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Editorials printed in The Michigan Daily express the individual opinions of staff writers
or the editors. This must be noted in all reprints.
FRIDAY, DECEMBER 2,.1966
NIGHT EDITOR: NEIL SHISTER
The Movement Is Older
Than You Think,
WHAT HAS MORE or less affectionately
been called The Movement is signifi-
cant because it was so long coming. The
ideas of student power, authority, influ-
ence may have come from past student
experiences in bookstore-planning, hous-
ing-improving, and human-rights-guar-
anteeing.
But an even more significant undercur-
rent for The Movement is based in some
things alleged to be very wrong with
America and, in particular, with higher
education.
UNIVERSITY PROF. Arnold Kaufman of
the philosophy department analyzed
this months before students awoke.
In the September-October issue of.
"Dissent," Kaufman said:
"If life in the multiversity is too often
fraudulent, it at least provides the in-
creasingly essential passport to the, ful-
fillment of those more material aspira-
tions that American society encourages
one to have."
"This is not to deny that the United
States is doing better than most in edu-
cating youth," Kaufman says later. "But
for a nation possessing our resources, to-
day's best is at least a light-year away
from being good enough. Thus, we have
an other American dilemma-bad educa-
tional processes, inequitably accessible,
rationalized by an almost empty rhetoric
of educational ideals."
"AND IN OUR COLLEGES and universi-
ties, students no longer ask for the
right to share in the vital decisions that
shape their educational experience-they
demand it. College administrations are
beginning to respond to this demand. At
Berkeley and at the University of Michi-
gan steps have been taken. At Tuskegee
Institute, Booker T. Washington groans.
"The only brake on a more accelerated
pace of change is that of the student's
own fears and insecurities-in large part
the product of the pseudo-realism with
which their minds and spirits have been
contaminated.
"But there is every prospect that at
least the radicals among the generation
of students will not be bought off. If
they are, it will be primarily because the
self-indulgence of their politics brings
with it despair and capitulation to the
forms of democratically irresponsible
power they rightly loathe.
"The Movement, then, is representative
of a greater reality than events on cam-
pus. More significant, the political reali-
ties involved have national significance.
Talk of the local political realities is a
red-herring."
THE IMPLICATIONS of The Movement
are great. That's why the cameras and
lights appear on campus; that's why out-
side news media are carefully attempting
to color news of The Movement in the
expected way.
The Movement is a bigger thing than
its campus manifestation. And this does
not necessarily mean that the Michigan
Movement is a separate and equally sig-
nificant example of something happening
around the country.
The Movement is a national political,
thing, perhaps a groping after a new
practical philosophy.
-NEAL H. BRUSS
By STEVE FIRSHEIN
ON TUESDAY the United Na-
tions General Assembly voted
57-46 against admitting Red China
-a tally that reflected concern
about the so-called "cultural rev-
olution" of the Red Guards now
sweeping that country.
Chairman Mao's regime has
moved farther away from a nec-
essary diplomatic and commercial
dialogue with the rest of the
world precisely when she can least
afford it.
MOST SERIOUS is the rupture
with the Soviet Union. Relations
between Peking and Moscow have
deteriorated to the point of mu-
tual expulsion of exchange -tu-
dents, renewed hostilities between
Chinese and Soviet troops along
the Manchurian and Sinkiang bor-
ders, and increasingly vitriolic ac-
cusations and counter-accusations
by the two governments.
The withdrawal of Russian tech-
nicians from China in 1960 is
considered the turning point.
Prof. Alexander Eckstein of the
department of economics and one
of the foremost American experts
on the Chinese economy, attrib-
uted the withdrawal of the Rus-
sians to two causes. First, there
were the technical reasons: the
Russians began to feel that their
usefulness was outlived. During
the Great Leap, the Chinese had
engaged in planning practices con-
sidered 'economically irrational."
But, in addition, this was a sym-
bolic political gesture calculated
to drive home to the Chinese the
implications of where their fana-
ticism was leading.
THE TWO YEARS after the
withdrawal were characterized by
severe economic depression, with
agricultural and food crises. Pe-
king propaganda releases blamed
the failures primarily on the So-
viet exodus, then on bad weather
and general planning errors. Dr.
Eckstein and other China experts
tend to reverse the priorities.
The impact would have been
more serious had it occurred in a
time of economic boom; but de-
mands for investment goodhs had
already fallen just prior to the
Soviet withdrawal. The effect on
consumer industry and agriculture
was thus relatively minor.
