what should be a treasured pub- lic heritage for their own profit. And to deplore Gov. Reagan's support for their ravages. THE FINANCIAL journal, Barron's, in an editorial reprinted on this page a few weeks ago, criticized left-wing ac- tivists for their "fantastic view of Amer- ican society." Indeed, how can this so- ciety - in which a few men's interests are consistently placed above the inter- ests of the public - be viewed as any- thing less than fantastic? -URBAN LEHNER Go, Harold! NEWS ITEM: The Associated Press re- ports that Harold Stassen, one-time Boy Wonder and currently an impas- sioned candidate for the Presidency, is claiming 103 delegate votes on the first ballot at Miami's Republican convention. Tn nther news. unllv imnaecable More EDITOR'S NOTE: This is the third and final part of an inter- view with Black Panther Par- ty Minister of Defense Huey P. Newton, originally published in The Movement, a Bay Area radical newspaper, and supplied to The Daily by Liberation News Service. In yesterday's instal- ment, Newton spoke of the guerrilla as the perfect man, because of his unity of mind and body, and applied this spe- cifically to black man. MOVEMENT: Would you be willing to extend this formula in terms of white radicals; to say that one of their struggles today is to get back their bo- dies? HUEY: Yes. I thought I made that clear. The white mother country radical by becoming an activist is attempting to regain his body. By being an activist and not the traditional theoretician who outlines the plan, as the Communist Party has been trying to do for ever so long, the white mother country radical is regain- ing his body. The resistance by white radicals in Berkeley during the past three nights (July 2-4) is a good indication that the white radicals are on the way home. They have identified their ene- mies. The white radicals have in- tegrated theory with practice. They realize the American sys- tem is the real enemy but in order to attack the American system they must attack the ordinary cop. In order to attack the educa- tional system they must attack the ordinary teacher. Just as the Vietnamese people to attack the American system must attack the ordinary soldier. The white moth- er country radicals now are re- gaining their bodies and they're also recognizing that the black man has a mind and that he is a man. MOVEMENT: Wouldsyou comment on how this psycho- logical understanding aids in the revolutionary struggle? HUEY: You can see that in statements that until recently black people who haven't been en- lightened have defined the white man by calling him "the MAN." "The MAN' 'is making this deci- sion, "the MAN" this and "the MAN" that. The black woman found it difficult to respect the black man because he didn't even define himself as a man! Because he didn't have a mind, because the decision maker was outside of himself, But the vanguard group, the Black Panther Party (along with all revolutionary black groups), have regained our mind and our manhood. There- fore we no longer define the om- nipotent administrator as "the, MAN" . . . or the authority as "the MAN." Matter of fact the omnipotent administrator along with his security agents are less than a man because WE define them as pigs! I think that this is a revolu- tionary thing in itself. That's po- litical power. That's power itself. Mater of fact what is power other than the ability to define pheno- menon and then make it act in a desired manner? When black people start defining things and vords f making it act in a desired man- ner, then we call this Black Power! MOVEMENT: Would you com- ment further on what you mean by Black Power? HUEY: Black Power is really people power. The Black Panther Program, Panther Power as we call it, will implement this peo- ple's power. We have respect for all of humanity and we realize that the people should rule and determine their destiny. Wipe out the controller. To have Black Power doesn't humble or subju- gate anyone to slavery or oppres- sion. Black Power is giving power to people who have not had power to determine their destiny. We ad- vocate and we aid any people who are struggling to determine their destiny. This is regardless of color. The Vietnamese say Viet- nam should be able to determine its own destiny. Power of the Viet- namese people. The Latins are talking about Latin America for the Latin Americans. Cuba, si and Yanqui, no. It's not that they don't want the Yankees to have any power; they just don't want them to- have power over them- selves. They can have power over themselves. We in the black col- ony in America want to be able to have power over our destiny, and that's black power. MOVEMENT: How would you characterize the mood of black people in America today? Are they disenchanted, wanting a larger slice of the pie, or alienated, not wanting to inte- grate into Babylon? What do you think it will take for them to become alienated and revo- lutionary? HUEY: I was going to say dis- illusioned, but I don't think that we were under the illusion that we had freedom in this country. This society is definitely a deca- dent one and we realize it. Black people are realizing it more and more. We cannot gain our free- dom