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Seventy-Fifth Year
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Activists Aidin Reforming OSA
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Truth Will Prevail
NEWS PHONE: 764-0552
Editorials printed in The Michigan Daily express the individual opinions of staff writers
or the editors. This must be noted in all reprints.
SATURDAY, MAY 8, 1965 NIGHT EDITOR: MICHAEL BADAMO
Attitudes Must Change
To Conform to Reality
IN A RAPIDLY CHANGING world,
changes in attitude invariably lag be-
hind changes in reality. Probably one of
the most potentially dangerous areas is
conflict management.
As Prof. Kenneth Boulding of the eco-
nomics department once expressed it,
"right now we are engaged in a race be-
tween learning and disaster."
Nations will have to learn how to han-
dle their disagreements if the world is
going to continue to exist. But the ad-
ministration's present policy is not lead-
ing the world closer to this goal.
NUMEROUS QUALITIES are needed to
handle peace, but President Johnson
seems incapable of exhibiting them.
The first element is. attitude, the atti-
tude of the American people as well as
that of the President. Conflict situations
are heavily dependent upon a realistic
concept of what other nations are like.
The Detroit Area Survey, last year,
showed that many people formulated
their attitudes towards foreign nations
simply on the basis of whether the na-
tion was Communist or non-Communist,
"developed" or "underdeveloped."
IF ANY TYPE of mature handling of in-
ternational problems is to be reached,
these attitudes must be changed, or at
least the basis for these attitudes must
change.
The federal government is the one
agent which can do something about this.
People cannot do it without a stimulus,
and certainly business would not get in-
volved.
For this reason President Johnson's
condemnation of Communism simply be-
cause it is Communism is highly irration-
al and if anything, will have a detrimen-
tal effect on any future development of
world peace.
Thus the federal government suffers
from the same "faulty vision" that the
public does.
BOULDING ALSO had an idea for how
an international organization could
carry out the education chore. He sug-
gested that what was needed was a set
of data stations. There would be one
data station for every 50,000 people. These
stations would run sample surveys and
conduct other projects in order to test
that particular "social sphere."
With this information being dissem-
inated to all nations, perhaps the U.S.
attitude toward other nations might be
modified in the context of reality.
The Communist ideology exists and will
probably continue to exist for a long time.
What makes the data stations so im-
portant is that it would allow the ad-
ministration to bargain and deal with the
Communists without having to rational-
ize every act to a simple-thinking public.
The administration would also develop
a more realistic approach in making poli-
cies. If predictions can be made as to how
a nation will react to a policy, conflict
can be avoided by implementing or not
implementing it.
AGAIN PRESIDENT JOHNSON fails at
this. The U.S. intervention in the Do-
minican Republic showed a decided lack
of diplomacy, respect and common sense.
By unilaterally sending troops into the
Dominican Republic, after Latin America,
has suffered under the burden of numer-
ous U.S. interventions, the U.S. created
the general impression of a bully.
The entire situation could have been
handled through the Organization of
American States in the first place, or
through diplomatic channels.
This could have been done by threaten-
ing U.S. intervention instead zf actually
sending in the Marines. Whus, U.S. offi-
cials would have respected the autonomy
of the Dominican Republic.
PRESIDENT KENNEDY seemed to dem-
onstrate the usefulness of this meth-
od during the Cuban crisis. He was ve,:y
careful not to embarrass the Russians,
thereby making their withdrawal easier.
The U.S. and Johnson need a lesson in
tact, or possibly a lesson in how to get,
along with their neighbors.
ALTHOUGH IT COULD be said that
Johnson was justified in sending the
Marines in because he felt that American
lives were in danger, the entire situation
could have been worked out differently
so that the U.S. would not have to face
the ire of other Latin American nations.
-BARBARA SEYFRIED
EDITOR'S NOTE: In today's ar-
ticle, the fourth o fa series, Philip
Sutin, Grad, discusses the reorga-
nization of the Office of Student
Affairs.
By PHILIP SUTIN
IN 1961 the University began lay-
ing the groundwork for a ma..
jor change in student life - the
full-year calendar or trimester.
University President H a r 1a n
Hatcher appointed Prof. William
Haber of the economics depart-
ment to head a faculty committee
on calendar changes.
