11j idAiiugau f aily
Seventy-Third Year
EDITED AND MANAGED BY STUDENTS OF THE UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN
- UNDER AUTHORITY OF BOARD IN CONTROL OF STUDENT PUBLICATIONS
Vhere Opinions Are Free . STUDENT PUBLICATIONS BLDG., ANN ARBOR, MIcH., PHONE NO 2-3 241
Truth W1ll Prevail"s
Editorials printed in The Michigan Daily express the individual opinions of staff writers
or the editors. This must be noted in all reprints.
0SDAY, JUNE 15, 1965 NIGHT EDITOR: BRUCE WASSERSTEIN
Will Lindsay Really
Be Independent?
0
Some Second Thoughts As
The Astronauts Comne Home
'HE MANNER in which a society copes
with violence-or the threat of viol-
ce-is, in large measure, its defining
iaracteristic.
In part, this follows from the fact that
e think of a society in terms of an ab-
ence of violence: in a "cohesive" and
ntegrated" social system, violence is
Ished to the perimeter. All the various
rms, values or what have you, which
'e an integral part of that society's
Iy of thinking of itself, tend to insure
.e continuation of the condition of non-
olence-and an elaborate judicial ap-
ratus seeks to provide an institution for
gitimate coercion to cope with nci-n
nts which run counter to those explicit
arms we call law.
Vet, serious conflicts can and do oc-
r within the framework of even the
ost integrated social patterns.
If this dissent, per se, is institution-
ized--that is to say, allowed to oper-
e within a restricted context short of
direct resort to violence-we say that
e society in question has developed a
orm of non-intervention or toleration.
'HIS "INSTITUTIONALIZATION of
non-violent dissent" is the mark of so-
eties we call (or those we ought to call)
ee.
Social or governmental systems which
not permit this dissent we call (or
ight to call) "un,-free"
Internationally, we speak of a society
being either "peaceful" or "not peace-
Johnson Policies:
ontradictions
AST MONDAY, President Lyndon B.
Johnson vetoed a bill providing for
ood relief in the Pacific Northwest. This
tion and his announced reasons for
king it provide a perfect illustration of
e grievous ills of the current adminis-
ation.
Johnson vetoed the bill because it con-
ined a provision stating that certain
ojects could be carried out only with
t approval of the Public Works Com-
ittees of the House and Senate.
A Johnson spokesman later noted that
'his practice is ... violative of the letter
id the spirit of the constitutional re-
tirement for the separation of powers
. The responsibility of Congress is to
ake the laws, not say how they will be
,rried out."
'HIS SUDDENLY STRICT interpreta-
tion of the Constitution comes at a
range time. For within the last few
onths the Johnson administration has,
effect, declared war on an Asian state
th only contemptuous and belated ges-
res to account for Congress' rightful
nstitutional power in the matter.
In a shockingly short space of time,
hnson has vastly increased American
anpower in South.Viet Nam, initiated
imbing attacks on a foreign country-
>rth Viet Nam and, last Tuesday, given
e official go-ahead for U.S. troop action
rectly against the Viet Cong.
The combination of these recent moves
Johnson's railing against congressional
abs for power while at the same time
aking no allowances for any meaning-
1 congressional debate on America's
ost hotly-contested field of activity to-
,y-shows a frighteningly paranoid be-
.vior on his part.
On the one hand, he defends his actions
th' excessive and misleading comments
ce, "Protecting 4merican citizens was
per cent of the reason we went into the
)minican Republic." While on the other
nd he rebuffs unseen foes by vague and
werfully-phrased condemnations such
"(the bill) seriously violates the spirit
the division of power between the exec-
ive and legislative branches."
'HE ENTIRE SITUATION was beauti-
fully summed up in one of Johnson's
cent television appearances in which he
cmmented on the homily "I'd rather be
ght than be President." "Well," Johnson-
awled, "I must try to be both."
ful." By this we mean that it (1) obeys
or (2) disregards the international norms
of non-violence.
In terms of its foreign policy the Unit-
ed States today-and this statement by
no means necessitates the reading of
more than a small selection from the rest
of the world's press-fits into the latter
category.
World opinion is all but unanimous in
its condemnation of our actions in Viet
Nam, Santo Domingo and elsewhere.
IF WE ARE TO MEASURE the United
States in terms of these two criteria,
what can we say about its mode of coping
with violence generally?
In the first instance, the citizens of the
United States enjoy a wide latitude of
personal freedom-normatively at least.
