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November 22, 1960 - Image 4

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ebr £icrpwn 3mai
Seventy-First Year
EDITED AND MANAGED BY STUDENTS OF THE UNIVERSITY OF MICHiGAN
ans Are Free UNDER AUTHORITY OF BOARDI N CONTROL OF STUDENT PUBLICATIONS
M1 Prevail"
STUDENT PUBLICATIONS BWG. * ANN ARBOR, MICH. * Phone NO 2-3241
printed in The Michigan Daily express the individual opinions of staff writers
or the editors. This must be noted in all reprints.

Pan-Africanism Today

NOVEMBER 22, 1960

NIGHT EDITOR: FAITH WEINSTEIN

The University and WSU:
What Obligation Have We?

DRA'GGED-OUT strife over controver-
speakers at Wayne State University
an increasingly crucial series of questions
is University: What obligations fall to
Wayne''s sister institution, as a state uni-
which might in the future become em-
in a similar affair, and as an institu-
,eking a healthy educational climate in
Lte of Michigan?
+an factors are basic to the situation,
ing a contextwithin which the Univer-
mmunity will make its decisions regard-
ayne. First, the University Regents and
Lstrtion are maintaining official silence,
:g publicly that it would not be cour-
to intervene in the dispute between the
ommunist "forces" of Sen. Elmer Por-
-Blssfield), Ann Byerlein and Donald
ger, and the WSU Board of Governors.
ND, one must suppose most University
ilnistrators are privately in favor of the
stand which permits a broad variety
akers on the Detroit campus. Speakers of
political shades have been brought here,
a as a number of visiting Russian pro-
, andstudents. Further evidence of the
gity's implied support of WSU lies in
nple fact that the University has rarely
n pleasant agreement with the powerful,
Vative Sen. Porter (chairman of the ap-
ations committee, through which all uni-
r budgets must pass).
d, like WSU officials, most University
Istrators hope and believe that the ag-
e Miss Byerlein and her companions will
disappear o lose support. However, the
i does have some 65,000 names on her
ns, plus the loose philosophic support
I. Porter, defeated senatorial candidate
hin Bentley, and other as yet unnamed
Ian conservatives, as well as that of J.
Hoover. ThIs sort of evidence tends to
away from an early halt to the affair.
is Miss Byerlen was pressuring the WSU
of Governors in Detroit last week, new
ins against Communist speakers were be-
Itributed in southwestern Michigan farm
i.TH, the University must consider the
Wsbilty that Sen. Porter is simply going
h his annual exaggerated expression of
ings about our "monster universities." As
appropriations to the universities have
ly grown, Porter and other conservative
tors have increased in stubbornness and
enness, but they do not always follow
r threats. To what extent does Porter
to follow up his threats to be rough on
a at appropriations time?
OppoSito
JOSEPH CLARK (D-Penn), ultra-
°ral irately suggests that conservative
ern Democrats be read out of positions
mmittee leadership for opposing the
Dratic platform..
implies that since they usually vote
the rest of the Democrats, they aren't
godto the party.
careful Sen. Clark. Any more talk like
and' Youmay find that Sen. Everett
(Republican from Illinois, in case you
'know) is the new Senate majority
ose worthless southern senators may
yon at your word-since you feel you
need them. They may go to someone

