r Seventy-Fifth Year EDITED AND MANAGED BY STUDENTS OF THE UNIVERSITY OF MICIGAN UNDER AUTHORITY OF BOARD IN CONTROL OF STUDENT PUBLICATIONS 'e OpiniansgAe Fre, 420 MAYNARD ST., ANN ARBOR, Micm. ruth Will Prevail NEWS PHoNE: 764-0552 Editorials printed in The Michigan Daily express the individual opinions of staff writers or the editors. This must be noted in all reprints. SATURDAY, JULY 24, 1965 NIGHT EDITOR: BARBARA SEYFRIED The Playboy Philosophy: A Realistic Look at Society HUGH M. HEFNER'S "The Playboy Because this is not the case, American Philosophy" has aroused such a storm democracy becomes not just a tyranny by of controversy that it can no longer be the majority but a total farce. ignored by even his strongest critics. The Philosophy, appearing in more than BECAUSE A PERSON does not agree published in Playboy maga- with Playboy's attitudes concerning 20 parts and "ished ihPayo the casual sex" and the wild life of a play- so ed has taken issue with many of the boy does not lessen the intensity of the so-called hallowed American traditions. It argument. In Hefner's ideal world, the has questioned censorship, traditional people who don't believe in a free love so- morality, governmental intrusion into the . private lives of individuals and sexual ta- ciety would be permitted to retamntheir bo. beliefs and even try to convert others to believing them. It has advocated abolition of all "blue The problem arises when the tradi- laws" presently on the books, sexual per- tional moralist forces his views on every- missiveness, freedom from persecution for one. This is persecution as real and as any belief not involving others. In short, terrible as Southern persecution of the it has been the mouthpiece of the "new Negro or even Hitler's persecution of the morality." Jews. In both cases it is a direct func- tion of one man or group attempting to MANY PEOPLE are opposed to the Phi- subjugate another. losophy because the magazine is look- . "t ed uonevenin his ge f enighen- To quote from the Philosophy. "After ed upon, even in this age of enlighten- 20 years of stultifying conformity, a new ment, as a sinful representation of crum- generation has awakened America's nat- bling morals. ural optimism, rebel spirit and belief in It Is precisely those elements of our so- the importance of the individual. A cer- ciety at which the Philosophy is aimed. ta. enthusiasm, a restless dissatisfac- The most telling point of the entire tion with the status quo, a yearning to Philosophy is not, however, the sexual know more and experience more is typical issue. "The Playboy Philosophy" makes of youth of any time, but America is its most significant contribution to our unique as a country in having most suc- modern society by advocating the free- cessfully put this youthful vigor and atti- dom of choice. tude to work as a national dream. FREEDOM OF CHOICE is allegedly one "THE DREAM got lost for a time-for 20 of the fundamental rights upon which years to be more precise-but the new this country was founded, however, in generation, the Upbeat Generation, practice this has not been the case. An though it grew up through the Thirties individual's rights are subverted in many and Forties, was relatively unaffected by ways-from not being permitted to live the profound negativism of those two where one wishes to not being able to decades. buy a drink on Sunday. "Its members were too young to feel Hefner argues correctly that an indi- the hardship and humiliation of the de- vidual must be permitted to determine for pression, and without the real fears and himself what is best for himself. No gov- frustrations of the Thirties branded deep erment nor group of public spirited do- into their psyches they were able to shake gooders should be permitted to force off the conformity of the war years and .their will on anyone else. the threats of the post-war period with relative ease."~ Hefner has received applause from . " t t"( clergymen of the most respected orders V' trlt au a 'tt4J to inmates in prison for sexual perversion. Most remarks praise the Playboy Philoso- JUDITH WARREN .......................... Co-Editor phy as an updated standard of ethics in ROBERT RIPPLER........... .......... .. Ca-Editor keeping with the times in which we live. EDWARD HERSTEIN ................... Sports Editor JUDITH FIELDS ................... Business Manager JibR7EY Michae.'l......... Supplement Manager T HE PLAYBOY PHILOSOPHY should NIGHT EDITORS: Michael Badamo; John Meredith, definitely be on everyone's reading list, Robert Moore, Barbara Seyfried, Bruce Wasserstein. but it