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June 29, 1965 - Image 6

Resource type:
Michigan Daily, 1965-06-29

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Sev.eny-Third Year
Editorials printed in The Michigan Daily express the individual opinions of staff writers
or the editors. This must be noted in all reprints.

A labama-Iaze of Political Traps

UMSEU Must Not. Press
For Further Wage Hike

BARRY BLUESTONE, president of the
University of Michigan Student Em-
ployes Union, said after the last Regents'
meeting that the recently-announced
residence hall fee increase may lead the
UMSEU to press for additional increases
in student wages, bringing the minimum
hourly wage to $1.40. Hopefully this at-
tempt will not materialize just now for,
if it does, it could mean the end of the
UMSEU as a significant student repre-
sentative on this campus.
This is primarily because any attempt
to raise the minimum wage from $1.25 to
$1.40 would most certainly result in ig-
nominious failure.
The $50 fee increase will not allow the
residence halls a comfortable operating
margin; rather, it will merely be suffi-.
cient to let them operate on a stop-gap
basis for another year. There may be as
many as 600 new students in the quads
this year; combine the cost of keeping
them in food and clean sheets with rising
payments on the halls' "mortgages," ris-
ing food and full-time help costs and an
extremely tight financial sitiation re-
THE WAGE RAISE to $1.25 was granted
because of student pressure, but also,
and this should be emphasized because it
Is so often neglected, because, with a little
stretching, the quad budgets could afford
It. Given the pressure and the ability
to pay, it seemed reasonable. to the ad-
ministration that the raise should be
But this is certainly not the situation
today. Halls' budgets are very tight, thus
making any additional wage increase,
especially after having just granted one,
seem quite unreasonable to the adminis-
tration. To force a wage increase out of
the quads now would take an extremely
powerful effort, one which UMSEU could
rnot hope to muster.
Taking on such a struggle and losing it
would unavoidably point up UMSEU's
principal present defect, the lack of a
wide popular backing on campus; it would
thus destroy the organization as an ef-
fective bargaining instrument.
UMSEU can take a good deal of credit
for the wage hike to $1.25. This increase
has legitimized UMSEU as the campus'
economic spokesman for the students. The
loss of an ambitious program such as
the proposed $1.40 hike, would destroy
this legitimacy, at present the only real
bargaining point the UMSEU has.
N ADDITION, there is a philosophical
contradiction involved in any poten-
tial UMSEU argument that the Univer-
sity has some sort of vague responsibil-
ity to its students' welfare.
One can easily suspect that were the
University to decide to solve the students'
economic problems by requiring all stu-
dents to live in approved housing or by
a great expansion of the dormitory sys-
- tem, many of the members of the UMSEU
would be among the first to cry "pater-
Yet somehow when paternalism be-
comes convenient, it is condoned. The
University may be reasonably bargained
Subscription rates: $4 for IA and B ($4.50 by mal);
$2 for IIA or B ($2.50 by mail).
Second class postage paid- at Arm Arbor, Mich.
Published daily Tuesday trutgh Saturday morning.

with as an employer, but it must never
be approached as a delinquent father.
All this aside, the UMSEU's actions in
the residence halls are decidedly treat-
ments rather than cures. UMSEU could go
on negotiating forever and still the resi-
dence halls might not be in a position in
which a favorable combination of wages
and fees could be established. Yearly
wage increases, even if possible, are not
the long-term solution to the halls' wage-
fee problems which UMSEU should be
searching for.
THE RESIDENCE HALLS have two long-
range philosophical approaches which
will be continual sources of trouble to
the UMSEU. The first is their self-con-
tained financial status; the second, the
system of graduated room rents.
Financial self-containment is the poli-
cy of making the residence halls pay for
themselves combined with the guarantee
that no residence hall money will be di-
verted away from the dorms to other
University activities. The policy and the
guarantee are always spoken of in a
fervent, almost religious, voice as being
the student's assurance of a square deal
in the residence halls.
There is a good case for this attitude
regarding the guarantee that no money
will be shifted out of the halls; but why
it should be dogmatically coupled with
the policy of not allowing auxiliary funds
into the halls, so lowering costs to the
students, is difficult to understand.
Preventing assistance funds from com-
ing into the residence hall system is an
anachronism dating from the days when
halls were an occasional aid to students.
Now that the quads have stopped being
a luxury and have become a necessity,
this policy of financial insulation is wide
open for UMSEU attack,
The second major bandit in the resi-
dence hall philosophy is the system of
graduated room rents, which is largely
responsible for the quads' inability to pay
off their "mortgages," thus lowering fees.
Graduated rents are another reverent-
ly-regarded anachronism. They too were
designed to insure, for example, that a
student in a triple does not pay as much
for his one-third of a room as the man
in a single pays for his whole room.
AT FIRST, both these policies seem im-
minently fair; and they were fair when
they were originated. They have simply
outlived their usefulness. What use is it to
assure a student that none of his dorm
money is supporting various investments
when the same policy prevents the in-
vestments' profits from supporting his
And what point is there in assuring
the student in a triple room that a man
in a single is paying more than he is, if
that policy also means that the triple
was a single in the first place? Clearly,
there is none.
These, financial insulation and gradu-
ated rents, are the prime causes of the
problems which USEU seeks to elimi-
nate. So long as they exist, they will be
problems; no amount of useless haggling
over an extra 15 cents an hour will
eliminate them.
IT IS TO THESE CAUSES, rather than
to an extra 15 cents an hour, that
UMSEU should turn its attention.