Fifth, Wayne has traditionally been labelled,
to borrow Sen. Porter's derogatory phrase, "a
little pinko" in places. Through the last sev-
eral decades, various groups in Detroit and out-
state areas have pinned the "radical" label on
Wayne, and only recently has the institution
begun to lose the unjustified stigma. Partly
as a consequence, and partly because of oc-
casional poor personal relations, Wayne has
not been able to establish a good rapport
with the Legislature.
SIXTH, this University is linked closely to
WSU, e.g., through the jointly-operated
Institute for Labor and Industrial Relations
and adult education programs and various
presentations at the University-owned Rack-
ham Building which is within two blocks of
the Wayne campus. In fact, the two schools
thought seriously of merging under the Uni-
versity Board of Regents only two years ago.
Seventh, University relations with the Leg-
islature have been relatively good, but any
bold attack by President Hatcher on someone
like Sen. Porter could possibly touch off a
great deal of new friction.
Eighth, there is some likelihood that a legis-
lative attack on WSU could rapidly extend to
other schools in the state, obviously including
the University.
GIVEN these various implications, the Uni-
versity's- present attitude of silence seems
justifiable, at least for the moment. However,
silence by no means nullifies the great need
for careful discussion of the implications of
the Wayne problem, not only by administra-
tors, but by faculty (the Senate Advisory
Committee yesterday began such discussion),
and students. It is all too obvious that aca-
demic freedom, the first principle of a uni-
versity, is not contemplated until things go
wrong. Thus, while the University has the
time, discussion about academic freedoms here
and at Wayne should commence.
It is also quite obvious that the Univer-
sity's record of preserving certain faculty and
student freedoms, although generally fine, is
not untarnished. Civil libertarians recall with
lingering doubt the period when University
students were dismissed for hearing the al-
leged Communist Arthur McPhaul, or the
Nickerson-Davis-Markert case when the Uni-
versity fired two faculty members and cen-
sured a third, to be subsequently censured it-
self for questionable procedures by the Ameri.
can 'Association of University Professors.
The University might also take a hard look
at its bylaw 8.11, which in part declares: "No
addresses shall be allowed which .. . advocate
or justify conduct which violates the funda-
mentals of our accepted code of morals." The
University should not only ask itself what this
code of "fundamentals" happens to be, but
also what it means for any university to at-
tempt to prevent changes in public sentiment.
rEANWHILE, there is Wayne and there is
a Legislature which might make further
threats. If the encroachment of academic free-
dom becomes more likely, that is, if Sen.
Porter and others continue in their aggressive
posture, then the President and Regents of this
University would do well to take a strong,
reasoned stand against such encroachments.
The State Council of College Presidents might
also declare their convictions about the inher-
ent and pragmatic value of free discussion
within the academy and within the larger so-
ciety.
-THOMAS HAYDEN
Editor

(EDITOR'S NOTE: Charles Qrji
is studying at Klamazoo College
under the United States National
Student Association's Foreign Stu-
dent Leadership Project. Formerly
from the Nigerian College of Arts,
Science and Technology, Orji serv-
ed as interpreter for Operation
Crossroads and secretary of the
Zekist National Vanguard, a politi-
cal organization.)
By CHARLES ORJI
Daily Guest Writer
This is a movement towards
formation of a union of African
states. In practically all countries
of west Africa today, there is a
loud outcry by a large or small
group of people for the creation
of the entire region into one' ma-
jor governmental unit. Part of this
urge has grown in response to a
new nationalism which seeks to
reverse the European scrambles in
Africa in order to achieve unity
among the various peoples and
thus safeguard or realize their
ideals.
At the first meeting of all in-
dependent African countries which
met at Accra in April 1958, Libya,
Morocco, Sudan, Tunisia, Ghana,
and United Arab Republic were
represented. This conference de-
cided to call on France to with-
draw her troops, recognize the
principle of Algerian independ-
ence and enter immediate nego-
tiations with the Algerian Nation-
al Liberation Front, with a view
of reaching a "final and just set-
tlement." They called on all colon-
ial powers to announce definite
dates for independence of their
territories. They proclaimed a de-
sire to pursue a "common foreign
policy," important features of
which are abstention from collec-
tive defense arrangements design-
ed to serve "particular interests
of any of the' big powers," non-
entanglement in actions detri-
mental to their own interests,
and assertion of an "African per-
sonality" in international affairs.
They called for co-operation on
economic, cultural and social mat-
LETTERS
to the
EDITOR.
Myth Miss...
To the Editor:
DEMYTHOLOGIZATIN" is
the word used by Dr. Paul Til-
lich in his lecture on November
18 to refer to the contemporary
movement which seeks to preserve
the essence of the Christian faith
without demanding the acknowl-
edgment of the mythological pat-
tern through which it is present-
ed. Rudolph Bultmann is its lead-
ing spokesman.
Since The Daily reporter -(Nov.
19) misunderstood the word, and
thus lost the meaning of a sig-
nificant portion of the lecture on
Myth and Symbol, this word of
clarification seems to be in order.
For further clarification and in-
terpretation of the Tillich lecture
we invite any interested persons to
meet in the Lane Hall Library to-
night (Tuesday) at 8:30, where a
brief summary of the lecture will
be followed by informal discus-
sion.
--C. Grey Austin, Office
of Religious Affairs
Letters to the editor must be
signed and should be limited to 300
words in length. The Daily reserves
the right to edit or withhold any
letter.