under the present system, the system that is carrying out its plans of institutionalized racism. Your question is what will have to be done to stimulate them to revolution. I think it's already being done. It's a matter of time now for us to educate them to a program and show them the way to liberation. The Black Pan- ther Party is the beacon light to show black people the way to liberation. You notice the insurrections that have been going to through- out the country, in Watts, in Newark, in Detroit. They were all responses of the people demand- ing that they have freedom to determine their destiny, rejecting exploitation. Now, the Black Panther Party does not think that the traditional riots, or Insurrec- tions, that have taken place are the answer. It is true that they have been against the Establish- ment, they have been against au- thority and oppression within their community; but they have been unorganized. However, black people have learned from each of these insurrections. They learned from Watts. I'm sure that the people in Detroit were educated by what happened in Watts. Perhaps this was wrong rom Huey education. It sort of missed the mark. It wasn't quite correct ac- tivity, but the people were educa- ted through the activity. The peo- ple of Detroit followed the ex- ample of the people in Watts, only they added a little scrutiny to it. The people in Detroit learned that the way to put a hurt on the ad- ministration is to make Molotov cocktails and to go into the street in mass numbers. So this was a matter of learning. The slogan went up, "burn, baby, burn." Peo- ple were educated through the activity and it spread throughout the country. The people were ed- ucated on how to resist, but per-, haps incorrectly.' WHAT WE HAVE to do as a vanguard of the revolution is to correct this through activity: The large majority of black people are either illiterate or semi-literate. They don't read. They need ac- tivity to follow. This is true of any colonized people. The same thing happened in Cuba where it was necessary for twelve men with a leadership of Che and Fidel to the hills and then attack the cor- rupt administration, to attack the army who were the protectors of the exploiters in Cuba. They could have leafleted the com- munity and they could have writ- ten books, but the people would not respond. They had to act and the people could see and hear about it and therefore become educated on how to respond to oppression. In this country black revolu- tionaries have to set an example. We can't do the same things that were done in Cuba because Cuba is Cuba and the U.S. is the U.S. Cuba has many terrains to protect the guerrilla. This country is mainly urban. We have to work out new solutions to offset the power of the country's technology and communication, its ability to communicate very rapidly by telephone and teletype and so forth. We do have solutions to these problems and they will be put into effect. I wouldn't want to go into the' ways and means P. Newton Al of this, but we will educate through action. We have to en- gage in action to make people want to read our literature. Be- cause they are not attracted to all the writing in this country; there's too much writing. Many books make one weary. MOVIMENT: Kennedy be- fore his death, and to a lesser extent Rockefeller and Lind- say and other establishment liberals, have been talking about making reforms to give black people a greater share of the pie and thus stop any develop- ig revolutionary movement. Would you comment on this? HUEY: I would say this: if a Kennedy or a Lindsay or anyone else can give decent housing to all of our people; if they can give full employment to our people with a high standard; if they can give full control to the black people to determine the destiny of their community; if they can give fair trials in the court system by turn- ing over the structure to the community; if they can end their exploitation o f people throughout the world; if they can do all these things they would have solved the problem. But I don't believe that under this present system, under capitalism, that they will be able to solve these problems. I don't think black people should be fooled by their come- ons because every one who gets in office promises to same thing. They promise full employment and decent housing; the Great Society, the New Frontier. All of these names, but no real bene- fits. No effects are felt in the black community, and black peo- ple are tired of being deceived and duped. The people must have full control of the means of pro- duction. Small black businesses cannot compete with General Motors. Thats just out of the question. General Motors robbed us and worked us for nothing for a couple hundred years and took our money and set up factories and became fat and rich and then talks about giving us some of the crumbs. We want full control, We're not interested in anyone promising that the private own- ers are going to all of a sudden become human beings and give these things to our community. It hasnt ever happened and, based on empirical evidence, we don't except them to become Buddhists over night. MOVEMENT: We raised this question not because we feel that