must be borne in mind that Hefner Subscription rates: $4 for IIA and B ($4.50 by mail); is not advocating everyone follow to the $2 for IIlA or B ($2.50 by mail). letter the steps outlined on how to be a The Daily is a member of the Associated Press and good playboy or that one should run out Collegiate Press Service. and sleep with his neighbor's wife. It is The Associated Press is exclusively entitled to thehsn eedeithat frnedghb oie use of all news dispatches credited to it or otherwise his sincere desire that freedom of choice credited to the newspaper. All rghts of re-publication be made a reality in the United States, of all other matters here are also reserved. rather than a meaningless phrase. Second class postage paid at Ann Arbor, Mich. Published daily Tuesday thruagh Saturday morning. -MICHAEL BADAMO $sbp pu$ pomp VIE # i" Y_ t r m i } i fu .W At ' rI U *y I- / TODAY AND TOMORROW: Can U.S. Engage In Limited War? By WALTER LIPPMANN SECRETARY R o b e r t McNa- mara's return from Saigon has set the stage for a decision which has been anticipated for a long time. Ever since it has become evident that the air strikes would not bring the Indochinese war to an end, it has been virtually certain that the American troop commit- ment would be greatly increased. The air strikes were tried out as a relatively cheap and easy way of compensating for and covering up thedefeat of the South Viet- namese army. IN THE PAST six months, the plight of the Saigon army has be- come worse and worse, and today its reserves are used up, its troops are deserting in masses, the vil- lages from which it could draw new recruits are in Viet Cong hands, communications with the few centers that it still holds are substantially cut. The decline of the South Viet- namese army has gone so far that President Johnson is confronted with the question of waging an American war. The crucial question which has to be decided is not how many more American soldiers shall be put ashore in Viet Nam. ALTHOUGH this question is of enormous importance to. the men themselves and to their families, although Congress and the coun- try are vitally interested because it is certain to involve at least a partial mobilization, the crucial question nevertheless is what the %'HEAt'S, I WIN -- TAO L S President intends to ask this large American army to do. Will he give it a mission that can be accomplished? Or will he send it on a fool's errand, as all our previous missions in South Viet Nam have proved to be-the conquering and occupation of the villages and the countryside by American soldiers? There is no indication as yet that the President has reached a decision on this fundamental stra- tegic issue. THE BUILD-UP of American forces does not decide the issue- which is whether the troops are going ashore in order to affirm the American presence during a negotiation for a political settle- ment or whether they are the vanguard of a crusade to push Communism back of the 17th par- allel, to teach China a lesson, to prove that Americans always win their wars. This is the issue that has to be decided, and in a self-respecting free society it would now be sob- erly and gravely debated. TheePresident has said enough to keep open his own power to choose. He has often said that he wants a limited war and a nego- tiated settlement. BUT AGAIN and again he has resorted to the hot slogans which, if taken at face value, would mean not a limited war but a total war. There is no assurance that the country will not be nudged and jostled-as it has been for a dec- ade in Indochina. We are now in sight of a total war. We shall be much nearer the brink if we transform our inter- vention to help the Saigon gov- ernment into an American war against the Viet Cong and Hanoi. FOR WITH the crumbling of the Saigon army, with the defeatof the Saigon government in almost the whole territory of South Viet Nam, with the corrosion and cor- ruption of the government in Sai- gon itself, we are confronted with the proposal to replace the South Vietnamese with Americans, to replace our advisers and take com- mand of the war and-inevitably as a result-to establish an Ameri- can military government in Sai- gon to rule the native politicians and generals. Can there be any serious ques- tion that such an expansion of American military power on the Asian mainland is likely to mean a war to the bitter end, not only against the Viet Cong and Hanoi, but against China as well? This is the point on which the country needs to be informed. IT NEEDS TO BE assured from the President that we are not en- larging our troop commitment