ters and recommended steps to-
wards improving communications
and internal trade with a view to
making the continent 'of Africa an
economic unit'
The economic resolutions cover
a range of proposals of potential
consequence to Africa, including
establishment of a joint Economic
Research Commission among the
participating states, formulation
of common policies on foreign in-
vestment, utilization of Africa's
mineral resources in ways more
advantageous to Africa's peoples,
and possible eventual establish-
ment of an African common mar-
ket.
It was announced that perma-
nent machinery to carry on the
work of the conference will oper-
ate through the participating
states' United Nations delegation
in New York.
The meeting was chaired by
Dr. Kwame Khrumah, Ghanaian
prime minister.
This conference achieved suc-
cess. Since this was the first ever
to be held, there is need for a
union of African states. It is real-
ized here that a smallish nation
has little hope of ever becoming
a first class power in the world,
for it is most unlikely to possess
in adequate quantity and quality
the major elements of national
greatness - population, mineral
and agricultural resources, knowl-
edge, military preparedness and
industry. In the first place, a large
population and area are needed in
modern defense systems. The
larger the population and area,
the greater are the resources in
manpower and materials available
for use in matters of defense
while making adequate allowances
for the needs of the people in
other aspects of their lives.
Furthermore, union will help to
eradicate within West Africa the
possibility of having separate
countries which may develop hos-
tile attitudes or permit hostile
external- forces to enter the re-
gion through them.
In the third place, it is argued
that a West Africa made rich and
powerful by union and hard work
can more effectively meet the
challenge of what some commen-
tators called "new imperialism."
This is with particular reference
to the problem posed to Africa by
the European Common Market
plan, and Communistic infiltra-
tion.
But what are the prospects for
achieving a union of these states
in the foreseeable future? First,
we must realize that there are a
number of formidable difficulties
in the way. There is, for instance
that there are still some coun-
tries still dependent, and the in-
dependent countries ae still quite
strongly attached to their mother
countries, Britain and France.
It would be necessary to sever
the remaining links unless the
various states agreed to bring the
projected union within the Com-
monwealth of Nations or within
the French community. It will
probably be easier to cut the for-
mal links with the European coun-
tries than to attempt to bring the
union of all West African coun-
tries within any particular asso-
ciation of governments with, so
to speak, a European headquar-
ters.
Often difficulties exist. and of
these the major ones are differ-
ences in the educational system,
varying interpretations of the
doctrines of the rule of law, dis-
agreements arising between the

idea of the unified and the multi-
party system.
I emphasize, however, that
agreement on all such matters is
not indispensible to the formation
of a union of states. The leaders
may start with all kinds of ideas
on a number of subjects and like-
ly to modify these to a greater or
lesser extent as the process of uni-
fication proceeds. The most im-
,portant single factor that will de-
termine whether or not union is
possible is leadership. Most of the
other factors which may influ-
ence federation one way or an-
other are in a sense possible and
it is the quality of leadership
that gives content which may
exert a positive or negative influ-
ence on the question of federa-
tion.
If, for instance, the leaders in
every one of the states are large-
hearted and possess foresight and
good will, the chances are that
they will more likely forego their
personal ambitions and attempt
more whole-heartedly to apply the
various factors to service in the
area.
We must therefore examine the
situation somewhat more. closely
to find out what the leaders of
West Africa think about this prob-
lem and we must examine also
the concrete achievements that
have been made.
If we may begin with Nigeria,
we will find that Dr. Nhamdi
Azikiwe, the Governor- General of
Nigeria, supports the idea of fed-
eral union. He suggested working
for close co-operation where nec-
essary now and feel that the prob-
lem of political union should be
tackled at a later date. Dr. Nkru-
ma, the Prime Minister of Ghana,
M. Leopold Senghor, and Sekou
Toure, Prime Minister of Guinea,
favor federation now.
Apithy, the Prime Minister of
Dahomey, once suggested that we
should make a start with the for-
mation of a Benin Federation
comprising of Nigeria, Dahomey
and the Cameroons.
Djido Roakany of Niger has
suggested a union of Nigeria and
Niger. But on the other hand, we
have had important reservations
to the idea of union made by
Tubman of Liberia.
Houphouet-Boigny of Ivory
Coat, for instanceywants an ar-
rangement that would safeguard
the personality and sovereignty
of each member of the union.
Tubman who wants only eco-
nomic cooperation, meanwhile, is
in effect, concerned to ensure that
the sovereignty of his country
would be respected,
Furthermore, we have achieved
much towards this end. Some in-
stitutions that have been estab-
lished tend to foster the idea bf
unity. For instance, certain re-
quirements of the immigration
laws of Nigeria are waived, on a
reciprocal basis, for citizens of
Ghana, Sierra, Leone, Gambia,
Guinea and other countries of Af-
rica.
And we have a number of pub-
lic agencies which overlap the ter-
ritories of some of these countries
in structure and functioning.
It does appear that the concrete
achievements are not very impor-
tant, for the efforts made have
been primarily sporadic in the
sense that some groups of terri-
tories have gotten into some sort
of union with one another and
practically nothing has been done
on the basis of West Africa as a
whole. I hope that the formation
of United States of West Africa
will become a reality in the next
decade.