The United States, then, we might be
tempted to call "free." The institutional
processes of this country, at least (and
with certain flagrant exceptions, the
South for instance) allow this violence to
direct itself into non-violent channels.
Internationally, however, we do not
subscribe to the same norms: we are "not
peaceful."
THIS CONDITION - the discontinuity
seen here, I would suggest, reflects an
imminent breakdown in the mechanisms
of peaceful dissent within the United
States.
Violence tends to be a zero-sum com-
modity: when societies are heavily po-
liced internally-that is to say, when they
do not permit dissent-their citizens eith-
er revolt or externalize this violence.
The present administration has adopt-
ed as its policy the dimunition of dissent
within American society. This is what
Secretary Rusk aims at when he calls
American intellectuals "rresponsible" or
what ever. This is the source of Presi-
dent Johnson's "concern" when college
students stage demonstrations.
In essence, this is what the administra-
tion aims at in a "voting rights" bill or a
"war on poverty": not the solution of
these problems per se-for both measures
are clearly inadequate to the task they set
out for themselves-but the elimination
of the most "visible" sources or expres-
sion of this dissent.
BUT WHAT HAPPENS to the dissent
which cannot be coped with so easily?
What happened to the sources of dis-
content, for instance, in pre-war Ger-
many? They get directed externally: to-
wards some group or society seen as being
"outside" the society itself."
The "consensus" suggested by the John-
son administration is a false consensus.
As such, it does not cope with "dissent"
in the most meaningful way-but ex-
ternalizes it-seeks to cause it to dissi-
pate. Thus as the stringency of the par-
ameters of this consensus become clearer
-and the potential sources of discontent
grow-the necessity for (1) internal po-
licing, that is more un-freedom to main-
tain this sense of consensus and (2) an
increasing externalization of violence
grows apace.
These two dimensions are intimately
related: the amount of external violence
displayed by a society is a direct function
of the stringency of the conditions which
frugtrate internal dissent.
j WOULD LIE to suggest, then, what
has developed in the United States, is
a sort of "Stalinism"-we are faced with
a situation in which those who lead our
government are employing a host of de-
vices in order to maintain a false con-
sensus and, as a consequence, are be-
ing drawn irreversibly into opportunities
for external violence.
This process, the externalization of dis-
sent, is, of course, by no means new. It is
as old as government itself. The Roman
masses, bribed by bread and circuses--
by partial fulfillment of their needs and
harmless entertainment-supported a se-
ries of petty tyrants. The people of the
United States today have their wars on
poverty and their "space victories."
As we celebrate the return to Ann Ar-
bor of James McDivitt and Edward White
today, however, let us not forget that
behind the facade of human progress-
-Associated Press
Indian Refugees Flee the Conflict in the Rann of Cutch
Pakis tan Risks Peace in Ctch
By SHREESH JUYAL
IN SUCCESSION to frequent
clashes on the borders of India
and Pakistan during the past
decade, a serious conflict took
place in the Rann of Cutch in
April. This was more serious than
earlier skirmishes and than those
in recent years at the Kashmir
cease-fire line and along the As-
sam state (India)-East Pakistan
border.
The serious outbreaks accurred
during the period of April 5-12
and 20-27 in the Rann of Cutch
in Gujrat state of India along
the Arabian Sea coast. Both In-
dia and Pakistan used artillery
and tanks.
The Rann of Cutch is a great
marsh area mostly uninhabited
and periodically submerged by the
Arabian Sea. It has never been
demarkated in its frontiers since
the partition of India long before
the conflict. Pakistan had built
a road on Indian land around
Kanjarkot and occupied 13,000
square yards of territory between
the road and the line demarkat-
ing Indian, territory.
INDIAN External Affairs Min-
ister Sardar Swarn Singh told
Parliament April 15 that Paki-
stani troops had occupied Ding
and Kanjarkot. two posts inside
Indian territory in the Rann of
Cutch and the Pakistani army had
been mobilized. Pakistan too
charged India of having mobilized
its army and moved it into the
area.
Indian Primd Minister Lal Ba-
hadur Shastri said April 25 that
Pakistan had "created a very
serious situation" and the recent
talks between Pakistani President
and Chinese Communist leaders
could have "strengthened Pakistan
for these ventures." Shastri assert-
ed that "India must resist and
must stop these moves."
Pakistani President Mohammad
Ayub Khan warned in nationwide
broadcast May 1 that "general
and total war" would result if
India committed "further aggres-
sion."