in order to fight an Asian war with an American army and an Ameri- can command and a military gov- ernment. For on what terms would we fight such a war, and where could it end? It is too late in the day to worry about protocol, about consulting the United Nations or about con- sulting Congress and the people. .4 ~You LOSE' "! I FRANCO'S SMOKESCREEN: Spain's Reign Stays The Same--Insane 0 4 EDITOR'S NOTE: This article first. appeared in The Christian Century as an editorial. AFTER GETTING his snake-eye in Paris, Barry Goldwater paid a visit to Generalissimo Franco in Madrid. Making no bones about his "great admiration for what Franco is doing," Goldwater com- miserated with the Spanish dicta- tor over the fact that "our two countries are both suffering from student demonstrations." One wonders how Goldwater would reconcile his professed re- gard for the Constitution of the United States with his liking for Franco's "fine system." For that system prohibits the exercise of most of the freedoms which the U.S. Constitution guar- antees and which most Americans (including the former senator from Arizona) tend to take for granted. BUT THE CLAMOR for freedom -freedom of assembly, freedom of the press, the right to strike, amnesty for persons imprisoned for advocating such freedoms-is mounting in Spain, and the clam- or comes not only from students but from professors, workers and priests. Furthermore, Franco is finding it more and more difficult to keep the clamor in check. The younger generation is not intimidated by memories of Spain's tragic civil war. Outlawed opposition groups are growing bolder, are learning to make common cause. Franco's tra- ditional mainstays such as the church and the economic interests are gradually withdrawing their support. HIS REGIME has the backing of the military, but some of the younger army officers are having their doubts. Even Franco's Cabinet members are having differences of opinion. Tourism, modern communications and seasonal employment of thou- sands of their countrymen in Switzerland, France and elsewhere have taught the Spanish masses that there can be more to life than poverty and repression. Despite some economic advance in recent years, inflation is ramp- ant in Spain; a pound of meat costs more than the minimum wage of about a dollar a day. ADDED TO ALL this is the fact that Franco's health is not what it used to be. But as George Bernard Shaw said of the Bourbon kings, Franco remembers everything and learns nothing. He persists in his folly because he knows that any real relaxation of control would hasten the collapse of that "fine system" which he hopes will be perpetuated even after his death or retire- ment. Wrote one of his cronies recent- ly: "After Franco, Franco; that is, the spirit of Franco. And should this not be the case, should there with the recent wave of student protests. Though the regime dealt less harshly with the students than it has with striking workers and though it tried to place the blame on "radical" professors-after all, the students are from middle and upper class families-the tactics were characteristic strong-arna ones nonetheless: beatings, arrests, interrogations, suspensions. The students gained a seem- ing concession-a promise that the official student association, would be restructured-along more' demo- cratic lines-but this turned out to be largely a delaying tactic, since the pertinent decree's clever- ly ambiguous wording leaves the government firmly in control. Other recent events in Spain are similarly revealing: the ban- ning of Le Monde of Paris, Spain's best-selling foreign newspaper, and revocation of the credentials of its perceptive reporter Jose Antonio Novais; the incarceration of Alberto Gabiacgogeascoa, parish priest from Mugica in the Basque province of Vizcaya, on a charge of "illegal propaganda" (he dared. to preach a sermon protesting the torture of a group of youths who had run up the Basque national banner, at a primary school); the exiling of the abbot of Montserrat monastery, Dom Aurelio Escarre, one of Franco's most outspoken critics; the murder on Spanish soil of Portugal's opposition lead- er General Humberto Delgato and the probable collaboration of Por- tuguese and Spanish authorities in bringing it about. YES, THE REIGN in Spain stays mainly the same-insane. POSITIVE QUALITIES: Ryan--Alternative to Lindsay 4 By ROBERT LEKACHMAN EDITOR'S NOTE: This article is reprinted from The' New Republic. IN NEW YORK'S tangled sum- mer politics the most interest- ing event the past few weeks has been the emergence of Congress- man William F. Ryan