t

-Daily--Robert Kraus
AT THE CAMPUS:
Ivan the Terrible';
Eisenstein's Master piece

SERGEI EISENSTEIN'S LAST two films, "Ivan the Terrible" (parts
I and II of an unfinished trilogy) were just released outside Russia
last year. Eisenstein remains today as unapproachably the greatest
film maker; one of the few men in cinema who could call himself an
artist and one of the few true geniuses to work in Soviet Russia. He
died in 1948. By all accounts he was a tortured man, and though he
walked with a swagger when he visited the United States, unlike the
haunted, twitching Shostakovitch or the monumentally sarcastic Pro-
kofiev when they came, yet like these artists he was tormented.
"Ivan the Terrible" is a Russian artist's passionate defense and
supreme castigation of his country. Unlike Pasternak's quiet tragedy

of irresistible hisoy Ia"i
a flailing gesture of defiance, of
disgust. It is braver, more com-
passionate, even broader in scope.
Where Pasternak's hero, though
he is instinctively tied to Russian
culture, slowly dies as he is ab-
sorbed by history, Eisenstein's his-
tory is Justice for the soul, a battle
ever to be fought against its
natural enemies. A battle of
Shelleyesque unequivocality; one
which must end in blood or mad-
ness.
* * *
IVAN IS RUSSIA. Like modern
Russians he has been sinned
against by those who represent
tradition and he makes the sudden
mistake of breaking with tradition,
the culture of Russia. Though he
does it for "The Great Cause,"
and though it no doubt has politi-
cal validity, yet it is an irreparable
move. He is tortured by his pre-
sumptuousness and lonely stand
but persists even after he unwit-
tingly poisons the only one who
loves him, his wife Anastasia( the
artist?).
More and 'more furious at the
ancient ruling class of Boyars who
resist his reforms, he turns to the
common people who profess love
for him. But their love is the blind
love of power and pomp for its
own sake and Ivan's politics be-
come vicious as he alienates the
Boyars and the Church. In the
last scenes of Part II he is sur-
rounded by barbarity and gaudi-
ness which are surely the backdrop
for his insanity which was to
come in Part III.
I HAVE SEEN THE picture three
times and I am still at a loss to
describe its overall effect. I want
to just suggest some of the ways
Eisenstein has gone about achiev-
ing the effect, bearing in mind
that the film's coherent power is
a result of these individual effects
and scenes plus the indescribable
force of a poetic mind creat-
ing characters and forming mood.
The acting and scenery is heavily
stylized.to accent the symbolism
of Ivan. The first scene of Ivan's
coronation is filled with formal
pomp and the beautiful Russian
Church music. The mysticism of
the Orthodox Church and the-
power of the music which, under
Prokofiev's eye, is given full play
and the irresistable meanings of
Russian culture are thereby lov-
ingly set. Scattered within this are
shots of practicing politicos but
the mysticism of the ceremony
seems to incorporate them; they
are part of the culture of Russia,'
of man, not a contrast to it.
* * *
THE STYLE OF the film is bas-
ed if not on mysticism, then on
paradox, and the impalpability of
immediate reality. Ivan is tortured
because he doesn't know his
friends from his, ,enemies, but
neither does the audience. One of
the cleverest and most telling feats
of Eisenstein is his use of the
popular Soviet films of his time.
A father points out the Czar to
his son on a battle field and
immediately peasant love gleams
from the boy's eyes. But Eisen-
stein says there is no such mon-
ster-that this love is hollow and
dangerous- and. the boy later
becomes a homosexual symbol of
the perverted course of Ivan, in
the last barbaric scenes of Part
II.
THE GREATEST single achieve-
ment of the film is the character
of Ivan. Played by Nikolai Cher-