ALTHOUGH there is now cease-
fire in the area with two posts
still under Pakistani occupation,
the tension is undoubtedly high
and Indian and Pakistani troops
face each other along a 50-mile
front in the northern part of the
Rann of Kutch.
What is more revealing and
makes this eruption distinctive is
confirmation of the evidence that
Pakistan used American arms in
the Rann of Cutch and that these
moves of Pakistan against India
give rise to view that there is a
Sino-Pak'collusion.
Selig S. Harrison of Washington
Post says, "The United States has
given Pakistan $1.2 billion of mili-
tary aid since 1954 for the osten-
sible purpose of deterring Com-
munist aggression. But on April
26, India produced evidence es-
tablished to the satisfaction of the
U.S. representatives that Paki-
stan had deployed Patton tanks
in the Cutch combat areas. The
correspondent further reveals that
'Pakistan held back on permitting
U.S. inspectors to go to the front
line areas on its side of the line
until May 7. Authoritative sources
state that Major General Robert
Ruhlen, head of United States
Military Advisory Group in Paki-
stan, found Patton tanks and
other U.S. equipment in rear areas
within Pakistani territory. It is
understood that in forward areas
where combat has occurred he
found tank tracks."
THE EVIDENCE of Sino-Pak
collusion behind recent Pakistani
moves against India has been
viewed by foreign press not only a
danger to India but also for non-
aligned and peace-loving nations
in the area.
Dr. J. Meyer, foreign editor of
Bund of Switzerland says that
China is interested in the Indo-
Pakistan dispute over Kashmir
becoming worse and leaving either
participant weakened. "Le Croix"
of France believes that Indians
rightly feel that the Cutch affair
could be a pretext for other at-
tacks elsewhere and other ag-
gessions may be by the Chinese.
Friends of India and Pakistan
are not only deeply concerned
about deteriorating relations of
these two neighbors, they are also
much worried about the growing
Chinese tactics to weaken Paki-
stan ultimately under the garb
of friendship. Let it not be for-
gotten that China betrayed Indian
friendship and committed naked
aggression in 1962 on its territory,
which she has continued to com-
mit still today.
ONE, THEREFORE, would very
sincerely desire that Pakistan
should be prepared to solve the
issue through peaceful means
rather than resorting to force.
The same attitude should be re-
alized by India. Mutual friendship
is the greatest need for the two
neighbors and they must not spare
any efforts in achieving this ob-
jective in their own interest. For
much progress and prosperity can
be attained if they live in peace
and thus contribute to world peace
-the goal all cherish today.
By BRUCE WASSERSTEIN
Second-of Two Articles
IS HE OR ISN'T HE?
Is John Lindsay a Republican
or is he an independent liberal?
The problem with answering this
question is that Lindsay's con-
ception of Republicanism is dif-
ferent from that of everybody else
in the party with the exception
of Jake Javits. Believing that he
is a member of the party of Lin-
coln, Lindsay tends to be more lib-
eral than many Democrats.
As a matter of fact, the Times
conjectured last year that if Lind-
say switched his party label his
political philosophy would not
have to change and he would be
one of the most influential peo-
ple in the House.
However, Lindsay will run into
trouble in the mayoralty sweep-
stakes running as a liberal Demo-
crat in Republican clothing. Be-
cause of the nature of New York's
electorate-three registered Dem-
ocratic voters for every registered
Republican voter-a Republican
candidate must get a sizable
chunk of the ordinarily Demo-
cratic votes to win a city wide
election.
ALTHOUGH similar voter reg-
istration figures were prevalent
when Lindsay ran for Congress in
New York's Silk Stocking district,
the national viewpoints of most of
his Republican and Democratic
constituents were not that di-
vergent. Thus Lindsay could cap-
ture the bulk of the Republican
votes and a good many Democrat-
ic ones by advocating liberal an-
swers to policy questions.
On a citywide basis, however,
Lindsay will find that it is very
hard to please the Democrats
without alienating the Republi-
cans. For example, one can take
the controversial school redistrict-
ing issue.
Most Republicans and many
Democrats are opposed to having
their children attend anything
but local schools. Although they
rationalize their viewpoint by say-
ing that they do not want to trav-
el, this is actually unmitigated rot.
The real reason for advocating lo-
cal schools is that they reflect the
constituency of the neighborhood.
Therefore if one lives in a nice
middle class white area, one's
children will now go to a nice
"middle class white school.
