Sev.eny-Third Year EDITED AND MANAGED BY STUDENTS OF THE UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN -MUNDER AUTHORITY OF BOARD IN CONTROL OF STUDENT PUBLICATIONS "Where Opinions AreFree STUDENT PUBLICATIONS BLDG., ANN ARBOR, MICH., Editorials printed in The Michigan Daily express the individual opinions of staff writers or the editors. This must be noted in all reprints. TUESDAY, JUNE 29, 1965 NIGHT EDITOR: ROBERT MOORE SOVEREIGNTY, NEGRO VOTE: A labama-Iaze of Political Traps UMSEU Must Not. Press For Further Wage Hike BARRY BLUESTONE, president of the University of Michigan Student Em- ployes Union, said after the last Regents' meeting that the recently-announced residence hall fee increase may lead the UMSEU to press for additional increases in student wages, bringing the minimum hourly wage to $1.40. Hopefully this at- tempt will not materialize just now for, if it does, it could mean the end of the UMSEU as a significant student repre- sentative on this campus. This is primarily because any attempt to raise the minimum wage from $1.25 to $1.40 would most certainly result in ig- nominious failure. The $50 fee increase will not allow the residence halls a comfortable operating margin; rather, it will merely be suffi-. cient to let them operate on a stop-gap basis for another year. There may be as many as 600 new students in the quads this year; combine the cost of keeping them in food and clean sheets with rising payments on the halls' "mortgages," ris- ing food and full-time help costs and an extremely tight financial sitiation re- sults.. THE WAGE RAISE to $1.25 was granted because of student pressure, but also, and this should be emphasized because it Is so often neglected, because, with a little stretching, the quad budgets could afford It. Given the pressure and the ability to pay, it seemed reasonable. to the ad- ministration that the raise should be granted. But this is certainly not the situation today. Halls' budgets are very tight, thus making any additional wage increase, especially after having just granted one, seem quite unreasonable to the adminis- tration. To force a wage increase out of the quads now would take an extremely powerful effort, one which UMSEU could rnot hope to muster. Taking on such a struggle and losing it would unavoidably point up UMSEU's principal present defect, the lack of a wide popular backing on campus; it would thus destroy the organization as an ef- fective bargaining instrument. UMSEU can take a good deal of credit for the wage hike to $1.25. This increase has legitimized UMSEU as the campus' economic spokesman for the students. The loss of an ambitious program such as the proposed $1.40 hike, would destroy this legitimacy, at present the only real bargaining point the UMSEU has. N ADDITION, there is a philosophical contradiction involved in any poten- tial UMSEU argument that the Univer- sity has some sort of vague responsibil- ity to its students' welfare. One can easily suspect that were the University to decide to solve the students' economic problems by requiring all stu- dents to live in approved housing or by a great expansion of the dormitory sys- - tem, many of the members of the UMSEU would be among the first to cry "pater- nalism." Yet somehow when paternalism be- comes convenient, it is condoned. The University may be reasonably bargained Subscription rates: $4 for IA and B ($4.50 by mal); $2 for IIA or B ($2.50 by mail). Second class postage paid- at Arm Arbor, Mich. Published daily Tuesday trutgh Saturday morning. with as an employer, but it must never be approached as a delinquent father. All this aside, the UMSEU's actions in the residence halls are decidedly treat- ments rather than cures. UMSEU could go on negotiating forever and still the resi- dence halls might not be in a position in which a favorable combination of wages and fees could be established. Yearly wage increases, even if possible, are not the long-term solution to the halls' wage- fee problems which UMSEU should be searching for. THE RESIDENCE HALLS have two long- range philosophical approaches which will be continual sources of trouble to the UMSEU. The first is their self-con- tained financial status; the second, the system of graduated room rents. Financial self-containment is the poli- cy of making the residence halls pay for themselves combined with the guarantee that no residence hall money will be di- verted away from the dorms to other University activities. The policy and the guarantee are always spoken of in a fervent, almost religious, voice as being the student's assurance of a square deal in the residence halls. There is a good case for this attitude regarding the guarantee that no money will be shifted out of the halls; but why it should be dogmatically coupled with the policy of not allowing auxiliary funds into the halls, so lowering costs to the students, is difficult to understand. Preventing assistance funds from com- ing into the residence hall system is an anachronism dating from the days when halls were an occasional aid to students. Now that the quads have stopped being a luxury and have become a necessity, this policy of financial insulation is wide open for UMSEU attack, The second major bandit in the resi- dence hall philosophy