r
Seventy-Fifth Year
EDITED AND MANAGED BY STUDENTS OF THE UNIVERSITY OF MICIGAN
UNDER AUTHORITY OF BOARD IN CONTROL OF STUDENT PUBLICATIONS
'e OpiniansgAe Fre, 420 MAYNARD ST., ANN ARBOR, Micm.
ruth Will Prevail
NEWS PHoNE: 764-0552
Editorials printed in The Michigan Daily express the individual opinions of staff writers
or the editors. This must be noted in all reprints.
SATURDAY, JULY 24, 1965 NIGHT EDITOR: BARBARA SEYFRIED
The Playboy Philosophy:
A Realistic Look at Society
HUGH M. HEFNER'S "The Playboy Because this is not the case, American
Philosophy" has aroused such a storm democracy becomes not just a tyranny by
of controversy that it can no longer be the majority but a total farce.
ignored by even his strongest critics.
The Philosophy, appearing in more than BECAUSE A PERSON does not agree
published in Playboy maga- with Playboy's attitudes concerning
20 parts and "ished ihPayo the casual sex" and the wild life of a play-
so ed has taken issue with many of the boy does not lessen the intensity of the
so-called hallowed American traditions. It argument. In Hefner's ideal world, the
has questioned censorship, traditional people who don't believe in a free love so-
morality, governmental intrusion into the .
private lives of individuals and sexual ta- ciety would be permitted to retamntheir
bo. beliefs and even try to convert others
to believing them.
It has advocated abolition of all "blue The problem arises when the tradi-
laws" presently on the books, sexual per- tional moralist forces his views on every-
missiveness, freedom from persecution for one. This is persecution as real and as
any belief not involving others. In short, terrible as Southern persecution of the
it has been the mouthpiece of the "new Negro or even Hitler's persecution of the
morality." Jews. In both cases it is a direct func-
tion of one man or group attempting to
MANY PEOPLE are opposed to the Phi- subjugate another.
losophy because the magazine is look- . "t
ed uonevenin his ge f enighen- To quote from the Philosophy. "After
ed upon, even in this age of enlighten- 20 years of stultifying conformity, a new
ment, as a sinful representation of crum- generation has awakened America's nat-
bling morals. ural optimism, rebel spirit and belief in
It Is precisely those elements of our so- the importance of the individual. A cer-
ciety at which the Philosophy is aimed. ta. enthusiasm, a restless dissatisfac-
The most telling point of the entire tion with the status quo, a yearning to
Philosophy is not, however, the sexual know more and experience more is typical
issue. "The Playboy Philosophy" makes of youth of any time, but America is
its most significant contribution to our unique as a country in having most suc-
modern society by advocating the free- cessfully put this youthful vigor and atti-
dom of choice. tude to work as a national dream.
FREEDOM OF CHOICE is allegedly one "THE DREAM got lost for a time-for 20
of the fundamental rights upon which years to be more precise-but the new
this country was founded, however, in generation, the Upbeat Generation,
practice this has not been the case. An though it grew up through the Thirties
individual's rights are subverted in many and Forties, was relatively unaffected by
ways-from not being permitted to live the profound negativism of those two
where one wishes to not being able to decades.
buy a drink on Sunday. "Its members were too young to feel
Hefner argues correctly that an indi- the hardship and humiliation of the de-
vidual must be permitted to determine for pression, and without the real fears and
himself what is best for himself. No gov- frustrations of the Thirties branded deep
erment nor group of public spirited do- into their psyches they were able to shake
gooders should be permitted to force off the conformity of the war years and
.their will on anyone else. the threats of the post-war period with
relative ease."~
Hefner has received applause from
. " t t"( clergymen of the most respected orders
V' trlt au a 'tt4J to inmates in prison for sexual perversion.
Most remarks praise the Playboy Philoso-
JUDITH WARREN .......................... Co-Editor phy as an updated standard of ethics in
ROBERT RIPPLER........... .......... .. Ca-Editor keeping with the times in which we live.
