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May 05, 1965 - Image 4

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Publication:
Michigan Daily, 1965-05-05

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Seventy-Fifth Year
EDITED AND MANAGED BY STUDENTS OF THE UNIVERSITY OF MICHInoius
UNDER AUTHORITY OF BOARD IN CONTROL OF STUDENT PUBLICATIONS

FIRST TRIALS, SUCCESSES:
The Origins of U' Student Activism

.ere Opiions Are Free, 420 MAYNASKD ST., ANN ARBOR, MIcH.
Truth Will Prevail

NEWS PHONE: 764-0552

Editorials printed in The Michigan Daily express the individual opinions of staff writers
or the editors. This must be noted in all reprints.
WEDNESDAY, MAY 5,1965 NIGHT EDITOR: W. REXFORD BENOIT

Latin Americans Will
Remember Our Intervention

LYNDON JOHNSON is flunking his
course in Latin American diplomacy;
his chief difficulty is his failure to learn
the lessons of history.
The ancient distrust of the U.S. in
South America, which started with the
interventionist policies of Teddy Roose-
velt, Is a hard thing to alleviate. It could
be only partially cured by FDR's Good
Neighbor Policy. Programs such as the
Alliance for Progress have been also de-
signed to warm relations between the U.S.
and her southern neighbors. Yet Lyndon
Johnson is now reverting to Teddy Roose-
velt's tactics, and our attempted new
image will be tarnished with deep stains.
Ideally the agency whose function it
should have been to check into the alleg-
ed Cuban infiltration of the Dominican
revolt was the Organization of American
States.
THE BASIC PROBLEM is that the OAS
has no bite, and seems to limit itself
to resolutions whose political weight can'
be measured by the type of bond on
which they are printed. The United States
seems to take on the role of the false
teeth of the organization, which bite be-
fore the OAS asks them, and having al-
ready bitten then ask permission to chew.
Another important factor is the ad-
ministration's Cuba paranoia. Johnson is
extremely wary of repeating the Castro

fiasco in the Dominican Republic, and
is willing to exchange philosophic prin-
ciples for the practical assurance that the
island republic does not become Commu-
nist under his administration.
Here one hits the essence of America's
foreign policy hypocrisy. Johnson said
that "he hopes to see a government free-
ly chosen by all of the people" in the
republic, yet the Kennedy and the John-
son administrations have supported the
military junta headed by Gen. Elias Wes-
sion y Wessin which overthrew the pop-
ularly elected government of Juan Bosch
in 1963 and last week stifled a revolt to
bring Bosch back into power.
THE U.S. SEEMS to feel more at home
with right-wing dictators than with
liberal governments.
Johnson does not realize that Fidel
Castro is in great part a reaction to the
support given by the U.S. to Batista. Left-
ists in the Dominican Republic are sim-
ilarly in part reacting to the regime of
Wession y Wessin.
Although the outcome of the chaos in'
the Dominican Republic is still unsure, if
the liberals come back into power the
memory of Marines marching in their
homeland preventing the elected govern-
ment from returning to power will be im-
pressed on the minds of the Latin Ameri-
cans.
BRUCE WASSERSTEIN