is the system of graduated room rents, which is largely responsible for the quads' inability to pay off their "mortgages," thus lowering fees. Graduated rents are another reverent- ly-regarded anachronism. They too were designed to insure, for example, that a student in a triple does not pay as much for his one-third of a room as the man in a single pays for his whole room. AT FIRST, both these policies seem im- minently fair; and they were fair when they were originated. They have simply outlived their usefulness. What use is it to assure a student that none of his dorm money is supporting various investments when the same policy prevents the in- vestments' profits from supporting his 'dorm? And what point is there in assuring the student in a triple room that a man in a single is paying more than he is, if that policy also means that the triple was a single in the first place? Clearly, there is none. These, financial insulation and gradu- ated rents, are the prime causes of the problems which USEU seeks to elimi- nate. So long as they exist, they will be problems; no amount of useless haggling over an extra 15 cents an hour will eliminate them. IT IS TO THESE CAUSES, rather than to an extra 15 cents an hour, that UMSEU should turn its attention. -LEONARD PRATT By HAROLD WOLMAN Special To The Daily WASHINGTON-The key to the future of Alabama politics is in the hands of Governor George Wallace, but at the present time the governor's hands seem tied securely behind his back. Wallace's, problem, ironically enough, is partly one of his own making. The Alabama constitution prohibits governors from serving two consecutive terms. It also pre- vents retiring governors from running for another state office until a year after their last day in the governor's mansion. This is a tragedy for Wallace who would like to challenge in- cumbent Senator John Sparkman for his seat in 1966 And there is little doubt that Wallace would handily defeat the moderate Sparkman if he were to run. DESPITE the constitutional pro- hibition, Wallace is tempted to run anyway because there is an excellent chance that the state constitution is itself unconstitu- tional. The United States Consti- tution specifies that the Senate determines its own membership, and the only qualification besides U.S. citizenship and age (30) is that a senator be a resident of the state he represents. Thus, were Wallace elected, only the Senate, and not the state of Alabama, could prevent him from serving. But here Wallace is caught on the horns of a dilemma. In order to run he would have to forsake his own state constitution for the higher authority of the federal constitution. Such a maneuver would be to- tally opposed to the principle of state sovereignty he has been trumpeting throughout the coun- try. His political opponents would not be likely to iet that fact pass unnoticed. INSTEAD Wallace has been at- tempting to get the Alabama con- stitution amended in the state legislature. His efforts have been blocked, however, in the faction- alized legislature which has united only in the face of a grab for power by the Wallace forces. Sparkman is faced with a prob- lem which in many ways is even more perplexing than Wallace's. A moderate on racial issues, it is clear that the respected Senator will gather almost the entire Ne- gro vote. Unfortunately, that vote is not strong enough to overcome the tremendous advantage Wallace has. Moreover, even if Wallace does not run, it would not suf- fice to ensure victory over Spark- man's probable Republican op- ponent, Rep James Martin. SOME HAVE URGED that Sparkman's best strategy would be to participate actively in Negro vote registration drives hoping to greatly increase Negro voting strength by the time of the elec- tion. Such a course is risky, first because it is not certain that Ne- gro voting strength could be in- creased sufficiently by that time, and second because such an effort would undoubtedly result in the loss of many white voters without whose support Sparkman could not hope to win Sparkman's dilemma points to the biggestnsingle variable in the politics not only of Alabama, but of the entire South-how can politicians cope with the emerging Negro voting strength in the South. Southerners themselves dis- agree concerning when and how this new force will exert itself. An assistant to one Alabama knowledged that the Negro will not be a significant political force by 1966, and those close to Sen. Sparkman say that it is unlikely he will openly campaign for Negro votes. There has been some rumor of a deal in the making between the Wallace and Sparkman forces in the state legislature. According to these rumors, the legislature would amend the constitution so that the Governor was eligible to succeed himself, thus allowing both Wal- lace and Sparkman to run for reelection to their present office. While this would make Wallace a shoo-in, it would only be the beginning of Sparkman's battle. Ready to challenge him is Rep. James Martin, a Republican who came within 6000 votes ,of un- seating another moderate, Lister Hill, in 1962. THERE IS no doubt that Martin took Hill by surprise in 1962 Ac- cording to an observer, the under- dog Republican spent six months in a well-financed television cam- paign while