EDWARD HERSTEIN ................... Sports Editor
JUDITH FIELDS ................... Business Manager
JibR7EY Michae.'l......... Supplement Manager T HE PLAYBOY PHILOSOPHY should
NIGHT EDITORS: Michael Badamo; John Meredith, definitely be on everyone's reading list,
Robert Moore, Barbara Seyfried, Bruce Wasserstein. but it must be borne in mind that Hefner
Subscription rates: $4 for IIA and B ($4.50 by mail); is not advocating everyone follow to the
$2 for IIlA or B ($2.50 by mail). letter the steps outlined on how to be a
The Daily is a member of the Associated Press and good playboy or that one should run out
Collegiate Press Service.
and sleep with his neighbor's wife. It is
The Associated Press is exclusively entitled to thehsn eedeithat frnedghb oie
use of all news dispatches credited to it or otherwise his sincere desire that freedom of choice
credited to the newspaper. All rghts of re-publication be made a reality in the United States,
of all other matters here are also reserved. rather than a meaningless phrase.
Second class postage paid at Ann Arbor, Mich.
Published daily Tuesday thruagh Saturday morning. -MICHAEL BADAMO
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TODAY AND TOMORROW:
Can U.S. Engage
In Limited War?
By WALTER LIPPMANN
SECRETARY R o b e r t McNa-
mara's return from Saigon has
set the stage for a decision which
has been anticipated for a long
time.
Ever since it has become evident
that the air strikes would not
bring the Indochinese war to an
end, it has been virtually certain
that the American troop commit-
ment would be greatly increased.
The air strikes were tried out
as a relatively cheap and easy way
of compensating for and covering
up thedefeat of the South Viet-
namese army.
IN THE PAST six months, the
plight of the Saigon army has be-
come worse and worse, and today
its reserves are used up, its troops
are deserting in masses, the vil-
lages from which it could draw
new recruits are in Viet Cong
hands, communications with the
few centers that it still holds are
substantially cut.
The decline of the South Viet-
namese army has gone so far that
President Johnson is confronted
with the question of waging an
American war.
The crucial question which has
to be decided is not how many
more American soldiers shall be
put ashore in Viet Nam.
ALTHOUGH this question is of
enormous importance to. the men
themselves and to their families,
although Congress and the coun-
try are vitally interested because
it is certain to involve at least a
partial mobilization, the crucial
question nevertheless is what the
%'HEAt'S, I WIN -- TAO L S
President intends to ask this large
American army to do.
Will he give it a mission that
can be accomplished? Or will he
send it on a fool's errand, as all
our previous missions in South
Viet Nam have proved to be-the
conquering and occupation of the
villages and the countryside by
American soldiers?
There is no indication as yet
that the President has reached a
decision on this fundamental stra-
tegic issue.
THE BUILD-UP of American
forces does not decide the issue-
which is whether the troops are
going ashore in order to affirm
the American presence during a
negotiation for a political settle-
ment or whether they are the
vanguard of a crusade to push
Communism back of the 17th par-
allel, to teach China a lesson,
to prove that Americans always
win their wars.
This is the issue that has to be
decided, and in a self-respecting
free society it would now be sob-
erly and gravely debated.
TheePresident has said enough
to keep open his own power to
choose. He has often said that he
wants a limited war and a nego-
tiated settlement.
BUT AGAIN and again he has
resorted to the hot slogans which,
if taken at face value, would mean
not a limited war but a total war.
There is no assurance that the
country will not be nudged and
jostled-as it has been for a dec-
ade in Indochina.
We are now in sight of a total
war. We shall be much nearer the
brink if we transform our inter-
vention to help the Saigon gov-
ernment into an American war
against the Viet Cong and Hanoi.
FOR WITH the crumbling of the
Saigon army, with the defeatof
the Saigon government in almost
the whole territory of South Viet
Nam, with the corrosion and cor-
ruption of the government in Sai-
gon itself, we are confronted with
the proposal to replace the South
Vietnamese with Americans, to
replace our advisers and take com-
mand of the war and-inevitably
as a result-to establish an Ameri-
can military government in Sai-
gon to rule the native politicians
and generals.
Can there be any serious ques-
tion that such an expansion of
American military power on the
Asian mainland is likely to mean
a war to the bitter end, not only
against the Viet Cong and Hanoi,
but against China as well?
This is the point on which the
country needs to be informed.
IT NEEDS TO BE assured from
the President that we are not en-
larging our troop commitment in
order to fight an Asian war with
an American army and an Ameri-
can command and a military gov-
ernment.
For on what terms would we
fight such a war, and where could
it end?