Special To The Daily
WASHINGTON-The key to the
future of Alabama politics is
in the hands of Governor George
Wallace, but at the present time
the governor's hands seem tied
securely behind his back.
Wallace's, problem, ironically
enough, is partly one of his own
making. The Alabama constitution
prohibits governors from serving
two consecutive terms. It also pre-
vents retiring governors from
running for another state office
until a year after their last day
in the governor's mansion.
This is a tragedy for Wallace
who would like to challenge in-
cumbent Senator John Sparkman
for his seat in 1966 And there is
little doubt that Wallace would
handily defeat the moderate
Sparkman if he were to run.
DESPITE the constitutional pro-
hibition, Wallace is tempted to
run anyway because there is an
excellent chance that the state
constitution is itself unconstitu-
tional. The United States Consti-
tution specifies that the Senate
determines its own membership,
and the only qualification besides
U.S. citizenship and age (30) is
that a senator be a resident of the
state he represents. Thus, were
Wallace elected, only the Senate,
and not the state of Alabama,
could prevent him from serving.
But here Wallace is caught on
the horns of a dilemma. In order
to run he would have to forsake
his own state constitution for the
higher authority of the federal
Such a maneuver would be to-
tally opposed to the principle of
state sovereignty he has been
trumpeting throughout the coun-
try. His political opponents would

not be likely to iet that fact pass
INSTEAD Wallace has been at-
tempting to get the Alabama con-
stitution amended in the state
legislature. His efforts have been
blocked, however, in the faction-
alized legislature which has united
only in the face of a grab for
power by the Wallace forces.
Sparkman is faced with a prob-
lem which in many ways is even
more perplexing than Wallace's. A
moderate on racial issues, it is
clear that the respected Senator
will gather almost the entire Ne-
gro vote.
Unfortunately, that vote is not
strong enough to overcome the
tremendous advantage Wallace
has. Moreover, even if Wallace
does not run, it would not suf-
fice to ensure victory over Spark-
man's probable Republican op-
ponent, Rep James Martin.
Sparkman's best strategy would
be to participate actively in Negro
vote registration drives hoping to
greatly increase Negro voting
strength by the time of the elec-
tion. Such a course is risky, first
because it is not certain that Ne-
gro voting strength could be in-
creased sufficiently by that time,
and second because such an effort
would undoubtedly result in the
loss of many white voters without
whose support Sparkman could
not hope to win
Sparkman's dilemma points to
the biggestnsingle variable in the
politics not only of Alabama, but
of the entire South-how can
politicians cope with the emerging
Negro voting strength in the
South. Southerners themselves dis-
agree concerning when and how
this new force will exert itself.
An assistant to one Alabama

knowledged that the Negro will
not be a significant political force
by 1966, and those close to Sen.
Sparkman say that it is unlikely
he will openly campaign for Negro
There has been some rumor of
a deal in the making between the
Wallace and Sparkman forces in
the state legislature. According to
these rumors, the legislature would
amend the constitution so that the
Governor was eligible to succeed
himself, thus allowing both Wal-
lace and Sparkman to run for
reelection to their present office.
While this would make Wallace
a shoo-in, it would only be the
beginning of Sparkman's battle.
Ready to challenge him is Rep.
James Martin, a Republican who
came within 6000 votes ,of un-
seating another moderate, Lister
Hill, in 1962.
THERE IS no doubt that Martin
took Hill by surprise in 1962 Ac-
cording to an observer, the under-
dog Republican spent six months
in a well-financed television cam-
paign while Hill, completely un-
aware of what was happening,
come home to campaign three
days before the election.
Sparkman's campaign is not
likely to be quite so casual; in
fact it is moving into gear now,
more than a year before the elec-
DESPITE this preparation by
the Sparkman forces it is diffi-
cult to regard his chances for re-
election as high. The most likely
result of the current tangle in
Alabama politics is a heretofore
unheard of thing-the election of
a Republican to represent Alabama
in the United States Senate.