ON THE OTHER hand, civil
rights leaders point out that if
one lives in a Negro slum, the
school one goes to is a reflection
of that inferior environment. Not-
ing the inequitable distribution of
races in the school system ,- for
example 98 per cent Negro at one
school and 80 per cent white at
another-these leaders urge that
the city inaugurate a thorough
school integration plan. Of course,
the white middle class is opposed
to such a scheme.
If Lindsay supports the inte-
gration plans he stands to alien-
ate his Republican base while on
the other hand by opposing it
he will lose the support of civil
rights leaders.
Bob Wagner's solution to such
problems was to refer them to
committees which either never re-
ported or never did anything once
they made their reports.
THE SPECIFIC ISSUE of edu-
cation is now boiling, however,
and Calvin Gross who came to
New York with the reputation of
being a whiz kid as an education-
al administrator was forced out
of his position as school superin-
tendent after pressure from civil
rights groups who were impatient
with his crawling integration
plans.
Other controversial issues such
as property and sales taxes, the
civilian police review board are
also coming to a head. It is easy
for any candidate to promise that
if he wins there will be less crime
on the streets, a pettier city and
so forth. The real issues are sticky
wickets, however, which candi-
dates always try to sidestep.
Candidate Lindsay will discover
that his latent supporters will
want to know his positions and
he will have to choose which ele-
ment of New York's divergent
population is the king he wants
to capture and which pawn he
will have to alienate to win the
prize.
CURRENTLY Lindsay is work-
ing on the supposition that the
Republicans are in his pocket be-
cause they have no one else to
turn to, and his task to capture
a sizable heap of ordinarily Dero-
cratic voters. A fusion ticket such
as the one once headed by La-
Guardia seems to be Lindsay's
solution and already people are
calling him another Fiorello.
The problemwith this analogy
is that Fiorello was fighting
against a corrupt system of en-
trenched bosses while Lindsay was
originally fighting against the
honest but ineffective regime of
Wagner. The issues are not those
of corruption but those of finan-
cial and civil rights policy.
Lindsay claims that one should
not hold his Republicanism against
him. Yet he counts among his
supporters both the relatively con-
servative WASPS of the city and
the big money men.
SEEING as he cannot alienate
these people, one becomes a bit
cynical about Lindsay's poten-
tial as a true independent. Fur-
thermore one doubts the advis-
ability of electing a mayor who
will spend most of his time run-
ning for the presidency. He may
claim he is not a Republican now
but you can bet that in 1968 he
will know which party he is in.
4
IN PARENTHESIS:
BOOK REVIEWS BY GEORGE A. WHITE
EDITOR'S NOTE: George Abbott
White, a graduate of the English
Honors Program and past editor of
Generation Magazine, will review
books for The Daily weekly start-
ing today.
Letters from Mississippi. Edit-
ed by Elizabeth Sutherland. Mc-
(Graw-Hill, $4.98.
T HE LET'TER, like the journal,
has almost become a forgotten
literary form in the 20th century.
Not that we have not had them,
and had them at the height of
their form-but too often we have
had them written and read not
for their virtues, but rather, for
their vices. We do not, it seems,
read the letters of F. Scott Fitz-
gerald in the same frame of mind
as say, those of John Keats. And
except for the brilliant and mov-
ing letter of Martin Luther King
from the Birmingham Jail, the
variety of purposes that the letter
may serve have hardly been touch-
ed upon.
The letter has uses other than
4
those of revealing the man and
the intimacies about him; it can
reveal an age and its turmoil as
well. When written and read in
this light, the vices-specificity,
immediacy, intimacy-become vir-
tues.
The collection of letters in this
book, selected and edited with
skill and sensitivity, do not issue
from the hands of artists and
craftsmen as those of Jonathan
Edwards, Franklin, Adams; of ages
past. They are from SNCC volun-
teers in Mississippi. Some suffer
from disconnected narrative, dis-
jointed syntax, subjects too in-
timate in reference to be read out
of a far larger context. Yet taken
as a whole (and they read as one
piece), this book succeeds as no
other-save Robert Penn War-
ren's Who Speaks for the Negro?
-in giving 3 impact, the precise
sense of place and people; de-
lineating the personalities, the
conflicts, the failures and small
triumphs. What is imprintedni
the reader's mind at end, is noth-
ing less than what it meant-a
plenthora of experiences--to be
in Mississippi for SNCC last sum-
mer.