EDITOR'S NOTE: Philip Sutin,
Grad, viewed student activism from
his vantage point as staff member
and, in his senior year, as National
Concerns Editor of The Daily. As
a sophomore, he covered Student
Government Council and has main-
tainedaninterest in the activist
movement. This article is the first
in a series on the course of student
activism on this campus since 1960.
By PHILIP SUTIN
WHEN THIS series was origi-
nally written last December,
it sadly concluded, "this campus
will remain in its lethargic, post-
activist state. The odds are too
long .against a revised movement."
The series was entitled "The
Rise and Fall of the Activist
Renaissance." It came at a time
of continued quiet-interrupted by
occasional mild outbursts-on the
campus scene.
This spring's events belied this
dire prediction. In two march
weeks the campus experienced
more activist action than in the
past two years combined.
BUT HAS activism taken root
again at the University? Maybe.
The recent civil rights demonstra-
tions and teach-in movement were
largely responses to the great
pressure of outside events. The
faculty is the main stimulus of the
teach-in movement.
This series remains dedicated-
as it was before-to those "all too
brief" glorious moments of stu-
dent activism, past and future.
HERE WAS a stirring in the
winter of 1960, a stirring that
pointed to the freeing of students
from the numb shackles of the
post-McCarthy era. The mass
media were talking about the si-
lent generation, "rebels without a
cause," and students searching for
a new purpose.
The main student issue at the
beginning of the University's
spring, 1960 semester was the abo-
lition of the disclaimer oath in
National Defense Education Act
scholarships. A second issue-the
long,drawn out Sigma Kappa case
-was drawing to a sorry close.
S t u d e n t Government Council
tabled on in February further ac-
tion on the case of the sorority,
which was charged with discrim-
ination in its membership selec-
tion practices.
SGC had withdrawn its recog-
nition from Sigma Kappa, but
the faculty Board in Review over-
ruled the council. This action led
to a change in the Council Plan,
putting the veto power squarely
in the hands of Vice-President
for Student Affairs James A.
Lewis. The tabling decision closed
the case.
WRITING AT the beginning of
the semester, Daily Editor Thomas
Turner saw students groping for
moral issues.
"The movements to eliminate
the oath and the affidavit, and to
make all ROTC voluntary may
serve to give students a sense of
identity which will serve them in
good stead in the future," he
wrote.
Despite these stirrings, activi-
ties were at a low ebb. Daily staff-
er Caroline Dow called in an edi-
torial for easing the work load
and for making events more mean-
ingful to increase student Partici-
pation in languishing student
groups.
ABOUT A week after Miss Dow
wrote her lament, a sense of pur-
pose was found. Negro students
in North Carolina and Tennessee
held their first sit-in demonstra-
tions aimed at ending segrega-
tion at lunch counters.
Nashville students appealed to
the United States National Stu-
dent Association for help. NSA
then made one of the most cru-
cial decisions of its 17-year life-
it decided to help.
"We realize that the struggle in

which you are Involved is neither
your own nor limited to any one
region. of the country, but is one
in which the entire nation is in-
volved. Hopefully, this country
can meet it with a tenth part of
the courage which you have dem-
onstrated," an NSA telegram to
the Nashville leaders said.

BY SUPPORTING the sit-ins
and calling upon member schools
to help the demonstrators, NSA
spread the protest movement to
all parts of the country. NSA's call
united students with the protes-
tors and gave them an opportunity
to enter the civil rights struggle.
NSA was not alone in drama-
tizing the sit-ins, but its early
support drew many student lead-
er's into the movement.
The civil rights movement came
to Ann Arbor a week later. Some
100 persons picketed the Cousins
dress shop for allegedtdiscrimina-
tion against Negro customers and
Kresge and Woolworth branches
in support of Southern demon-
strators.
Ironically, the first local target
of the civil rights drive was not
selected by students. The city's
Human Relations Commission had
reported to city council that the
dress shop had discriminated
against a Negro woman. The re-
port followedtatcomplaint the
woman made to the HRC.
Anna Holden, a national Con-
gress on Racial Equality official
living in Ann Arbor, explained the
sit-in movement to a meeting of
the revived Political Issues Club
two days before the protest. She
also helped gather support for the
sit-in demonstrators.
THUS THE sit-in movement
came to Ann Arbor to inspire stu-
dent activism. The movement pro-
vided a cause, the pickets a direct
means of responding to and ad-
vancing it. The picketing was to
continue sporadically on Satur-
days for the next year. A month
after the picketing started police
harassed the pickets by detaining
15 students on charges of illegal
leafleting.
The picketing group remained
namelessithrough the spring se-
mester. In the summer of 1960, it
named itself the Ann Arbor Direct
Action Committee because it need-
ed a name on a press release.
The Political Issues Club spon-
soreda conference on civil rights
in the North in late April that
brought famed rights organizer
Bayard Rustin to speak before a
conference of midwestern stu-
dents.
MEANWHILE, Student Govern-
ment Council prepared a new
attack on membership selection.
discrimination. Procedures proved
to be the key stumbling block in
the Sigma Kappa case. Did the
sorority get a fair hearing?
After debating the issue all
spring, SGC declared that "all
recognized student organizations
shall select membership and af-
ford opportunity to members on
the basis of personal merit and
not race, color, religion, creed,
national origin or ancestry."
Council set up a seven-member
committee on membership to in-
vestigate and recommend disci-
plinary action to SGC. It was also
charged with conducting an edu-
cational program against discrim-
inatory practices.
THE FINAL motion was a
scaled down, milder version of the
original proposal by activists Alan