The committee, reflecting wide-
spread faculty sentiment, reject-
ed the quarter system for a three
equal terms plan. The Senate Ad-
visory Committee on University
Affairs agreed with the faculty
committee, which had done as
much of a selling job on full-
year operation as a study on new
calendars. Regental approval fol-
lowed.
Even at that time there were
warnings to begin planning for
the changes that trimester would
bring, but 1962 and the possibil-
ity of getting sufficient funds
seemed so far away. There were
more immediate concerns.
THE 1961-62 school year saw
student activism reach its high
point and slowly decline as some
of its immediate goals were reach-
ed and reform worked itself out.
That summer saw the first gen-
eration of student activists gradu-
ate. Daily Editor Tom Hayden,
acting on his convictions, be-
came a civil rights worker in the
South. Other prominent person-
alities went into various forms of
eclipse.
On Sept. 30, 1961, Dean of Wom-
en Deborah Bacon ,after over a
year of criticism from student and
faculty campus groups, resigned
her post. There was great exhil-
aration as the student activists
saw their hated foe quit. "I am
personally out of tune with some
of the changes which seem inevi-
table in the years ahead," she
candidly explained.
THE DAILY, at the height of its
power, held the best party in re-
cent years that night. The editors'
work in compiling the evidence
against the dean of women and
constant campaigning against the
OSA showed the Daily's power to
force change and "get" an un-
popular administrator.
Changes were in the offing, as
Miss Bacon correctly noted. Act-
ing on a general consensus with-
in the OSA, the upper administra-
tion, the faculty and students,
Lewis appointed an eight-member
faculty committee, chaired by law
professor John Reed, to consider
revisions of both the OSA's phi-
losophy and structure.
The committee with faculty
from a broad spectrum of the
University was appointed in the
summer of 1961. Four students -
two liberal activists, Brian Glick
and League rresident Bea Nem-
laha, and two conservatives, Un-
ion President Paul Carder and As-
sembly Dormitory Council Presi-
dent Sally Jo Sawyer - were
named to it by SGC at the end
of September.
.LEWIS CHARGED the commit-
tee with reforming the OSA. The
vice-president, however, was a
member of the committee. But
his relationship to it was unclear.
At first, he was considered a re-
source person to whom the group
would submit its report. He later
became a full voting member,
causing some student suspicion
about the independence of the
committee.
The Reed Committee worked se-
cretly through the fall and early
spring of 1962. It decided early to
adopt the functional approach-
elimination of the deans offices
and replacing them with coun-
seling, student organizations and
WORKING GROUPS of students, pushing for reform in the Uni-
versity community-such as the executive board of Student Gov-
ernor's Conference, shown above in a 1962 meeting-were instru-
mental as pressure groups in effecting reforms in University policy.
UPHOLD 14(B):
Right-To Work
Must Be Ensured
V REAT CONCERN is voiced in
Washington for the protection
of the civil rights of individuals
and minority groups.
But what of the right of the
American worker to join-or not
to join-a union? This particular
issue doesn't seem to Interest
those who are in the forefront
of the civil rights battle.
There is a strange silence about
the evil of compulsory unionism
and its denial of individual civil
and human rights. (Note, we did
not say evil of unionism but rather
compulsory unionism.)
The great weight of the federal
government is thrown into the
human rights movement --in
schooling, in housing, in public
accommodations. But what of the
human rights of the man who, in
order to hold a job, is forced to
join an organization that may be
diametrically opposed to his prin-
ciples and views.
IN 19 STATES that man is
protected by the right-to-work
laws. And Section 14 (b) of the
Taft-Hartley Act upholds the
states in enacting these laws.
Now, the push is on in Wash-
ington to have Congress repeal
14 (b). We don't know what the
legislators will do when the issue.
comes before them, but we do
know what the American public
thinks.
A national poll shows that the
public is against repeal of 14 (b)
by more than a two-to-one mar-
gin. In fact, nearly two-thirds of
the adult public favor a national
law making all union membership
voluntary.
IT IS TO BE HOPED that Con-
gress gets the message.
discipline, housing and financial
aid offices across sexual lines.
There was general agreement
about this most basic change. Stu-
dents and faculty did not split
along interest and policy lines.
THE COMMITTEE also agreed
that the responsibility for the
OSA should be fixed in one place
-the vice-president for student
affairs. One of the major com-
plaints of the OSA's activist critics
was the lack of a place where the
blame for wrongs could be placed.