Democratic congressman foresees
the Negro vote becoming the dom-
inant political force in the state
within three years. "By 1968," he
remarked, "Wallace won't be able
to get elected dog-catcher in this
state and he knows it."
ANOTHER knowledgeable ob-
server, however, predicts it will be
at least ten years before any
serious Alabama politician will be
able to openly solicit Negro votes.
Of course, cautious, semi-secret
coveting of Negro votes has long
taken place throughout most of
the South.
A still unanswered question is

which way will the Negro vote go
when it does come. If the Negro
attempts to create an all-Negro
Democratic Party along-the lines
of the Freedom Democratic Party
in Mississippi, then Republican
domination of the state seems
likely-Negroes simply are not in
a majority in Alabama.
If, however, as one observer
noted, the Negro attempts to re-
create the old populist alliance of
the Negro, farmer and laborer,
state politics may soon take a de-
cisive liberal swing.
EVEN SO, it is generally ac-

U.S. Must Wait for Chinese Moderation

rpHE QUARREL in the Com-
munist camp has become ever
more ferocious, and from our
point of view ever more interest-
ing. We have to begin by making
a guess as to why, as the military
situation in Viet Nam grows worse,
the Sino-Soviet quarrel becomes
There must be something of
very high importance at stake be-
tween Moscow and Peking.
My guess-there is no way of
knowing-is that the intensifica-

tion of the quarrel is due at
bottom to China's fears that there
is in the making a Soviet-Ameri-
can understanding for the' con-
tainment of China.
IF THIS came about, China
would be strategically surrounded.
There would be the Soviet nuclear
power along its northern frontier,
and there would be American nu-
clear power, allied in some measure
with the Soviet Union, along the
Chinese southern and southeastern
China's fear that this might

happen could explain a number
of otherwise puzzling things.
It could explain Peking's recent
accusation that the Soviet Union
is an American stooge conspiring
to end the war and deprive Pe-
king of a total victory,
IT COULD explain the fact,
which has now been confirmed
officially by the Soviet Union,
that Peking has been opposing and
obstructing Soviet military aid to
North Viet Nam. For if the Rus-
sians appeared as the principal
military defender of Hanoi, they

From England with Fun

At the Campus Theatre
WHETHER BY the design of a
film distributor with an un-
usual aesthetic apptitude or the
shrewdness of Butterfield, who
chooses his summer fare with a
meager budget in his left fist and
his right fingers on an adding
machine, "Rattle of a Simple,
Man" and "Battle of the Sexes"
are complementary and consis-
tently entertaining.
Although I've never mastered
the art of parallel sentence struc-
ture, the thematic parallels of the
two films are happily naive and
can be related without recourse to
tricky conjunctions.
Both comedies have as anti-
heroes pitiful little men who are
inveterate "no-sayers." Peter Sel-
lers, in "The Battle of the Sexes"
is an elderly Bob Cratchitt, a king
of the abstainers, who, when he
closes his accounting ledger, re-
moves his plastic cuff protectors,
and climbs off of his desk stool,
shuffles home never raising his
eyes but is somehow guided by

staring fixedly at the tips of his
black shoes.
WHILE SELLERS is content
with his gray-toned existence,
Harry H. Corbett's Percy in
"Rattle of a Simple Man" is
young enough (39) to be ashamed
of his timidity and too old to stay
under mom's wing. That's where
we find him at the beginning of
the film; by the end, he's ready
to fly with a young and less vir-
tuous chick.
Corbett's transfiguration is not
effected without a death; but the
death oftvirtue carried to an ab-
surd extreme elicits sighs of re-
lief rather than doleful wimpers.
"Will he, or won't he?" is the plot
in summary. And Corbett gives
his audience no clues to the de-
nouement of his flirtation with
love. His characterization pro-
duces a new variation on the
Sellers' secrets are more pedes-
trian. Will he successfully defend
the honor of his place of employ-
ment? Will he allow a women to
convert the hoary, tradition-en-