AT THE STATE:-
No Surprise
'In Pack a ge
" URPRISE PACKAG" is a'
pleasant package of smiles
and mild chuckles which would
benefit from a few surprises.
"Package" is one that vanish-
ing breed of movies known as sit-
uation comedies. Since Roman
epics and Brigitte Bardot seem
to be the only motion picture
entertainment that will entice
people out of their homes, situa-
tion comedies-which are free on
television-are seldom filmed now-
adays.
"Surprise Package" will not re-
verse this trend.
* * *
' THIS SITUATION simply re-
volves around the chase of an
exiled crook after an exiled
king's million-dollar crown. Of
course, a girl chases a boy, and
finally Yul Brynner (boy?) gets
Mitzi Gaynor (definitely girl),
There is too much chatter about
the chase and too little chasing.
Noel Coward as the king tries
to make some rather unhumorous
lines more amusing with his Al-
fred-Hitchcock-banter. ("It's a
perfect .home for a bachelor-
nine bedrooms.") Mr. Coward
must have been between inspira-
tions when he agreed to take on
this task,
Yul Brynner tries--nqt very
hard-to look like a crook. But,
his double negatives and tough
looks do not radiate much of a
crime wave. He must have been
between filming some significant
movies. s
MITZI GAYNOR tries hard to
be Doris Day although the part
demands a' Jayne Mansfield. The
real Mitzi Gaynor shines through
her impossible lines ("I know you
love me; I just wasn't sure you
liked me") in the single musical
number in which she wiggles while
Mr. Coward warbles the title song.
Miss Gaynor is apparently be-
tween "South Pacific" and what-
ever .good movie she intends to
make in the future.
One of Miss Gaynor's lines
points out the chief difficulty of
the movie. She looks at the scen-
ic Grecian Isle and exclaims, "It's
so beautiful; it's just like techni-
color!" Unfortunately, the audi-
ence sees the island in black and
white. Comedies should be color-
ful-one way or another.
If you, also happen to be be-
tween good movies and would en-
joy three or four chuckles, "Sur-
prise Package" is at the State.
The matinee is best;, you come
closer to getting your money's
worth.
-Milan Stitt
DAILY
OFFICIAL
BULLETIN
The Daly Official Bulletin is an
off ical'publication of The Univr-
city of Michigan for which Theo
Michigan Daily assumes no editorial
responsibility. Notices should be
sent in TYPEWRITTEN form to
Room 3519 Administration Building,
before 2 pn.m. two days preceding
publication.E
TUESDAY, NOVEMBER 2 2

-M. HARRAH

OTHER CAMPUSES:
sponsibility and the Daily Cal

"So, You See, The People Really Elected
Barry Goldwater"
O s
a j
i - wJ .AJ,

izure by the Student Government of
University of California (Berkeley) of
nt newspaper last month was as ludi-
it was unjustifiable. The newspaper
I a candidate for the office of repre-
-at-large on the Executive Committee
tudent Government (Michael Tigar),
e the paper's by-laws allowed it, the
lent was quite unprecedented in the
politics.
mpest that ensued was more notable
eat rather than the force of its argu-
espite the fact that all nine members
enior i editorial staff had signed the
tent, Tigar's opponent declared that
date must be on good terms with the
o get support. Tigar's later defeat, it
em, should have taken the air out of
, but after a week the Student Govern-

ment drew another breath and charged windily
that the Daily Californian "had not pursued an
editorial policy of honesty and decency." The
President of the Executive Committee accused
the staff of perpetuating an "in-bred philoso-
phy," and the committee started publishing the
paper and deciding editorial policy. Censorship
is the usual way to force editorial changes, but
the Student Government employed instead a
do-it-yourself method.
Because the newspaper is supposedly pub-
lished by the Executive Committee, the sus-
pension was technically justified in all its
absurd extremity. The endorsement may have
been ill-advised, but such a peccadillo hardly
merits a full-scale thunderbolt. Student Gov-
ernment elections are remarkable neither for
their excitement nor their significance.
The Committee proved to be obstinate as well
as impetuous. The President of the Californian
requested that a "consultative board" of stu-
dent publications discuss the problem or that
the Committee exclude editorial policy from its
jurisdiction. When the Committee refused, the
editors of all student publications resigned in
an admirable protest. Meanwhile, the original

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