A sticky issue was the creation
of a dean of students below the
vice-president. Student members
objected to the intermediary ad-
ministrator diffusing responsibil-
ity. The position was included in
the original report, but was later
deleted by the Regents.
Philosophically, the committee
called for the OSA "to stimulate
in each student the maximum in-
tellectual growth of which he is
capable and enable him through
the resultant development of
character and abilities to make
maximum contribution to his so-
ciety."
SEVERAL ATTEMPTS were
made to influence the committee's
work. Fifteen, student leaders and
15 faculty members held four se-
cret meetings to consider reform-
ing the University. This group
grew out of student-faculty dis-
cussions at Prof. Kenneth Bould-
ing's house.
The discussions were primarily
concerned with peace activities. At
one meeting, talk turned to uni-
versities-first concerning the cold,
war, then to university reform in
general. The idea for the secret
student-faculty "Bund," as the
group was called, came from a
similar one at UCLA.
The "Bund" held four meetings
during the winter of 1961, but
nothing significant came from
them. Some described them as
largely social hours.
STUDENTS and faculty failed
to communicate effectively with
each other. They could not reach
a common ground on the need for
change, let alone a plan of action.
Some participants blamed the
failure on the selection of un-
sympathetic faculty members. The
gulf in generations and the dif-
fering interests were also factors.
Mark Chesler, a participant in
the "Bund," cited student fail-
ings. The students did not know
what they wanted the facultyto
do. They could not decide on key
issues and then pin the faculty
down to a course of action.
Thus the "Bund" became a dis-
cussion society, not an action
group, conspiratorial or otherwise.
THE MOST clearly stated aims
of student activists at this time
appeared in the Glick-Roberts
motion. This five-page document
was introduced to SGC Nov. 29,
1961. Council at that time was
tied up in membership regula-
tions with debate extending until
2 a.m. SGC conservatives also
wished to avoid the issue, as dem-
onstrated when they voted down a
request for a special meeting to
consider it. They delayed con-
sideration until Jan. 4, 1962, when
it was defeated.
The motion - designed to be
SGC's recommendationstodthe
Reed Committee - consisted of
three parts: 1) a condemnation
of the residence hall Board of
Governors for failing to liberal-
ize women's visiting privileges ,in
the quads as IQC requested (this
passed); 2) policy statements on
non-academic life; 3) a student
bill of rights.
"SGC believes that students
should have this responsibility for
genuine self government, not only
as a matter of principle, but be-
cause it would benefit students,
the University as an educational
community and the society at
large," its rationale declared.
THE MOTION urged that all ju-
diciary authority be shifted to a
membership except those estab-
lished by the group itself. Dou-
ble jeopardy between civil and
University authorities would be
eliminated.
THIS MOTION summed up the
goals of the activists in reforming
the University. It clearly stated
the rationale for their campaign
against OSA policies, for a fair
judiciary system and against
speaker bans.
Its fate reflected the campus
apathy outside the political com-
munity which lay behind the
council conservative p o s i t i o n.
There was no public outcry for
the motion's adoption either be-
fore or after its defeat.
Conservative council members
rejected the activists' view that
students were an integral part of
the University community with
equal standing and rights as fac-
ulty and administration in attain-
ing an educational goal.
INSTEAD, they saw students as
workers in a labor-management
situation with student government
serving as a "union" seeking their
improvement. Thus, by close mar-
gins, the conservative majority
voted down the motion until its
makers withdrew its hollow shell.
Interquadrangle Council, mean-
while, urged the residence hall
Board of Governors to allow wom-
en in men's rooms from noon to
one half hour before closing. The
request came from several mem-
ber houses. It had wide, if some-
times half-joking support within
the quads. However ,the proposal
was rejected by the board.
DAILY EDITOR John Roberts
suggested a noontime Diag dem-
onstration in favor of the pro-
posal with the broader aim of in-
volving usually apathetic quad-
rangle residents in direct action
for OSA change. However, IQC
rejected the demonstration, fear-
ing that it would turn into a pan-
ty raid.
The proposal, the quadrangle
conferences and the report of the
retiring IQC president to the
Board of Governors represented
that organization's contribution to
student activism. While it may
seem slight, it indicated the depth
of the movement, as the quads
harbor the most apathetic, poli-
tically disinterested students on
campus.