However, the military sector of
the Chinese economy was signi,-
cantly affected. Most noticeably
the atomic weapon development
program-its first A-bomb deton-
ation planned for 1962-had to
be postponed for two years.
Coupled with Peking's long-time
gripes about the skimpiness of
Soviet assistance-the last large
aid installment was in 1955-and
the repayment provisions, the
atomic setback exacerbated al-
ready tense relations.
ON THE POLITICAL level, the
recent Chinese diplomatic failures
have given Russia a free rein to
loosen her ideological belt as the
undeniable head of the world Com-
munist movement. In 1965 and
1966, Peking has taken it on the
nose in Algeria, Ghana and Indo-
nesia and has been forced to re-
evaluate her plans to assume the
leadership of the underdeveloped
nations.
Donald S. Zagoria of the Rand
Corporation writes: "Where Pe-
king a year or two ago seemed
ready to set up an international
alliance of Afro-Asian-Latin Amer-
ican parties, Chinese influence is
now at an all-time low." Only
three Communist parties-those of
Albania, New Zealand and Japan
--joined China's boycott of the
recent Twenty-Third Communist
Party Congress in Moscow.
On top of this, an internecince
struggle for eventual succession to
Mao Tst-tung's position began.
Liu Shao-chi, the heir apparent
was demoted to eighth on the
list, and now appears relegated to
an even lower rank. Lin Piao is
the new number two man and
has established leadership of the
Red Guards-a gang of one mil-
lion high school and college stu-
dents given six months leave from,
their studies to purge the coun-
try of anything Western, which
seems to include anything Rus-
sian.
"THE PEKING REVIEW," a
propaganda sheet in English, and
"Jenmin Jih Pao," organ of the
Chinese Communist party, call the
leaders of the Soviet Union a
"group of renegades" who are pur-
Puing a "policy of collaboration
with the United States for world
domination.'
Dr. Albert Feuerwerker suggests
that Soviet coolness toward China
is due to this increasing tide of
xenophobia, rather than the cause
of it. He also emphasizes that
Peking has taken no serious overt
actions-its words, not deeds, have
been militant.
Actually China's internal diffi-
culties may tend to constrain her
rather than to bring about anoth-
er major international crisis. It
seems unlikely that China will di-
rectly-through a volunteer army
-intervene in the Vietnamese war
for this reason. "Wars of national
liberation," as they are termed,
should be won independently.
THUS, RUSSIA has been given
greater flexibility in trying to thaw
relations with the West. A rec-
onciliation with Red China would
involve a toughening of Moscow
policy, and therefore will move
Russia farther away from the
United States--that is, unless we,
too, can gain accord with the Chi-
nese.
icy seems calculated to deprive
her,of just that.
OF COURSE. the United States
has done all she can to help with
our more stringent version of the
policy containment that was ap-
plied formerly to the Soviet Un-
ion, this accord is impossible. The
crucial admittance of Red China
into the United Nations has been
blocked and our commitment to
Nationalist China reaffirmed-but
Peking is as much to blame as we.
As Dr. Feuerwerker notes, "If there
is one thing both Chinas agree
upon. it is the unacceptability of
each other in the UN."
The Canadian proposal would
have permitted Peking to assume
the "China seat" in the General
Assembly and Security Council,
while permitting Taiwan to re-
main as another "countrylet." Chi-
ang Kai-shek, who hopes eventu-
ally to re-conquer the mainland,
won't move over for Red China:
and Mao, who someday expects
to capture Taiwan, wants extul-
sion of the latter as a precondi-
tion for membership.
SO AS IT stands now, the Unt-
ed States must seek to extend its
rapprochement with the Soviet
Union, while trying to convince
Peking to sit in the UN with Tai-
wan. The revolutionary zeal in
China, as in all such movements.
cannot last long. Mao's heirs must
realize the impossibility of riain-
taining the artificial "Kenan fer-
vor" so prevalent during the strug-
gle of the 1930's and '40's. They
will see that isolation is no way
to make friends and promote de-
velopment.
But, unfortunately, China's
problems are economic, not
manrly geopolitical. However,
two are interacting to do
harm to Chinese development.
real
pri-
the
real
The rupture with Russia cuts
off not only an important source
of capital and technical aid, but
also is threatening to drain re-
sources as troops run off to guard
the long China-Russian border.