these reforms are possible, but rather to get your ideas to what effects such attempted re- forms might have on the revo- lutionary struggle. HUEY: I think that reforms pose no real threat. The revolu- tion has always been in the hands of the young. The young always inherit the revolution. The young population is growing at a very rapid rate and they are very dis- pleased with the authorities. They want control. I doubt that under the present system any kind of program can be launched that will be able to buy off all these young people. They have not been able to do it with the poverty program, the great society, etc. This country has never been able to employ all of its people simply because it's too interested in pri- vate property and the profit mo- tive. A bigger poverty program is just what it says it is, a pro- gram to keep the people in pov- erty. So I don't think that there is any real threat from reforms. MOVEMENT: Would you like to say something about the Panthers' organizing, especially in terms of the youth? HUEY: The Panthers represent a cross section'of the black com- munity. We have older people as well as younger people. The younger people of course are the ones who are seen on the streets. They are the activists. They are the real vanguard of change be- cause they haven't been indoc- trinated any they haven't sub- mitted. They haven't been beaten thers. Of course, by the very na- ture of their being prisoners they can see the oppression and they have suffered at the hands of the Gestapo. They have reacted to it. The black prisoners have all joined the Panthers, about 95% of them. Now the jail is all Pan- ther and the police are very wor- ried about this. The white prison- ers can identify with us because they realize that they are not in control. They realize that there's someone controlling them and the rest of the world with guns. They want some control over their lives also. The Panthers in jail have been educating them and so we are going along with the revo- lution inside of jail. MOVEMENT: What has been the effect of the demonstrations outside the jail calling for "Free Huey"? HUEY: Very positive reactions. One demonstration, I don't re- member which one, a couple of trusties, white trusties, held a cardboard sign out the laundry window reading "Free Huey." They say people saw it and re- sponded to it. They were very en- thusiastic about the demonstra- tors because they too suffer from being treated unfairly by the pa- role authorities and by the police here in the jail. - MOVEMENT: The Panthers' organizing efforts have been very open up until this point. Would you like to comment about the question of an un- derground political.organiza- tion at this point in the strug- gle? HUEY: Yeah. Some of the black nationalist groups feel that they have to be underground be- cause they'll be attacked. But we don't feel that you can romanti- cize being underground. They say we're romantic because we're try- ing to live revolutionary lives, and we are not taking precautions. But we say that the only way we would go underground is if we're driven underground. All real rev- olutionary movements are driv- en underground. Take the rev- olution in Cuba. The agitation that was going on while Fidel was in law school was very much above ground. Even his existence in the hills was, so to speak, ,an above the ground affair because he was letting it be known who was doing the damage and why he was doing the damage. To catch him was a different story.. The only way we can educate the peo- ple is by setting an example for them. We feel that this is very necessary. This is a pre-revolutionary pe- riod and we feel it is very neces- sary to educate the people while we can. So we're very open about this education. We have been at- tacked and we will be attacked even more in the future but we're not going to go underground un- til we get ready to go under- ground because we have a mind of our own. We're not going to let anyone force us to do any- thing. We're going to go under- ground after we educate all of the black people and not before that time. Then it won't really . be necessary for us to go under- ground because you can see blak anywhere. We will just have the stuff to protect ourselves and the strategy to offset the great power that the strong-arm men of the establishment have and are planning to use against us. MOVEMENT: Your com- ments about the white prisoners seemed encouraging. Do you see the possibility of organizing a white Panther Party in opposi- tion to the establishment pos- sibly among poor and working whites? HUEY: Well, as I put it before, Black Power is people's power and as far as organizing white people we give white people the privilege of having a mind and we want them to get a body. They can or- ganize themselves. We can tell them what they should do, what their responsibility is if they're going to claim to be white revolu- tionaries or white mother country radicals, and that is to arm them- selves and support the colonies around the world in their just struggle against imperialism. But anything more than' that they will have to do on their own. Oh, crap! BOULDER, Colo. (CPS) -Crit- ics say it stinks; art students who