IQC generally shies awayfrom
demanding changes In the status
quo, although it seeks negotiated
adjustments from time to time.
When it functions well at all, it
is usually a service organization.
WHILE STUDENTS were pres-
suring for liberalizing change, out-
side forces sought to maintain
the status quo. The Alumnae
Council provided the most formid-
able opposition, fighting to re-
tain the dean of women's office.
After the Reed Report was re-
leased, the Detroit Free Press rid-
iculed the efforts of Roberts and
others for change, implying they
were nothing but a small group of
radicals who lacked support from
the generally satisfied student
body.
Alumni Association Secretary
John Tirrell attacked the move-
ment in the Michigan Alumnus,
declaring that going to the Uni-
versity was a privilege, not a
right. Students give up some of
their nominal e1vil liberties when
they agree to attend the Univer-
sity, he said.
RIowever, these protests did not
deter the Reed Committee, Lewis
or the Regents. The committee re-
port was a moderate document
lacking the sweeping grants of
authority the activists wanted. It
laid down a philosophy to guide
the OSA and restructured it more
efficiently, but did not change
the OSA's functions.
THE REGENTS discussed the
Reed Report from February to
May, consulting the committee,
SGC and others before making a
decision.
Minor changes, such as dropping
the proposed intermediary dean
of students, were made by the
Regents. They approved the Reed
Report's philosophy at their May
meeting. The major lines of re-
organization were sketched out,
but the actual changes did not
come until July.
While the Reed Report was
still being considered by the Re-
gents, the OSA moved toward re-
form. The residence hall Board
of Governors approved the prin-
ciple of coed housing, suggesting
Alice Lloyd and East Quadrangle
as possible sites.
JOINT JUDIC proposed reforms
that included public hearings, pro-
tection from double jeopardy and
availability of counsel and de-
fense witnesses two weeks after
the report was issued.
In line with the Reed Report's
call for an end to arbitrary sex-
ual divisions, the Union explored
the possibility of merging with the
League.
The next year was to see SGC
enter a new era of liberal-con-
servative splits, off-campus sil-
ence and finally conservative co-
hesion and victory. The activity of
other organizations such as Voice
continued, but a new political cli-
mate was about to envelop the
campus.
TUESDAY: Campus conserv-
atives and liberals vie for pow-
er with the eventual victory of
the conservatives. Voice contin-
ues its activities to create a new
climate.
I
New Princeton Plan
Avoids Grade-Grubbing
--The National Association
Manufacturers
of
LAST WEEK Princeton decided to allow
students the option of receiving a
pass or fail designation rather than
grades for one course each semester. Old
Nassau's dean, J. Merill Knapp, said that
the new option system will let "students
elect courses which they might not oth-
erwise take because of the pressure of
grades."
The new Princeton system is experi-
mental but not radical; it partially fills
the void left by an ultra-competitive vol-
legiate system whose grade-grubbing
products are restricted to taking courses
'which are compatible with their self-
perceived abilities.
Such systems are nothing new to the
academic world. Several colleges such as
the California Institute of Technology
give no grades in the freshman year while
other schools, such as Sarah Lawrence
College, give no grades at all.
One of the prime assets of the Univer-
sity is its ability to offer a wide variety
of courses. Many students are, however,
afraid to venture beyond the disciplines
to which they were introduced in high
school.
JUDITH WARREN ...................,,... Co-Editor
ROBERT RIPPLER ......................... Co-Editor
EDWARD HERSTEIN..................Sports Editor
JUDITH FIELDS..................Business Manager
PRESENTLY the University attempts to
forcibly expose the student beyond his
area of specialization through its distri-
bution requirements. This system, al-
though somewhat useful, is often self-
defeating.
For example, the affinity shown by stu-
dents for escape-hatch courses, which
seem to be specially designed to let stu-
dents get through their distribution re-
quirements without too much pain, nulli-
fies the advantages of the University dis-
tribution system; yet, students who enroll
in such courses are merely reacting rea-
sonably to the pressures of their environ-
ment.
After all, graduate schools cannot tell
if you are "well rounded"; they can only
tell what grades a student has on his
transcript. As Time Magazine's headline
on an article about escape-hatch courses
states, "An A's an A."