Hill, completely un- aware of what was happening, come home to campaign three days before the election. Sparkman's campaign is not likely to be quite so casual; in fact it is moving into gear now, more than a year before the elec- tion. DESPITE this preparation by the Sparkman forces it is diffi- cult to regard his chances for re- election as high. The most likely result of the current tangle in Alabama politics is a heretofore unheard of thing-the election of a Republican to represent Alabama in the United States Senate. GOV. GEORGE WALLACE SEN. JOHN SPARKMAN Democratic congressman foresees the Negro vote becoming the dom- inant political force in the state within three years. "By 1968," he remarked, "Wallace won't be able to get elected dog-catcher in this state and he knows it." ANOTHER knowledgeable ob- server, however, predicts it will be at least ten years before any serious Alabama politician will be able to openly solicit Negro votes. Of course, cautious, semi-secret coveting of Negro votes has long taken place throughout most of the South. A still unanswered question is which way will the Negro vote go when it does come. If the Negro attempts to create an all-Negro Democratic Party along-the lines of the Freedom Democratic Party in Mississippi, then Republican domination of the state seems likely-Negroes simply are not in a majority in Alabama. If, however, as one observer noted, the Negro attempts to re- create the old populist alliance of the Negro, farmer and laborer, state politics may soon take a de- cisive liberal swing. EVEN SO, it is generally ac- TODAY AND TOMORROW: U.S. Must Wait for Chinese Moderation By WALTER LIPPMANN rpHE QUARREL in the Com- munist camp has become ever more ferocious, and from our point of view ever more interest- ing. We have to begin by making a guess as to why, as the military situation in Viet Nam grows worse, the Sino-Soviet quarrel becomes fiercer. There must be something of very high importance at stake be- tween Moscow and Peking. My guess-there is no way of knowing-is that the intensifica- tion of the quarrel is due at bottom to China's fears that there is in the making a Soviet-Ameri- can understanding for the' con- tainment of China. IF THIS came about, China would be strategically surrounded. There would be the Soviet nuclear power along its northern frontier, and there would be American nu- clear power, allied in some measure with the Soviet Union, along the Chinese southern and southeastern frontiers.I China's fear that this might happen could explain a number of otherwise puzzling things. It could explain Peking's recent accusation that the Soviet Union is an American stooge conspiring to end the war and deprive Pe- king of a total victory, IT COULD explain the fact, which has now been confirmed officially by the Soviet Union, that Peking has been opposing and obstructing Soviet military aid to North Viet Nam. For if the Rus- sians appeared as the principal military defender of Hanoi, they DOUBLE BILL: From England with Fun At the Campus Theatre WHETHER BY the design of a film distributor with an un- usual aesthetic apptitude or the shrewdness of Butterfield, who chooses his summer fare with a meager budget in his left fist and his right fingers on an adding machine, "Rattle of a Simple, Man" and "Battle of the Sexes" are complementary and consis- tently entertaining. Although I've never mastered the art of parallel sentence struc- ture, the thematic parallels of the two films are happily naive and can be related without recourse to tricky conjunctions. Both comedies have as anti- heroes pitiful little men who are inveterate "no-sayers." Peter Sel- lers, in "The Battle of the Sexes" is an elderly Bob Cratchitt, a king of the abstainers, who, when he closes his accounting ledger, re- moves his plastic cuff protectors, and climbs off of his desk stool, shuffles home never raising his eyes but is somehow guided by staring fixedly at the tips of his black shoes. WHILE SELLERS is content with his gray-toned existence, Harry H. Corbett's Percy in "Rattle of a Simple Man" is young enough (39) to be ashamed of his timidity and too old to stay under mom's wing. That's where we find him at the beginning of the film; by the end, he's ready to fly with a young and less vir- tuous chick. Corbett's transfiguration is not effected without a death; but the death oftvirtue carried to an ab- surd extreme elicits sighs of re- lief rather than doleful wimpers. "Will he, or won't he?" is the plot in summary. And Corbett gives his audience no clues to the de- nouement of his flirtation with love. His characterization pro- duces a new variation on the cliff-hanger-adventure. Sellers' secrets are more pedes- trian. Will he successfully defend the honor of his place of employ- ment? Will he allow a women to convert the hoary, tradition-en- crusted looms of MacPherson's Wools to mechanized, impersonal synethetic (shudder!) 