0

THIS SPRING'S PROTESTS over movie prices, suchas the one pictured above, marked a rebirth of
the recent student activist tradition at the University. In the article today, Philip Sutin begins to trace
this tradition from its obscure origins in 1960.

Trimester Deserves a Chance

Haber and Barbara Miller. Coun-
cil substituted a legal-judicial
procedure for the more adminis-
trative one used in the Sigma
Kappa case. The Miller-Haber
motion was to lay the groundwork
for much future wrangling.
In the wake of the Sigma Kappa
case, SGC was at its lowest ebb.
Up to 1959, there had been some
promise that SGC did wield ef-
fective power. However, when the
Board in Review upset its Sigma
Kappa decision, student confi-
dence in SGC was shattered. Only
3,052 out of some 20,000 students
voted in the March election.
Council President John Feldkamp
expressed concern at the low total
and sought to work for greater
SGC responsibility.
Two liberals and four conserva-
tives were elected. However, Joint
Judiciary Council dropped liberal
activist Bret Bissel from the race
because of a campaign leafleting
and spending rule technical viola-
tion.
T H E QUADRANGLE student
government took steps to strength-
en itself that spring. An unwieldly
Inter-House Council of all 24
houses was replaced by a nine-
member council - Inter - Quad-
rangle Council-consisting of the
president and a representative of
each quad and three executive
officers elected by house presi-
dents. The reorganization made
men's residence hall government
less cumbersome. But IQC was not
to become a significant organiza-
tion for some time.
Student activism got its major
boost that spring when Thomas
Hayden was appointed editor of
The Daily. Hayden was an ac-
tivist, perhaps the leading activist
in the entire activist, period. A
quiet, soft-spoken individual, Hay-
den had charismatic charm, a
searching, positive idealism and
courage to act upon his convic-
tions.

As an understaff member, Hay-
den wrote a classic seven-part
series on affiliate discrimination.
Later, he penned searching pro-
files of upper administration
leaders.
While a junior, Hayden called
upon the administration in a long
editorial to be sympathetic toward
students, to be an educator lead-
ing educators and to strive for
the "ideal" university, not just to
pass other universities.
AS DAILY editor, he used the
newspaper's editorial page to
press his various campaigns. More
subtly, The Daily's news pages be-
gan to reflect an activist spirit.
Stories relating to civil rights
gained bigger and more promi-
nent play. The Daily gave greater
coverage to stories relating to fra-
ternity-sorority biasfand to the
Office of Student Affairs, These
issues were given play greater
than their intrinsic worth.
Hayden's first crusade was in
behalf of two freshmen, Stanley
Lubin and Mark Hall, who led a
food protest demonstration in
East Quadrangle which got out of
hand and turned into a panty raid.
Joint Judic urged that the two
students be suspended during the
fall, 1960 semester. The faculty'
subcommittee on discipline ap-
proved the severe punishment.
Vice-President for Student Af-
fairs Lewis said, "This kind of
thing just can't continue. We've
said consistently for two years
that incidents such as this served
no purpose, and that proper Uni-
versity judicial bodies would take
strong action against individuals
involved in such incidents."
Other factors, such as the two's
alleged obscene gestures and dis-
respect of housemothers, contri-
buted to the OSA's determination
to make examples of them.
THE DAILY'S senior editors re-
sponded on May 3 with a two-full