A University program embodying both
distribution requirements and the option
plan would succeed better than a unilat-
eral system in achieving the aim of pro-
ducing a well rounded student. The two
methods would supplement each other to
bring about the best finished product.
While distribution requirements are
based on the pessimistic assumption that
students will not tjke courses out of their
area of specialization if they are not forc-
ed, the option plan is based on the op-
timistic assumption that students will
'CAT BALLOU':
New Spoof Gives
Straightaway Fun
At the Michigan Theatre
TO QUOTE from the advertisements, "No problems, no messages,
no philosophies, no way-out art, no way-in techniques . . . just
straightaway plain pleasure. Is that the way to make a funny movie?"
In many cases, no; but for Harold Hecht, whose new film, "Cat
Ballou," has just begun its Midwest premiere here, this policy seems
to have been ideally chosen. "Cat Ballou" is a gem.
Like the old "Maverick" plots, "Cat Ballou" is a spoof; but unlike
"Maverick," it has its roots far more solidly anchored in the realm
of slapstick. Lee Marvin may have used a double for those wild
drunk-rider scenes, but the effect is the same; and although the
idea of a man trying to take a bath in the midst of a train robbery
is a dusty cliche by now, it does not wholly betray its age amidst
its cinematic surroundings.
THE STORY of "Cat Ballou" may or may not be based upon fact;
considering the way in which the true stories of Wyatt Earp
and Wild Bill Hickok have been changed beyond recognition for
movies and TV shows, this is not of overwhelming significance. The
story of the next-of-kin of a dead man vowing revenge upon the
men who shot up Dear Old Dad is ageless, and the fact that it is
a young woman in this case serves to make the tale more ingenious
than other similar ones.
As "Cat Ballou," Jane Fonda is no more or less convincing an
actress than the part demands. In addition to filling out a pair
of Levis admirably, Miss Fonda displays a wide range of facial ex-
pressions, but she generally seems more at home when comedy is
called for. Michael Callan and Dwayne Hickman generally seem to
be reading from the script, and the latter's voice unfortunately
hasn't deepened any since his "Dobie Gillis" days.
But the real star of the show is Lee Marvin, who plays two
different gunfighter roles with aplomb (and, in one case, with an
artificial nose-to replace one bitten off in a fight!). One of the
various ideas woven into the plot is his comeback from a drunken
ZORBA THE GREEK:
A Little Madness,
Then The Dance...
At the Campus Theatre
"ZORBA THE GREEK," the first of many great novels by Nikos
Kazanzakis, is an earthy irrational dance through the joys and
griefs of existence. True to the Greek character, both comic and tragic
masks are worn with equal intensity. The film, unlike the novel, is
uneven, jerky, and not all of one piece-though it soars at many
points on the strength of several of its actors.
A kind of Nietzschean Overman with a Greek twist, Zorba-por-
trayed by Anthony Quinn-initiates a youth over a period of months
to a lifetime of experiences: passion, marriage, fear, death, the col-
lapse of dreams. The experiences and the comment upon them in this
novel and later ones caused Kazanzakis to be regarded as something
more than merely "unorthodox."
His savage satire upon conventional morality (crossing before
murder) and institutionalized religion' (bumbling monks) earned him
international praise, yet national damnation.
QUINN IS A perfect Zorba; he knows and enjoys what Zorba is
and does: he embodies the spontaneousness, the power, the intuitive-
ness. The role demands an entire range of emotional responses; Quinn
delivers with style and gusto. His English counterpart does not fare so
well. The "contemplative" man, he is too weak, too often. He mouths
lines, moves woodenly. His ineptitude is starkly dramatized in scenes
with the widow, Irene Papas-whose eyes and hands are more ex-
pressive than anything in the entire film, except perhaps Zorba's
dance. Lila Kednora is brilliant as Madam Hortense, Zorba's Boubou-
lina, his pathetic little "jade."
The jerks and flat spots in the film are primarily poor screen-
writing (nothing new from Hollywood). Between novel and film, too
many vital "clues" are left out. The youth in the novel is Kazanzakis,
what is dramatized is the agony of choice between a life of action and
one of contemplation. His novel is of the Buddha. The film omits this
vital clue and consequently, the youth's inaction appears invalid and
unconvincing.
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