It is too late in the day to worry
about protocol, about consulting
the United Nations or about con-
sulting Congress and the people.
.4
~You LOSE' "!
I
FRANCO'S SMOKESCREEN:
Spain's Reign Stays The Same--Insane
0
4
EDITOR'S NOTE: This article first.
appeared in The Christian Century
as an editorial.
AFTER GETTING his snake-eye
in Paris, Barry Goldwater paid
a visit to Generalissimo Franco in
Madrid. Making no bones about
his "great admiration for what
Franco is doing," Goldwater com-
miserated with the Spanish dicta-
tor over the fact that "our two
countries are both suffering from
student demonstrations."
One wonders how Goldwater
would reconcile his professed re-
gard for the Constitution of the
United States with his liking for
Franco's "fine system."
For that system prohibits the
exercise of most of the freedoms
which the U.S. Constitution guar-
antees and which most Americans
(including the former senator
from Arizona) tend to take for
granted.
BUT THE CLAMOR for freedom
-freedom of assembly, freedom
of the press, the right to strike,
amnesty for persons imprisoned
for advocating such freedoms-is
mounting in Spain, and the clam-
or comes not only from students
but from professors, workers and
priests.
Furthermore, Franco is finding
it more and more difficult to keep
the clamor in check. The younger
generation is not intimidated by
memories of Spain's tragic civil
war.
Outlawed opposition groups are
growing bolder, are learning to
make common cause. Franco's tra-
ditional mainstays such as the
church and the economic interests
are gradually withdrawing their
support.
HIS REGIME has the backing
of the military, but some of the
younger army officers are having
their doubts.
Even Franco's Cabinet members
are having differences of opinion.
Tourism, modern communications
and seasonal employment of thou-
sands of their countrymen in
Switzerland, France and elsewhere
have taught the Spanish masses
that there can be more to life
than poverty and repression.
Despite some economic advance
in recent years, inflation is ramp-
ant in Spain; a pound of meat
costs more than the minimum
wage of about a dollar a day.
ADDED TO ALL this is the fact
that Franco's health is not what
it used to be.
But as George Bernard Shaw
said of the Bourbon kings, Franco
remembers everything and learns
nothing. He persists in his folly
because he knows that any real
relaxation of control would hasten
the collapse of that "fine system"
which he hopes will be perpetuated
even after his death or retire-
ment.
Wrote one of his cronies recent-
ly: "After Franco, Franco; that is,
the spirit of Franco. And should
this not be the case, should there
with the recent wave of student
protests.
Though the regime dealt less
harshly with the students than it
has with striking workers and
though it tried to place the blame
on "radical" professors-after all,
the students are from middle and
upper class families-the tactics
were characteristic strong-arna
ones nonetheless: beatings, arrests,
interrogations, suspensions.
The students gained a seem-
ing concession-a promise that the
official student association, would
be restructured-along more' demo-
cratic lines-but this turned out
to be largely a delaying tactic,
since the pertinent decree's clever-
ly ambiguous wording leaves the
government firmly in control.
Other recent events in Spain
are similarly revealing: the ban-
ning of Le Monde of Paris, Spain's
best-selling foreign newspaper,
and revocation of the credentials
of its perceptive reporter Jose
Antonio Novais; the incarceration
of Alberto Gabiacgogeascoa, parish
priest from Mugica in the Basque
province of Vizcaya, on a charge
of "illegal propaganda" (he dared.
to preach a sermon protesting the
torture of a group of youths who
had run up the Basque national
banner, at a primary school); the
exiling of the abbot of Montserrat
monastery, Dom Aurelio Escarre,
one of Franco's most outspoken
critics; the murder on Spanish
soil of Portugal's opposition lead-
er General Humberto Delgato and
the probable collaboration of Por-
tuguese and Spanish authorities
in bringing it about.
YES, THE REIGN in Spain
stays mainly the same-insane.
POSITIVE QUALITIES:
Ryan--Alternative to Lindsay
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By ROBERT LEKACHMAN
EDITOR'S NOTE: This article is
reprinted from The' New Republic.
IN NEW YORK'S tangled sum-
mer politics the most interest-
ing event the past few weeks has
been the emergence of Congress-
man William F. Ryan as a gen-
uine contender in the Democratic
mayoralty stakes.