1 o o m s? Does he have the guts to do in the half-man, half-woman busi- ness type? If so, how will he do it? SELLERS, LIKE Corbett, is the master's master of timing. This film shows that Seller's bumbling Inspector Clouseau is but the latest of a character-variety which this professional has been evolving for at least a decade. What ap- pears as accidental idiocy is a result of concentration and repe- titious, grueling practice. Corbett's effortless acting edges out Sellers' performance, only be- cause Corbett worked with a script which has thematic depth as well as farcial breadth. "Rattle of a Simple Man" juxtaposes innocence and promiscuity: honesty and de- ception, the real and the dream. IF YOU'RE not a Sellers parti- san, and/or if you've decided to really study for III-B, skip "Bat- tle of the Sexes." But if you want to believe in the "simple" man, or want to be fooled into believ- ing in his existence, Corbett's performance won't disappoint. It might even soften the hardest of Freudians. --GLENN LITTON Triumph, Yet Defeat CHINA TESTED an atomic bomb in October and this year she may be admitted to the United Nations. The United States has been chiefly responsible for keeping China out of the UN but with each passing year has been seen more plainly to be fighting a re- arguard action against the inevit- Qhlp. would acquire a principal in- fluence on the settlement of the war. Moreover, if my guess is cor- rect, the Chinese government be- lieves that if the war can be made to go on to the bitter end, the result will be to expel the So- viet Union and the United States from its southern borderland. Without having to fight itself,' China would then fall heir to the wreck and ruin of Viet Nam, and the historically anti-Chinese people of Viet Nam would be decimated and prostrated. THESE ARE, high "stakes, and" only high stakes can account for the fierceness of the Chinese cam- paign against the Russians. If the hypothesis is correct, the first practical conclusion we must draw from it is that we must not be overzealous The Soviet Union is still a Com- munist society, and we must not embarrass it by treating it as if it had turned renegade. WE SHOULD act on the prin- ciple that the Soviet Union is a mature Communist society, and because of that-since both of us are mature societies-we have a common vital interest in co- existence and world peace. It is not for us to make osten- tatious and dramatic overtures to Moscow. But we can move with deliberationuto remove the minor irritations, as for example over the payments to the United Na- tions. Beyond this we should let other governments do the running while we hold on in South Viet Nam and ponder the crucial and un- avoidable decision of whether to encourage negotiation among the Vietnamese. THE FIERCE intransigence of China is a fact. Potentially and theoretically it threatens every- one. The great question is whether China's militancy and expansion- ism will be moderated in the course of time or intensified dur- ing the few years that remain be- fore China becomes a nuclear power. It is a gamble, of course. But I am betting that moderation will appear in the course of time and natural evolution and can be brought on by patience, firmness and diplomatic skill. The alternative is preventive war. BACK IN the late 1940s when the cold war had begun, when Stalin was at his worst, I was in- vited to lunch in the Pentagon with a high official. The object of the lunch was to persuade me to write articles in favor, of launching a preventive nuclear war against the Soviet Union. Stalin, I was reminded, was a villain who was moving, step by step toward the conquest of the world. There was no stopping him by measures short of nuclear war, and as we had the Air Force and the nuclear bombs, while Stalin did not yet have them, it was our duty to strike him before he struck us. NOT TO DO SO would be crim- inal negligence. If we flinched and waited we would lose the future. I did not write the articles, but the luncheon made a profound impression on me, particularly in the years which have followed during which the Soviet Union has emerged from Stalinism- WE GAMBLED correctly that Stalinism would pass, and we won that gamble. We shall have t6 take the same gamble with China. (c) 1965, The washington Post Co. 'VON RYAN'S EXPRESS': Alilies Meet in Escape Entertainment FEIFFER "MAKE' NIMc BAai, MAK6 'SAY" A PIECE O9F FACE AMPU W 6eABs TAKE MAY HAW)L AW! PAT ThEMA- ~'-stues 1146 CREES. - --, -a,., ' -----..ti. j g ,: ,. "t~s BA3Y UAE MOMMY? THEY SAS.I OUT WLTRU -rug' kRAIPl / CI THEQV THEY MHER FAeS TIC..:1 CAMY EVEO E3REAT . t E AT6l ;? TTORD "LOVE:'C "MOMMY COME BABY. PADS' . uove s A~y At the State Theatre / ' , !l :. . ,.-- ' "EXPRESS" isn't quite the word but "Von Ryan's Express" moves quite rapidly enough to provide a solid evening's entertainment A sort of up-dated "The General" or "The Great Train Chase," "Von Ryan's Express" deals with the exploits of Army Air Force Col. Ryan (Frank Sinatra) from his entrance into an Italian POW camp to his eventual command of an escape of the 400 or so Allied prisoners. Sinatra finds that the inmates of the camp are mainly British soldiers under the leadership of a die hard major (Trevor Howard) with a tradition of escape behind them. Upon Italy's surrender the men are temporarily free until recaptured by the Germans and shipped in box cars north. Then comes the combination "Great Escape" and "The Train." "VON RYAN'S EXPRESS" equals neither of them for brilliance or excitement but it holds on in the genre of adventure films. From "4MMW AMPD LL? ONfT ZICAM '~-.hADLY WAT