created it and their profes- sors call it a valid art form. "It" is an art display created by two University of Colorado grad- uate students whose primary com- ponent is horse manure. The dung, arranged on rows of paper plates filling a plastic-draped gal- lery in the CU Memorial Center, has caused quite a furor on the University campus - members of the Board of Regents have called for its removal; the faculty of the Fine Arts Department has voted to support Joan Moment and Jer- ry Zeniuk, its designers; and more curious university and townspeo- ple have probably viewed the dis- nlav than nnv CT has hnd ai Letters to the Editor To the Editor; WHILE strolling aloni University enjoying t fair yesterday evening,I a pleasant-looking crew- shaking hands, talking t smiling, and acting in ger a candidate. On further tion, this person turnedc none other than Wes Viv Arbor's favorite liberal.s his attention, I walked( introduced myself, shoo and got straight down toF of very dear interest to draft. How did he stand on t asked I. He paused thoughtfu mentioned his oppositio Vietnamese unwar, e how this would lessent for draftees. To be sure. mentioned a few reforms might support (if we w boys, maybe?), and bega moan the difficulties of d ing who was an "ethical" conscientious objector.I that some people are s and unethical as to not serve the army because t to live. Ah, how degenen we become! I then aske he believed that men hav to their own lives. He rep under certain circumst man doesn't have a rig] own life," I MUST HAVE looke vinced, because he began me the "look-buddy-I'v and - what-the-hell-do-yo spiel. Since I have in served, and have no inte so doing, I nonreacted and out that the Declaratio Vivian action every day and I still don't believe it. But I digress. Having now g South reached an impasse, he brought he street up the point that reduced foreign I noticed committments would lessen the cut man need for troops anyway. I men- o people, tioned that it was only the insti- neral like tution of the draft that enabled us r inspec- to take on such committments out to be in the first place. At this point, vian, Ann seeing his campaign time being Catching blown on some filthy radical who over and can't even vote, he terminated the k hands conversation, and I walked off a subject into the crowd. me: the AS I MADE my way home I the draft marvelled at the fact that rights ' which were taken for granted in 1776 are advocated only by radi- ully and cals today, at the fact that one n to the man could believe that he had xplaining the right to control the destiny of the need another, and that his mind could He then be more typical of my countrymen s that he than mine. Oh well, I consoled ere good myself. Come the Revolution. n to be- --Jim Rand ietermin- selective isfra It seems To the Editor: o selfish want to TOUR editorial entitled "The ,hey want real arms race" (Daily, July ate have 16) is laced with the half-truths d him if so common in the bourgeois press. e a right It is unfortunate The Daily would lied, "No, print such an editorial. Your g- ances, a norance of Nigerian history is ap- ht to his parent. The Ibos were the first tribe in Nigeria to be converted to Chris- d uncon- tianity. They have a longer his- n to give tory of European contact than e-served- either the Yorubas of the west or ou-know" the Hausas of the north. The Ibos' deed not involvement with the Europeans ention of dates back to the slave trading era d pointed when the Ibos were responsible for n of In- putting thousands of Yorubas and --Al- is aasintonsanv.The victims against the Ibo monopoly of the Nigerian economy. Only a small part of the incident can be at- tributed to tribalism. After the incident, the Ibos emi- grated back to the Eastern Re- gion leaving the commerce of the rest of Nigeria in ruins. Because of the westernization and commercial sophistication of the Ibos, American and European multinational companies began some time ago to develop an in- dustrial complex in the Eastern Region. Oil was discovered there recently. When the Ibos pro- claimed the sovereign state of Bi- afra, the prizes were the industrial complex and the oil and the even- tual impoverishment of what re- mained of Nigeria. When fighting began, both sides were poorly armed. Britain sup- ported Nigeria because of Com- monwealth ties. The Soviet Un- ion, realizing the economic impli- cations of the creation of Biafra, supported Nigeria. The U.S. would have liked to recognize Biafra but could not because of British pres- sure. The U.S. proclaimed neutral- ity while her businessmen and their neo-colonial allies covertly armed Biafra. Africans" did not appreciate the American's stand. It is interesting that Biafran re- lief has come via Portugal. The repressive and ruthless colonial policy of Portugal makes that country despised by the black peo- ple of Africa., The Ibos must fight, for they feel they are fighting for their lives. The Ibos should be aware, however, that they created the situation that now exists. They must be aware that they are re- sponsible for the quagmire that they now find themselves in. The federal troops of Nigeria have been ruthless. I do not con- rtnn t+s Tn,+ +he Thns .vpr.: