Seventy-Fifth Year EDITED AND MANAGED BY STUDENTS OF THE UNIVERSITY OF MICHInoius UNDER AUTHORITY OF BOARD IN CONTROL OF STUDENT PUBLICATIONS FIRST TRIALS, SUCCESSES: The Origins of U' Student Activism .ere Opiions Are Free, 420 MAYNASKD ST., ANN ARBOR, MIcH. Truth Will Prevail NEWS PHONE: 764-0552 Editorials printed in The Michigan Daily express the individual opinions of staff writers or the editors. This must be noted in all reprints. WEDNESDAY, MAY 5,1965 NIGHT EDITOR: W. REXFORD BENOIT Latin Americans Will Remember Our Intervention LYNDON JOHNSON is flunking his course in Latin American diplomacy; his chief difficulty is his failure to learn the lessons of history. The ancient distrust of the U.S. in South America, which started with the interventionist policies of Teddy Roose- velt, Is a hard thing to alleviate. It could be only partially cured by FDR's Good Neighbor Policy. Programs such as the Alliance for Progress have been also de- signed to warm relations between the U.S. and her southern neighbors. Yet Lyndon Johnson is now reverting to Teddy Roose- velt's tactics, and our attempted new image will be tarnished with deep stains. Ideally the agency whose function it should have been to check into the alleg- ed Cuban infiltration of the Dominican revolt was the Organization of American States. THE BASIC PROBLEM is that the OAS has no bite, and seems to limit itself to resolutions whose political weight can' be measured by the type of bond on which they are printed. The United States seems to take on the role of the false teeth of the organization, which bite be- fore the OAS asks them, and having al- ready bitten then ask permission to chew. Another important factor is the ad- ministration's Cuba paranoia. Johnson is extremely wary of repeating the Castro fiasco in the Dominican Republic, and is willing to exchange philosophic prin- ciples for the practical assurance that the island republic does not become Commu- nist under his administration. Here one hits the essence of America's foreign policy hypocrisy. Johnson said that "he hopes to see a government free- ly chosen by all of the people" in the republic, yet the Kennedy and the John- son administrations have supported the military junta headed by Gen. Elias Wes- sion y Wessin which overthrew the pop- ularly elected government of Juan Bosch in 1963 and last week stifled a revolt to bring Bosch back into power. THE U.S. SEEMS to feel more at home with right-wing dictators than with liberal governments. Johnson does not realize that Fidel Castro is in great part a reaction to the support given by the U.S. to Batista. Left- ists in the Dominican Republic are sim- ilarly in part reacting to the regime of Wession y Wessin. Although the outcome of the chaos in' the Dominican Republic is still unsure, if the liberals come back into power the memory of Marines marching in their homeland preventing the elected govern- ment from returning to power will be im- pressed on the minds of the Latin Ameri- cans. BRUCE WASSERSTEIN EDITOR'S NOTE: Philip Sutin, Grad, viewed student activism from his vantage point as staff member and, in his senior year, as National Concerns Editor of The Daily. As a sophomore, he covered Student Government Council and has main- tainedaninterest in the activist movement. This article is the first in a series on the course of student activism on this campus since 1960. By PHILIP SUTIN WHEN THIS series was origi- nally written last December, it sadly concluded, "this campus will remain in its lethargic, post- activist state. The odds are too long .against a revised movement." The series was entitled "The Rise and Fall of the Activist Renaissance." It came at a time of continued quiet-interrupted by occasional mild outbursts-on the campus scene. This spring's events belied this dire prediction. In two march weeks the campus experienced more activist action than in the past two years combined. BUT HAS activism taken root again at the University? Maybe. The recent civil rights demonstra- tions and teach-in movement were largely responses to the great pressure of outside events. The faculty is the main stimulus of the teach-in movement. This series remains dedicated- as it was before-to those "all too brief" glorious moments of stu- dent activism, past and future. HERE WAS a stirring in the winter of 1960, a stirring that pointed to the freeing of students from the numb shackles of the post-McCarthy era. The mass media were talking about the si- lent generation, "rebels without a cause," and students searching for a new purpose. The main student issue at the beginning of the University's spring, 1960 semester was the abo- lition of the disclaimer oath in National Defense Education Act scholarships. A second issue-the long,drawn out Sigma Kappa case -was drawing to a sorry close. S t u d e n t Government Council tabled on in February further ac- tion on the case of the sorority, which was charged with discrim- ination in its membership selec- tion practices. SGC had withdrawn its recog- nition from Sigma Kappa, but the faculty Board in Review over- ruled the council. This action led to a change in the Council Plan, putting the veto power squarely in the hands of Vice-President for Student Affairs James A. Lewis. The tabling decision closed the case. WRITING AT the beginning of the semester, Daily Editor Thomas Turner saw students groping for moral issues. "The movements to eliminate the oath and the affidavit, and to make all ROTC voluntary may serve to give students a sense of identity which will serve them in good stead in the future," he wrote. Despite these stirrings, activi- ties were at a low ebb. Daily staff- er Caroline Dow called in an edi- torial for easing the work load and for making events more mean- ingful to increase student Partici- pation in languishing student groups. ABOUT A week after Miss Dow wrote her lament, a sense of pur- pose was found. Negro students in North Carolina and Tennessee held their first sit-in demonstra- tions aimed at ending segrega- tion at lunch counters. Nashville students appealed to the United States National Stu- dent Association for help. NSA then made one of the most cru- cial decisions of its 17-year life- it decided to help. "We realize that the struggle in which you are Involved is neither your own nor limited to any one region. of the country, but is one in which the entire nation is in- volved. Hopefully, this country can meet it with a tenth part of the courage which you have dem- onstrated," an NSA telegram to the Nashville leaders said. BY SUPPORTING the sit-ins and calling upon member schools to help the demonstrators, NSA spread the protest movement to all parts of the country. NSA's call united students with the protes- tors and gave them an opportunity to enter the civil rights struggle. NSA was not alone in drama- tizing the sit-ins, but its early support drew many student lead- er's into the movement. The civil rights movement came to Ann Arbor a week later. Some 100 persons picketed the Cousins dress shop for allegedtdiscrimina- tion against Negro customers and Kresge and Woolworth branches in support of Southern demon- strators. Ironically, the first local target of the civil rights drive was not selected by students. The city's Human Relations Commission had reported to city council that the dress shop had discriminated against a Negro woman. The re- port followedtatcomplaint the woman made to the HRC. Anna Holden, a national Con- gress on Racial Equality official living in Ann Arbor, explained the sit-in movement to a meeting of the revived Political Issues Club two days before the protest. She also helped gather support for the sit-in demonstrators. THUS THE sit-in movement came to Ann Arbor to inspire stu- dent activism. The movement pro- vided a cause, the pickets a direct means of responding to and ad- vancing it. The picketing was to continue sporadically on Satur- days for the next year. A month after the picketing started police harassed the pickets by detaining 15 students on charges of illegal leafleting. The picketing group remained namelessithrough the spring se- mester. In the summer of 1960, it named itself the Ann Arbor Direct Action Committee because it need- ed a name on a press release. The Political Issues Club spon- soreda conference on civil rights in the North in late April that brought famed rights organizer Bayard Rustin to speak before a conference of midwestern stu- dents. MEANWHILE, Student Govern- ment Council prepared a new attack on membership selection. discrimination. Procedures proved to be the key stumbling block in the Sigma Kappa case. Did the sorority get a fair hearing? After debating the issue all spring, SGC declared that "all recognized student organizations shall select membership and af- ford opportunity to members on the basis of personal merit and not race, color, religion, creed, national origin or ancestry." Council set up a seven-member committee on membership to in- vestigate and recommend disci- plinary action to SGC. It was also charged with conducting an edu- cational program against discrim- inatory practices. THE FINAL motion was a scaled down, milder version of the original proposal by activists Alan 0 THIS SPRING'S PROTESTS over movie prices, suchas the one pictured above, marked a rebirth of the recent student activist tradition at the University. In the article today, Philip Sutin begins to trace this tradition from its obscure origins in 1960. Trimester Deserves a Chance Haber and Barbara Miller. Coun- cil substituted a legal-judicial procedure for the more adminis- trative one used in the Sigma Kappa case. The Miller-Haber motion was to lay the groundwork for much future wrangling. In the wake of the Sigma Kappa case, SGC was at its lowest ebb. Up to 1959, there had been some promise that SGC did wield ef- fective power. However, when the Board in Review upset its Sigma Kappa decision, student confi- dence in SGC was shattered. Only 3,052 out of some 20,000 students voted in the March election. Council President John Feldkamp expressed concern at the low total and sought to work for greater SGC responsibility. Two liberals and four conserva- tives were elected. However, Joint Judiciary Council dropped liberal activist Bret Bissel from the race because of a campaign leafleting and spending rule technical viola- tion. T H E QUADRANGLE student government took steps to strength- en itself that spring. An unwieldly Inter-House Council of all 24 houses was replaced by a nine- member council - Inter - Quad- rangle Council-consisting of the president and a representative of each quad and three executive officers elected by house presi- dents. The reorganization made men's residence hall government less cumbersome. But IQC was not to become a significant organiza- tion for some time. Student activism got its major boost that spring when Thomas Hayden was appointed editor of The Daily. Hayden was an ac- tivist, perhaps the leading activist in the entire activist, period. A quiet, soft-spoken individual, Hay- den had charismatic charm, a searching, positive idealism and courage to act upon his convic- tions. As an understaff member, Hay- den wrote a classic seven-part series on affiliate discrimination. Later, he penned searching pro- files of upper administration leaders. While a junior, Hayden called upon the administration in a long editorial to be sympathetic toward students, to be an educator lead- ing educators and to strive for the "ideal" university, not just to pass other universities. AS DAILY editor, he used the newspaper's editorial page to press his various campaigns. More subtly, The Daily's news pages be- gan to reflect an activist spirit. Stories relating to civil rights gained bigger and more promi- nent play. The Daily gave greater coverage to stories relating to fra- ternity-sorority biasfand to the Office of Student Affairs, These issues were given play greater than their intrinsic worth. Hayden's first crusade was in behalf of two freshmen, Stanley Lubin and Mark Hall, who led a food protest demonstration in East Quadrangle which got out of hand and turned into a panty raid. Joint Judic urged that the two students be suspended during the fall, 1960 semester. The faculty' subcommittee on discipline ap- proved the severe punishment. Vice-President for Student Af- fairs Lewis said, "This kind of thing just can't continue. We've said consistently for two years that incidents such as this served no purpose, and that proper Uni- versity judicial bodies would take strong action against individuals involved in such incidents." Other factors, such as the two's alleged obscene gestures and dis- respect of housemothers, contri- buted to the OSA's determination to make examples of them. THE DAILY'S senior editors re- sponded on May 3 with a two-full column, front page editorial de- claring, in essence, that Lubin's and Hall's case had not been fairly heard by Joint Judic and that Joint Judie was too close to the administration and not inde- pendent enough to be a fair judiciary. In a second senior editorial, after the two lost their appeals, Hayden and the other seniors de- clared ". . . we seriously wonder about the workings of the Uni- versity, which at base should be a number of individuals going through an educational process. .. .The University must construc- tively re-evaluate everything." Support for the two was ob- tained from various campus or- ganizations including SGC. IN THE summer, the adminis- tration decision was reversed and the two were allowed to remain in the University. From the Uni- viersity's viewpoint it was a wise decision, for both Lubin and Hall were to contribute to the com- munity. Lubin served in various student government positions and did much to publicize wrongs in the judiciary system. Hall, like Lubin, ran for SGC and lost. The Daily's crusade opened doors for future frontal attacks on the OSA. The efforts of Hayden' and his fellow editors were not just a crusade against the injus- tices done to two freshmen, but the beginning of an attack on the entire student affairs system and indirectly on the University as a whole. In retrospect, the efforts can be seen as the opening gun in a successful campaign to reform a significant part of the University. They marked the first success of the student activists. TOMORROW: The activists form an organization on cam- pus and The Daily and NSA contribute to the activist surge. OVER THE PAST YEAR much unwar- ranted criticism has been levelled by students, faculty and administrators at the University's recently operational tri- mester system. This criticism, while often pointing to real problems, has often been shortsight- ed and failed to recognize a few basic facts concerning any newly implemented program. The University has been operating in fixed patterns for decades. One of the more important of these fixed patterns has been the semester. The semester was the guidepoint for all University opera- tions. Faculty members planned courses to fit the semester; administrators plan- ned calendars around it and students oriented their lives in harmony with it. WHEN THE NEW SYSTEM replaced the semester it was of course necessary for everyone connected with the Univer- sity to completely change schedules which had been in effect for many years. That this process would be difficult and involve many problems was only to be ex- pected. But this readjustment may well prove worth the effort. The trimester offers many advantages to the University orga- nization as well as, to the individuals Who make up the University community. It offers the student the option of fin- ishing school in a much shortened per- iod of time or, if he wishes, a school year with a sizably larger gap between winter and fall terms. The professor is allowed the same options. The administrator is blessed, for now, with a lengthened sum- mer interim which allows more time to prepare for the influx of students in the Second class postage paid at Ann Arbor, Mich. Published daily Tuesday through Sunday morning. fall. And of course the trimester will eventually allow the University to edu- cate many more students than it could under a semester system. THE FACT that the trimester is a work- ing system in many colleges around the country is significant. It is also sig- nificant to note that many of the schools now using the trimester are new and in the process of becoming established. The system works in part because they do not have any old habits to break and no re- adaptation problems. The charge that the trimester has low- ered the quality of education in some cases because professors insist on chop- ping off a part of their course-or jam- ming it in-to fit the time schedule is undeniably true. However, because many professors are not at all satisfied with this situation there will undoubtedly be attempts to re- draw completely the course material and present it in accordance with the new sys- tem. THERE IS THUS a possibility that the trimester will provide the stimulus necessary to encourage some research and development of new teaching meth- ods by some of the University's numer- ous non-innovating faculty members. To reject the trimester system without giving the University adequate time to assimilate and adapt to it is reactionary to the point of Goldwaterism. Such thought cannot compete either on the campus or in society in general. The tri- mester has many advantages and has good points as well as bad points; it should be given a chance to prove itself. -MICHAEL BADAMO J *r TODAY AND TOMORROW: The U.S. Protects Its Sphere of Influence By WALTER LIPPMANN THE CRUCIAL POINT in the Dominican affair is that the decision to rescue Americans and other foreigners became almost immediately a decision also to stop the rebellion. The disorders "be- gan," said the President ondSun- day evening, "as a popular demo- cratic revolution committed to democracy and social justice." The purpose of the revolution was to restore the duly elected president, Juan Bosch, who had been deposed in 1963 by reaction- ary military forces seven months after taking office. "But the revo- lutionary movement took a tragic turn." FEIFJER A.number of Communists train- ed in Cuba "took increasing con- trol . . . Many of the original leaders of the rebellion, the fol- lowers of President Bosch, took refuge in foreign embassies be- cause they had been superseded by other evil forces and the sec- retary-general of the rebel gov- ernment, Martinez Francisco, ap- pealed for a cease-fire. But he was ignored. The revolution was now in other and dangerous hands." In the state of emergency there was no time for a thorough in- vestigation of all the facts. Presi- dent Johnson took his decision to halt the rebellion on what, it seems to me, was the right ground. IT WAS THAT, if the Com- munists in the revolutionary forces took over the government, the result would be for all prac- tical purposes irreversible. There would never be another election while they were in power in Santo Domingo. On the other hand, while the Bosch restoration has been halted, the way is stil open to the return of the party which won the 1963 elections. By acting promptly and decisively the President has kept the way open as otherwise it might well have been closed for- ever. It is quite plain from the Presi- dent's speech that the United States does not want to see a restoration of the old reactionary regime and that it does want the kind of popular democratic revo- lution, committed to "democracy and social justice," which Presi- dent Bosch represents. It is a question whether a coun- IF President Johnson, working with the OAS, can help the Do- minicans find that something in between, can restore President Bosch and shore him up while he carries through the drastic re- forms which are necessary in or- der to extirpate the evils of Tru- jillo, evils that breed communism, it will be a bright day for the American republics. We must not think it is impos- sible to do this. Mexico has found the middle way. There are new currents flowing in this hemis- phere, most notably in Chile and Brazil. They flow toward the cen- ter, from the left in Chile and from the right in Brazil. Our intervention in the Carib- bean island will, of course, be looked upon all over the world in the context of our intervention in Southeast Asia. We must consider it ourselves in this context. WE MUST START from the basic fast that what we have done is literally forbidden by Article 15 of the charter of the OAS- "No state or group of states has the right to intervene, directly or indirectly, for any reason what- ever, in the internal or external affairs of any other state." How then can we defend and justify ourselves. Shall we do it on the ground that the United States is the. global policeman, or the global fire department, ap- pointed to stop communism every- where? After such a plea the best we could hope for even from our best friends is that they will smile in- di mtn+1 .+ r.innne.n+ qplf- abnormal, for a great power to insist that within its sphere of in- fluence no other great power shall exerciserhostile military 'and poli- tical force. Since we emerged from isolation in the beginning of this century, American foreign policy has been bedeviled by the utopian fallacy that because this is one world, special spheres of influence are an inherent evil and obsolete. Woodrow Wilson proclaimed this globalism. Franklin Roosevelt, under the prodding of Cordell Hull, adhered to it against Win- ston Churchill's better judgment. And Mr. Johnson continues to in- voke it without, I think, a suffi- cient study of it. AS A MATTER OF FACT, ex- perience must soon verify the truth that spheres of influence are fundamental in the very nature of international society. They are as much a fact of life as are birth and death. Great powers will resist the in- vasion of their spheres of influ- ence. The Soviet Union did that in Hungary, France did it recently in Gabon, the British have always done it when the Low Countries were attacked, the United States has done it in the Dominican Re- public. And, if and when we want to know and face the truth, how much of what China is doing is something very similar? RECOGNITION of spheres of influence is a true alternative to globalism. It is the alternative to Communist globalism which nro- 4' yoo P6e THROJe M~AC! A RE'VQ--, LOOK) l.)!? OF IT! r -.2 NOTH I N4 M© YOUR Y/OUR WH PtGK t&)( THET HCAO 1ANA e'Ayh IMT YOU CMf~ FUR! TF .- L "OT, ( U'JAJTp OURS UOITC? OF 6 O )UIT6IY! )." - MQJ ARe '5 ' (ATOMS TO H6L v- 7t XTrlo y/ V JM a!t "ITw "^ F' 'Yornu, 1 4rr 5y , - R L' "'I r ~ t t me f r. ! R 1 I .::...... .. .