column, front page editorial de-
claring, in essence, that Lubin's
and Hall's case had not been
fairly heard by Joint Judic and
that Joint Judie was too close to
the administration and not inde-
pendent enough to be a fair
judiciary.
In a second senior editorial,
after the two lost their appeals,
Hayden and the other seniors de-
clared ". . . we seriously wonder
about the workings of the Uni-
versity, which at base should be
a number of individuals going
through an educational process.
.. .The University must construc-
tively re-evaluate everything."
Support for the two was ob-
tained from various campus or-
ganizations including SGC.
IN THE summer, the adminis-
tration decision was reversed and
the two were allowed to remain
in the University. From the Uni-
viersity's viewpoint it was a wise
decision, for both Lubin and Hall
were to contribute to the com-
munity. Lubin served in various
student government positions and
did much to publicize wrongs in
the judiciary system. Hall, like
Lubin, ran for SGC and lost.
The Daily's crusade opened
doors for future frontal attacks on
the OSA. The efforts of Hayden'
and his fellow editors were not
just a crusade against the injus-
tices done to two freshmen, but
the beginning of an attack on the
entire student affairs system and
indirectly on the University as a
whole.
In retrospect, the efforts can
be seen as the opening gun in a
successful campaign to reform a
significant part of the University.
They marked the first success of
the student activists.
TOMORROW: The activists
form an organization on cam-
pus and The Daily and NSA
contribute to the activist surge.

OVER THE PAST YEAR much unwar-
ranted criticism has been levelled by
students, faculty and administrators at
the University's recently operational tri-
mester system.
This criticism, while often pointing to
real problems, has often been shortsight-
ed and failed to recognize a few basic
facts concerning any newly implemented
program.
The University has been operating in
fixed patterns for decades. One of the
more important of these fixed patterns
has been the semester. The semester was
the guidepoint for all University opera-
tions. Faculty members planned courses
to fit the semester; administrators plan-
ned calendars around it and students
oriented their lives in harmony with it.
WHEN THE NEW SYSTEM replaced the
semester it was of course necessary
for everyone connected with the Univer-
sity to completely change schedules
which had been in effect for many years.
That this process would be difficult and
involve many problems was only to be ex-
pected.
But this readjustment may well prove
worth the effort. The trimester offers
many advantages to the University orga-
nization as well as, to the individuals
Who make up the University community.
It offers the student the option of fin-
ishing school in a much shortened per-
iod of time or, if he wishes, a school year
with a sizably larger gap between winter
and fall terms. The professor is allowed
the same options. The administrator is
blessed, for now, with a lengthened sum-
mer interim which allows more time to
prepare for the influx of students in the
Second class postage paid at Ann Arbor, Mich.
Published daily Tuesday through Sunday morning.

fall. And of course the trimester will
eventually allow the University to edu-
cate many more students than it could
under a semester system.
THE FACT that the trimester is a work-
ing system in many colleges around
the country is significant. It is also sig-
nificant to note that many of the schools
now using the trimester are new and in
the process of becoming established. The
system works in part because they do not
have any old habits to break and no re-
adaptation problems.
The charge that the trimester has low-
ered the quality of education in some
cases because professors insist on chop-
ping off a part of their course-or jam-
ming it in-to fit the time schedule is
undeniably true.
However, because many professors are
not at all satisfied with this situation
there will undoubtedly be attempts to re-
draw completely the course material and
present it in accordance with the new sys-
tem.
THERE IS THUS a possibility that the
trimester will provide the stimulus
necessary to encourage some research
and development of new teaching meth-
ods by some of the University's numer-
ous non-innovating faculty members.
To reject the trimester system without
giving the University adequate time to
assimilate and adapt to it is reactionary
to the point of Goldwaterism. Such
thought cannot compete either on the
campus or in society in general. The tri-
mester has many advantages and has
good points as well as bad points; it
should be given a chance to prove itself.
-MICHAEL BADAMO J

*r

TODAY AND TOMORROW:
The U.S. Protects Its Sphere of Influence

By WALTER LIPPMANN
THE CRUCIAL POINT in the
Dominican affair is that the
decision to rescue Americans and
other foreigners became almost
immediately a decision also to stop
the rebellion. The disorders "be-
gan," said the President ondSun-
day evening, "as a popular demo-
cratic revolution committed to
democracy and social justice."
The purpose of the revolution
was to restore the duly elected
president, Juan Bosch, who had
been deposed in 1963 by reaction-
ary military forces seven months
after taking office. "But the revo-
lutionary movement took a tragic
turn."