As long as China remains back-
ward and is forced to offer its
populace militarism in place of
economic advance, that militarism
remains a fact and further cuts
of possible aid from, if not the
United States then other sympa-
thetic Western countries such as
France and Canada. What China
needs most is aid; her foreign pol-
0
An Historical Note About Southeast Asia
Housing Momentum
T HE CENTER of our greatest
concern today is an unanswered
question: as the paramount pow-
er in the Pacific, what is our
proper role on the Asian continent?
I FIND IT enlightening to re-
member that while Americans have
been interested in Asia since the
China trade began more than a
century ago, our present predom-
inance is a consequence of the
Second World War.
By 1945 all the established pow-
ers in Eastern Asia had been
knocked out. The British, French
and Netherlands empires were de-
stroyed by Japan. The Soviet Un-
ion was prostrated by the war
with Hitler. China was ravaged by
civil war. Finally Japan, the erst-
while victor, was defeated and
disarmed by the United States.
Thus, there was created across
the Pacific a vast vacuum of
power. Into this vacuum the Amer-
ican power flowed and washed up
over the edges of the continent,
onto the peninsulas like Korea and
IIndochina, onto the offshore is-
lands including Japan, Okinawa,
Taiwan..
AS ONE of the veterans of the
debate about American isolation-
ism, I understand very well the
feeling of those who say that our
vital interests demand that there
shall be no hostile power on the
other shore of the two oceans.
The President is expressing this
feeling when he tells us that we
are fighting in Indochina in or-
der to avoid having to fight later
in Hawaii and California.
That is the way we felt in 1917
and in 1940: if the Germans, who
were bent on imperial expansion,
conquered and captured the mili-
tary power of Britain and France,
the way would be open to the
Western Hemisphere through Ice-
land and Canada in the North,
through West Africa and Brazil
in the South.
The President and Secretary
Rusk are passionately convinced
that we face the same kind of
threat from across the Pacific to-
day as we faced across the At-
lantic in the two German wars.
They are, I am convinced, mis-
taken.
American sea and air power are,
both absolutely and comparative-
ly, immensely greater today than
they were at the time of the
world wars. Asian, or more par-
ticularly Chinese, sea and air
power are, absolutely and compar-
atively, enormously weaker than
was Germany's.
Therefore, though it would be
much more pleasant if China were
a friendly power, I believe that
the true military frontier between
us lies in the blue water of the
Pacific and not on the mainland
of China.
ON THE SUBJECT of isolation,
considerable confusian has been
left over from the debates which
took place between 1914 and 1941.
YESTERDAY'S Housing and Urban De-
velopment (HUD) approval of 40 low-
rent units for Ann Arbor to be administ-
ered under Section 23 of the Leased
Housing Program is a beginning in the
search for a solution to the low-income
housing problem in Ann Arbor. It is only
a beginning. A great deal of work lies
ahead.
A survey done by the Human Relations
Commission, prior to the formation of the
Housing Commission, classified 1500-1800
families as poor.
IN REALITY, this number does not in-
clude all the poor who are looking for
low-income housing in Ann Arbor. The
University and its students rely on the
services of many more low-income people
who cannot find living quarters in Ann
Arbor, and must spend a substantial
amount of their incomes in commuting
from communities as far off as Detroit.
These people weren't included in the re-
port.
Presently there are 75 applicants for
low-rent housing, but only about a dozen
have found places."
Why can't these people find proper
housing?
For one reason, for years the people
of Ann Arbor put a naive faith in the
ability' of private developers to provide
housing for people of limited incomes. A
look at the record shows that despite the
recent building boom in Ann Arbor, there
have been no more than 50 low rent
houses built in the last 10 years.
Today
an (1
Tonorrow
By WALTER LIPPMANN
Despite the huge demand for low-in-
come housing only 40 units were earmark-
ed for city leasing. The reason for this is
that there is an extremely low vacancy
rate in Ann Arbor, around one per cent,
largely because of the expansion -of the
University community. HUD feared that
by allowing too many units to be leased
by the city inflationary trends would set
in on the Ann Arbor housing market.
IN FACE OF THESE FACTS, there can
only be one measure to alleviate the
situation that will reach a crisis propor-
tion for many families this winter-con-
struction of additional, low-rent public
housing. City leasing of 40 existing dwell-
ings is necessary to take care of those
who last winter lived in cars, and in one
instance under a bridge, but what will be
done for the long run?