crusted looms of MacPherson's
Wools to mechanized, impersonal
synethetic (shudder!) 1 o o m s?
Does he have the guts to do in
the half-man, half-woman busi-
ness type? If so, how will he do it?
SELLERS, LIKE Corbett, is the
master's master of timing. This
film shows that Seller's bumbling
Inspector Clouseau is but the
latest of a character-variety which
this professional has been evolving
for at least a decade. What ap-
pears as accidental idiocy is a
result of concentration and repe-
titious, grueling practice.
Corbett's effortless acting edges
out Sellers' performance, only be-
cause Corbett worked with a script
which has thematic depth as well
as farcial breadth. "Rattle of a
Simple Man" juxtaposes innocence
and promiscuity: honesty and de-
ception, the real and the dream.
IF YOU'RE not a Sellers parti-
san, and/or if you've decided to
really study for III-B, skip "Bat-
tle of the Sexes." But if you want
to believe in the "simple" man,
or want to be fooled into believ-
ing in his existence, Corbett's
performance won't disappoint. It
might even soften the hardest of
Yet Defeat
CHINA TESTED an atomic bomb
in October and this year she
may be admitted to the United
The United States has been
chiefly responsible for keeping
China out of the UN but with
each passing year has been seen
more plainly to be fighting a re-
arguard action against the inevit-

would acquire a principal in-
fluence on the settlement of the
Moreover, if my guess is cor-
rect, the Chinese government be-
lieves that if the war can be
made to go on to the bitter end,
the result will be to expel the So-
viet Union and the United States
from its southern borderland.
Without having to fight itself,'
China would then fall heir to the
wreck and ruin of Viet Nam, and
the historically anti-Chinese people
of Viet Nam would be decimated
and prostrated.
THESE ARE, high "stakes, and"
only high stakes can account for
the fierceness of the Chinese cam-
paign against the Russians.
If the hypothesis is correct, the
first practical conclusion we must
draw from it is that we must not
be overzealous
The Soviet Union is still a Com-
munist society, and we must not
embarrass it by treating it as if
it had turned renegade.
WE SHOULD act on the prin-
ciple that the Soviet Union is a
mature Communist society, and
because of that-since both of us
are mature societies-we have a
common vital interest in co-
existence and world peace.
It is not for us to make osten-
tatious and dramatic overtures to
Moscow. But we can move with
deliberationuto remove the minor
irritations, as for example over
the payments to the United Na-
Beyond this we should let other
governments do the running while
we hold on in South Viet Nam
and ponder the crucial and un-
avoidable decision of whether to
encourage negotiation among the
THE FIERCE intransigence of
China is a fact. Potentially and

theoretically it threatens every-
The great question is whether
China's militancy and expansion-
ism will be moderated in the
course of time or intensified dur-
ing the few years that remain be-
fore China becomes a nuclear
It is a gamble, of course. But
I am betting that moderation will
appear in the course of time and
natural evolution and can be
brought on by patience, firmness
and diplomatic skill.
The alternative is preventive
BACK IN the late 1940s when
the cold war had begun, when
Stalin was at his worst, I was in-
vited to lunch in the Pentagon
with a high official.
The object of the lunch was to
persuade me to write articles in
favor, of launching a preventive
nuclear war against the Soviet
Stalin, I was reminded, was a
villain who was moving, step by
step toward the conquest of the
world. There was no stopping him
by measures short of nuclear war,
and as we had the Air Force and
the nuclear bombs, while Stalin
did not yet have them, it was our
duty to strike him before he struck
NOT TO DO SO would be crim-
inal negligence. If we flinched and
waited we would lose the future.
I did not write the articles, but
the luncheon made a profound
impression on me, particularly in
the years which have followed
during which the Soviet Union has
emerged from Stalinism-
WE GAMBLED correctly that
Stalinism would pass, and we won
that gamble. We shall have t6
take the same gamble with China.
(c) 1965, The washington Post Co.

Alilies Meet in Escape


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At the State Theatre

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"EXPRESS" isn't quite the word but "Von Ryan's Express" moves
quite rapidly enough to provide a solid evening's entertainment
A sort of up-dated "The General" or "The Great Train Chase,"
"Von Ryan's Express" deals with the exploits of Army Air Force Col.
Ryan (Frank Sinatra) from his entrance into an Italian POW camp
to his eventual command of an escape of the 400 or so Allied prisoners.
Sinatra finds that the inmates of the camp are mainly British
soldiers under the leadership of a die hard major (Trevor Howard)
with a tradition of escape behind them. Upon Italy's surrender the
men are temporarily free until recaptured by the Germans and
shipped in box cars north. Then comes the combination "Great
Escape" and "The Train."
"VON RYAN'S EXPRESS" equals neither of them for brilliance
or excitement but it holds on in the genre of adventure films. From



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