FEIFJER

A.number of Communists train-
ed in Cuba "took increasing con-
trol . . . Many of the original
leaders of the rebellion, the fol-
lowers of President Bosch, took
refuge in foreign embassies be-
cause they had been superseded
by other evil forces and the sec-
retary-general of the rebel gov-
ernment, Martinez Francisco, ap-
pealed for a cease-fire. But he was
ignored. The revolution was now
in other and dangerous hands."
In the state of emergency there
was no time for a thorough in-
vestigation of all the facts. Presi-
dent Johnson took his decision to
halt the rebellion on what, it
seems to me, was the right ground.
IT WAS THAT, if the Com-
munists in the revolutionary
forces took over the government,
the result would be for all prac-
tical purposes irreversible. There
would never be another election
while they were in power in Santo
Domingo.
On the other hand, while the
Bosch restoration has been halted,
the way is stil open to the return
of the party which won the 1963
elections. By acting promptly and
decisively the President has kept
the way open as otherwise it
might well have been closed for-
ever.
It is quite plain from the Presi-
dent's speech that the United
States does not want to see a
restoration of the old reactionary
regime and that it does want the
kind of popular democratic revo-
lution, committed to "democracy
and social justice," which Presi-
dent Bosch represents.
It is a question whether a coun-

IF President Johnson, working
with the OAS, can help the Do-
minicans find that something in
between, can restore President
Bosch and shore him up while he
carries through the drastic re-
forms which are necessary in or-
der to extirpate the evils of Tru-
jillo, evils that breed communism,
it will be a bright day for the
American republics.
We must not think it is impos-
sible to do this. Mexico has found
the middle way. There are new
currents flowing in this hemis-
phere, most notably in Chile and
Brazil. They flow toward the cen-
ter, from the left in Chile and
from the right in Brazil.
Our intervention in the Carib-
bean island will, of course, be
looked upon all over the world in
the context of our intervention in
Southeast Asia. We must consider
it ourselves in this context.
WE MUST START from the
basic fast that what we have done
is literally forbidden by Article
15 of the charter of the OAS-
"No state or group of states has
the right to intervene, directly or
indirectly, for any reason what-
ever, in the internal or external
affairs of any other state."
How then can we defend and
justify ourselves. Shall we do it
on the ground that the United
States is the. global policeman, or
the global fire department, ap-
pointed to stop communism every-
where?
After such a plea the best we
could hope for even from our best
friends is that they will smile in-
di mtn+1 .+ r.innne.n+ qplf-

abnormal, for a great power to
insist that within its sphere of in-
fluence no other great power shall
exerciserhostile military 'and poli-
tical force.
Since we emerged from isolation
in the beginning of this century,
American foreign policy has been
bedeviled by the utopian fallacy
that because this is one world,
special spheres of influence are
an inherent evil and obsolete.
Woodrow Wilson proclaimed
this globalism. Franklin Roosevelt,
under the prodding of Cordell
Hull, adhered to it against Win-
ston Churchill's better judgment.
And Mr. Johnson continues to in-
voke it without, I think, a suffi-
cient study of it.
AS A MATTER OF FACT, ex-
perience must soon verify the
truth that spheres of influence are
fundamental in the very nature of
international society. They are as
much a fact of life as are birth
and death.
Great powers will resist the in-
vasion of their spheres of influ-
ence. The Soviet Union did that
in Hungary, France did it recently
in Gabon, the British have always
done it when the Low Countries
were attacked, the United States
has done it in the Dominican Re-
public.
And, if and when we want to
know and face the truth, how
much of what China is doing is
something very similar?
RECOGNITION of spheres of
influence is a true alternative to
globalism. It is the alternative to
Communist globalism which nro-

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