The acquisition of 40 units by the
city, and the appointment of a new hous-
ing commission director, may help to re-
verse this trend. The city must not stop
here, however. Those who see the need for
public housing must now take the initia-
tive.
WITH THE HOUSING Assistance Au-
thority's approval of a $35,000 loan
to Ann Arbor for preliminary planning
for the construction of 200 units of pub-
lic housing, these people have their
chance to take further action.
-RON KLEMPNER
The real issue in those debates
was not whether to recede into
"fortress America" or instead to
sally forth. and police the globe.
The notion of "fortress America"
was a temporary aberration, a bit
of strategical naivete concocted as
a debating point.
The heart of the real debate
about isolation was whether the
United States should intervene in
a European war. For from the
foundation of the republic, the
United States foreign policy has
been 'isolationist," that is to say
noninterventionist, only as regards
Europe. The American people have
always been moving westward;
they have been expansionist and
interventionist across the conti-
nent and on to Alaska, Hawaii,
the Philippines. It was against Eu-
rope that they turned their backs.
THUS, in the First World War
when Germany attacked the At-
lantic highways and threatened to
conquer Britain and France on the
other shore of the ocean, Presi-
dent Wilson-deferring to the an-
ti-European tradition of Ameri-
can politics-insisted that we were
fighting not as an ally of Brit-
ain and France but as an "associ-
ate." In that war the American
Army fought under the supreme
command of a Frenchman and the
American Navy fought under the
supreme command of a British
admiral.
In the Second World War there
occurred an historic breakthrough
and the results of it are our main
concern today. America fought no
longer as an associate and an
auxiliary. It emerged as the prin-
cipal arsenal and reserve and
treasury of the Western alliance,
and it commanded the allied forc-
es in the West. This was the defi-
nitive end of our former "isola-
tion."
IN ORDER to understand what
this means we must remind our-
selves of the other side of the
coin. Just as America emerged
as the principal power of the
West, our European Allies were
losing their imperial positions in
Asia and Africa. Just when Amer-
ica appeared as the Western su-
perpower, the international order
within which the United States
had grown up was disappearing.
We reached the shores of Asia in
1945 just as the Westerners were
being pushed out of Asia.
There was gone the essential
bond of the international order as
it existed until the end of the
Second World War. The bond was
the acceptance by the peoples of
Asia of the practice of letting the
world be governed from London
or Paris, their habitual docility
and obedience in the presence of
the Western white man.
It was this revolution in the
habits and expectations of the
Asians which compelled the Brit-
ish to leave the Indian subconti-
nent, which forced the French out
of Indochina, which is today re-
sisting President Johnson's pre-
tensions on the Asian mainland.
THE PRESIDENT and Secretary
Rusk believe that the problems of
peace and security are essentially
the same on the other shores of
both the oceans. I do not think
they are.
Across the Atlantic are the peo-
ples who opened up and settled
America. , They are the peoples
with whom most Americans share
a common ancestry, a common
heritage, a common culture, the
same religions, the same basic jur-
isprudence and the vast philosoph-
ical and artistic treasury of West-
ern civilization. Across' the Pa-
cific are the Asian peoples, no
less worthy than we are but with
quite different traditions which
they cherish as much as we cher-
ish our traditions.
It seems to me a shallow view
of the world to ignore these es-
sential differences and to forget
that while America is the daugh-
ter of Europe, to Asia it can only
hope to be a good neighbor.
(C), 1966, The washington Post Co.
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Letters:* "We Si mply Wanted To Listen"
To the Editor:
MONDAY we tried to hear Pres-
icient Hatcher's presentation
before the Faculty Senate. We
were refused at the door on the
grounds that the meeting was
closed, as are all such meetings
of the Senate. Perhaps Dr. Hatcher
has things to tell the faculty
which a student should not hear.
But Thursday was a different
story. President Hatcher called to-
gether the members of Student
Government Council to clarify his
Morday presentation. We attempt-
ed to attend this meeting but were
told to leave by President Hatch-
er. Does President Hatcher have
things to tell the student gov-
ernment which students should
not hear?
REALLY, all we wanted to do
was listen.
-Ellen Bellet, 70
-Mimi Haas, '70
-Peter Danielson, '67
Hazing
To the Editor:
SCHI PHI FRATERNITY on Nov.
5, 1966 and again on Nov. 23,
1966, despite the protests of my-
self and other pledges specifically
violated parts d, e, and i in Sec-
tion V of the Interfraternity Coun-
cil Bylaws on Rushing and Pledg-
ing and upon these and other oc-
casions has demeaned the personal
dignity not only of myself, but
of my fellow pledges.