as a gen- uine contender in the Democratic mayoralty stakes. Since 1957, the date of his first Manhattan contest, Ryan has commanded the devoted support of the Democratic reformers on Manhattan's West Side. But by winning the endorsement of the city-wide Committee for Democratic Voters he has become the candidate of reformers in all the boroughs. THE NEW YORK POST said on July 9, "his presence in-the Demo- cratic primary contest offers promise that real issues will be vigorously and forthrightly aired." In November the most interest- ing confrontation would be be- tween Ryan and Lindsay, both young enough at 43 to separate themselves from the generation which has been running city af- fairs, both plausibly committed to the proposition (which is doubted by many) that the City of New York really can be governed. More or less as usual, the odds are against Ryan. His chances depend on his capacity to evoke the political excitement which is an astonishingly effective sub- stitute for money and organization support. THE FACTS of Ryan's career imply that he might turn the trick. After seven years in Hogan's office as an assistant district at- torney, Ryan ran for district lead- er against a strong Tammany or- ganization in the Columbia Uni- versity area. After three-and-a-half years in this unpaid party office he dis- placed a Tammany Democrat, Congressman Ludwig Teller, in a wild primary. When his political enemies thoughtfully redistricted his area in preparation for the 1962 election, he trounced a sec- ond incumbant Democrat regular in the primary and proceeded in the general 'election to retain his seat by a huge plurality. Ryan is a political maverick with three major virtues. The first is a capacity to win elections. Running against well-entrenched and well-financed opponents, his ability to attract the enthusiastic young has compensated for his own scarcity of money. A SECOND VIRTUE is an in- timate knowledge of city affairs, stretching over 15 years. Any DA's office is a fine place to inspect the seamy side of the city. Ryan wound up his service in the Rackets Bureau, where he had the chance to sniff the odor of municipal corruption at its gamiest. As district leader in an area about equally afflicted by slums and urban renewal, he handled on a case-by-case basis the range of problems which afflicted his con- stituents-everything from welfare eligibility to personal safety. to deny funds to the House Un- American Activities Committee. (Lindsay was critical of the Com- mittee's activities but voted for its appropriations.) Ryan opposed private owner- ship of the communications satel- lite, and has kept alive the chal- lenge of the seating of the five Mississippi congressmen. He was one of only seven congressmen (Lindsay not among them) who voted against the President's Viet Nam appropriation. S S 1 J BUT IT IS NOT too late, though it is the eleventh hour, to ask and be told whether this is still to be a limited war. (c),1965, The washington Post Co. TOP SCENERY: See Life's Beauty In Arb, Not 'Sandpiper' At the Michigan Theatre EASIDE SEDUCTRESS Liz Taylor is showing contumacious cleric Richard Burton the preliminary sketches for the stained glass win- dows of a new chapel. "I like them," says Dick. "But," he adds with a naivete calculated to sound like the sincerity of a priest, "there aren't any humans in them." Sure enough, there aren't. Just wildlife and sunsets. "HUMANS WOULD spoil them," Liz retorts. "The world was so much better without humans." "What innocence!" admires Richard. Our saintly duo then drift into an adulterous affair. The audience has a tendency to forgive this unpromising exposi- tion. It is still wide-eyed from the lush opening shots of pink sand, pinker suns and purple ocean. I. BUT GORGEOUS SCENERY in a movie that purports to be drama cannot disguise the embarassment of long-winded treacle furiously and overly acted. This film, like Liz's imaginary designs, would have been better without the human forms which necessarily inhabit it. The shoreline of southern California photographed by a camera gliding a hundred or so feet above it has the beckoning power of another Bali Hai. Add romantic jazz sounds, and you have a travelogue that could revolution- ize the Kiwanis syndrome. But "The Sandpiper" wasn't written as a travelogue. An ailing sandpiper (that's a beachnik bird with scrawny legs and a palate for fish-not a mythical relative of Pan) is supposed to represent the moral malaise of cleric Burton. As Liz ministers to the bird's broken wing, so she is supposed to minister to the minister's broken soul. 4 I -