IT OPENS with letters from the
"training center" in Oxford, Ohio,
records the brutal role-playing
(re-enacting situations of danger),
the ambiguities of purpose, the
anticipations and the fears.;One
letter spotlights the conflict be-
tween "recruit" (white college stu-
dent for the summer) and "vet-
eran" (Negro youth with less edu-
cation, less Middleclassness); an-
other the resentment of Negro
leadership, of having to "prove"
oneself. And even before they leave
for Mississippi there is the fore-
boding of the terror ahead: three
students - Andrew Goodman,
James Chaney, Michael Schwer-
ner-are missing.
So many aspects of the multi-
purposed Negro Revolution are
captured: the vitalizing aspect of
the "New Christianity" (in Diet-
rich Bonhoeffer's words: "mien
for others"), the attack upon a
national sickness, the Word made
viable through commitment, the
Negro as the "new being."sThese
early letters suggest what is later
confirmed, that the motives be-
hind this revolution. are not only
abstract idealism. And each re-
flects self-knowledge, maturity.
They know the reasons: personal
salvation, "belonging," self-fulfill-
ment, achievement of some kind of
manhood. One writes:
Concerning the "practicality"
of such a venture: nothing
could be more "lucrative," "pro-
fitable," than teaching in Mis-
sissippi this summer. I want to
fulfill myself, not to prove my-
self. I do not want to spend my
life in the pursuit and enjoy-
ment of comfort and security . .
Their arrival in the "Magnolia
State" dispels misconceptions;
confronts the image with reality:
- . . to see the place in the
real is so different from seeing
down psychological'reasons for
your personal problems. When
I see these simple people living
lives of relative inner peace,
love, honor, courage and humor,
I lose patience with people who
sit and ponder their belly but-
tons...
Religion looses its , "Organiza-
tion Man" overcoat. The Volun-
teers meet people for whom, in
spite of everything, faith is vital
and viable: tiny, 75-year-old "Mr.
Magoo's" who are "tough, still
working and willing to undergo
danger. (Danger being of course,
the attempt to register to vote.)'
He spends nearly all his spare
time reading the Bible and like
many of the people here, he takes
its teachings to heart. The faith
of these people here is amazing
and not a dead form like in most
Northern churches."
What emerges from the Volun-
teer letters is a similar endurance
and a similar faith. For without
some sort of faith, survival it is
clear, is impossible. It is not just
the constant fear of bombings,
knifings, beatings. These, one
could condition against. But it is
the knowledge that the entire fab-
ric of civilization is rent in Mis-;
sissippi; that what passes for law
is nothing but White Man's ca-
price. The "system" in Mississippi
attempts to be total and nearly
succeeds. The sensation of frus-
tration is massive: We read of
Negroes who are fired from 20-
year jobs at whim; Negroes who
are kept in debt a year, each year,
through White manipulation; of
crooked banks, plantation owners,
storekeepers, sheriffs, judges. An
entire society conspires. The SNCC
Volunteer is. left shattered, amazed
at the Negro's endurance : attack-
at-will in the middle of town at
noon, ticket after ticket for run-
ning non-existent stopsigns,
speeding tickets when a car is not
moving, jay-walking tickets, ticket
tickets.
down back roads. One worker
writes in desperation
The man who beat me is free.
He paid a $25 fine. He is a
friend of the judge's, of the
police and a member of the
Citizen's Council. He is free; he
is angry. He knows that he can
get away with worse. The FBY
would not arrest him .. . I have
no local protection. I have -no
federal protection .
The late American poet Theo-
dore Roethke wrote: What do they
tell us sound and silence?
We have heard the sound of
these letters; what of the silence?
One letter hints at the dark, un-
spoken side:
We had a problem with a man
and some of his friends who
took it upon himself to protect
us from the white men who
visited us yesterday. He came
over at night with his friends
and brought along a machine
gun and ammunition ...
For what happens when non-
violence becomes nonpractical;
when this nation becomes dulled
to the agonies? When it takes just
too long for the New York- Times
to react to a girl's crushed face,
too long to condemn and the at-
tracities continue? When it takes
too long for the Justice Depart-
ment to protect a SNCC office?
When it takes too long for a Ne-
gro with a PhD ;to register? The
Negro tires of waiting; tires of
enduring the White Man's Guilt.
His truly saintly patience wears
thin. These letters add up to this
lone question: How long 0 Lord?
How long!
Prejudiced?
WE TRY not be prejudiced
against the administration's
liberalized immigration law. But a
The Other Ascent Into The Unknown
.
l k l R4t
M v 5
I