Specifically, I have been goad-
ed to severe prolonged physical
labor that sent me to the Health
Service; along with the other
pledges I have been sworn at and
spat upon, forced against my will
to eat raw garlic, drenched while
sweating with snow and water. I
have been kicked, shoved and
bruised. Some of this treatment
was administered by actives who
were drinking or drunk.
What Goes on Here?
GENTLEMEN, this treatment
violates the dignity of man. In
an age when Auschwitz and Buch-
enwald are a hell burning in the
conscience of mankind, this kind
of depraved behavior becomes hei-
nous.
Since my protests to the fra-
ternity have been ignored, I have
no other choice but to depledge
and lodge my protest as a public
condemnation of these brutish, de-
nigrating procedures. Consequent-
ly, I am sending a copy of this
letter to The Daily.
In the words of e. e. cummings:
"There is some shit I will not
eat."
-Thomas A. Germain, '69
Hatcher Statement
To the Editor:
i T IS UNFORTUNATE that a
small group of student leaders
persist in carrying out the letter
rather than the spirit of the teach-
in last week.
Since amendments were not al-
low (we voted on the basis of
an erroneous choice: allow amend-
ments and be here all night or
close the agenda and get through
at a reasonable hour), we had no
opportunity to vote on constructive
action such as that proposed in
Dr. Hatcher's excellent statement.
As far as I can tell, President
Hatcher has taken into consider-
ation all the most pressing student
concerns and questions in explain-
ing the administration's position.
The statement seems to indicate a
growing awareness of student
nnininn n-nrAT fad n urp i,,1Aii nt
To the Editor :
RE. CHUCK VETZNER
ber 1 column "Insi
Insults": The appearanc
of such lack of insigi
your readership.
-D. Ke
Mod
To the Editor:
UNFORTUNATELY, I
that Tuesday's sit-i
misinterpreted as an unv
of students to participat
mon efforts to solve th
AN OBSERVATION was made at the re-
cent Voice meeting that: "Many of
the kids in the dormitories aren't aware
of the issues (in the recent student pro-
tests) let alone 'student power.' What's
in it for them?"
The problem here is getting informa-
tion to those students, encouraging them
that their voice is as important as the
radical Voice member or the Student
Government Council leader. They will be
living with the system students are at-
tempting to formulate, and they must
lake some of the responsibility if they
are at all interested in what will inevit-
ably affect their lives.
THE QUESTION of information could
IntSUlts problems which the University
community now faces. It may be
considered by many to be a re-
'S Decem- jection of the joint faculty, stu-
ghts and ient, administration committees
e in print wnich President Hatcher has es-
ht insults tab]ished. It should not be.
'lly, '681, Rather, I believe that the ac-
tions oi those who sat-in should
be regarded as' an expression of
eration strong sentiment that the Univer-
=ity decision-making process, as it
am afraid. has operated in the past, has not
n will be adequately responded to student
willingness needs and desires.
e in com- -Neill H. Hollenshead, '67
e pressing Member of SGC
dividual house or dorm governments in
smaller units. Seminars, discussions at the
house level could help inform the great
number of residents about the issues, fill-
ing in background lacking in many cases.
Freshmen especially need to realize
that they will be affected by the decisions
made far longer than anyone else on cam-
pus; if they sit back and take the usual
apathetic view they may end up very un-
happy with the results. Participation, and
active participation at that, is the only
way students can insure that they are
heard and that their opinions are ex-
pressed.
THE CURRENT QUESTION is student
participation in the processes of the
University. It is time to worry about stu-
Robinson Statement
,D LIKE EVERYONE to know why II left the meeting which
President Hatcher had with the members of SGC yesterday. I
left because it was a closed meeting, a meeting at which inter-
ested faculty and students were not allowed to listen.
Many of the problems on this campus have been caused by
misunderstanding, and closed meetings breed misunderstanding.
If things are to improve here, closed meetings must end. Today I
took a difficult step and decided to end my participation in closed
meetings.
It is certainly the prerogative of the President to ask for a
meeting with SGC and to ask that only members of SGC partici-
pate. But it seems to make sense that other members of the
community be permitted to hear the dialogue so that communi-
cation is furthered. It is sadly ironical that in this time of crisis
through misunderstanding, yet another means of communication
was severed.
v/
WA
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