Since 1957, the date of his
first Manhattan contest, Ryan has
commanded the devoted support
of the Democratic reformers on
Manhattan's West Side.
But by winning the endorsement
of the city-wide Committee for
Democratic Voters he has become
the candidate of reformers in all
the boroughs.
THE NEW YORK POST said on
July 9, "his presence in-the Demo-
cratic primary contest offers
promise that real issues will be
vigorously and forthrightly aired."
In November the most interest-
ing confrontation would be be-
tween Ryan and Lindsay, both
young enough at 43 to separate
themselves from the generation
which has been running city af-
fairs, both plausibly committed to
the proposition (which is doubted
by many) that the City of New
York really can be governed.
More or less as usual, the odds
are against Ryan. His chances
depend on his capacity to evoke
the political excitement which is
an astonishingly effective sub-
stitute for money and organization
support.
THE FACTS of Ryan's career
imply that he might turn the
trick. After seven years in Hogan's
office as an assistant district at-
torney, Ryan ran for district lead-
er against a strong Tammany or-
ganization in the Columbia Uni-
versity area.
After three-and-a-half years in
this unpaid party office he dis-
placed a Tammany Democrat,
Congressman Ludwig Teller, in a
wild primary. When his political
enemies thoughtfully redistricted
his area in preparation for the
1962 election, he trounced a sec-
ond incumbant Democrat regular
in the primary and proceeded in
the general 'election to retain his
seat by a huge plurality.
Ryan is a political maverick
with three major virtues. The first
is a capacity to win elections.
Running against well-entrenched
and well-financed opponents, his
ability to attract the enthusiastic
young has compensated for his
own scarcity of money.
A SECOND VIRTUE is an in-
timate knowledge of city affairs,
stretching over 15 years. Any DA's
office is a fine place to inspect the
seamy side of the city. Ryan
wound up his service in the
Rackets Bureau, where he had
the chance to sniff the odor of
municipal corruption at its
gamiest.
As district leader in an area
about equally afflicted by slums
and urban renewal, he handled on
a case-by-case basis the range of
problems which afflicted his con-
stituents-everything from welfare
eligibility to personal safety.
to deny funds to the House Un-
American Activities Committee.
(Lindsay was critical of the Com-
mittee's activities but voted for
its appropriations.)
Ryan opposed private owner-
ship of the communications satel-
lite, and has kept alive the chal-
lenge of the seating of the five
Mississippi congressmen. He was
one of only seven congressmen
(Lindsay not among them) who
voted against the President's Viet
Nam appropriation.
S
S
1
J
BUT IT IS NOT too late, though
it is the eleventh hour, to ask and
be told whether this is still to be
a limited war.
(c),1965, The washington Post Co.
TOP SCENERY:
See Life's Beauty
In Arb, Not 'Sandpiper'
At the Michigan Theatre
EASIDE SEDUCTRESS Liz Taylor is showing contumacious cleric
Richard Burton the preliminary sketches for the stained glass win-
dows of a new chapel.
"I like them," says Dick. "But," he adds with a naivete calculated
to sound like the sincerity of a priest, "there aren't any humans in
them."
Sure enough, there aren't. Just wildlife and sunsets.
"HUMANS WOULD spoil them," Liz retorts. "The world was so
much better without humans."
"What innocence!" admires Richard.
Our saintly duo then drift into an adulterous affair.
The audience has a tendency to forgive this unpromising exposi-
tion. It is still wide-eyed from the lush opening shots of pink sand,
pinker suns and purple ocean. I.
BUT GORGEOUS SCENERY in a movie that purports to be drama
cannot disguise the embarassment of long-winded treacle furiously
and overly acted.
This film, like Liz's imaginary designs, would have been better
without the human forms which necessarily inhabit it. The shoreline
of southern California photographed by a camera gliding a hundred
or so feet above it has the beckoning power of another Bali Hai. Add
romantic jazz sounds, and you have a travelogue that could revolution-
ize the Kiwanis syndrome.
But "The Sandpiper" wasn't written as a travelogue. An ailing
sandpiper (that's a beachnik bird with scrawny legs and a palate for
fish-not a mythical relative of Pan) is supposed to represent the
moral malaise of cleric Burton. As Liz ministers to the bird's broken
wing, so she is supposed to minister to the minister's broken soul.
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