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November 03, 1966 - Image 4

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The Michigan Daily, 1966-11-03

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Seventy-Sixth Year
EDITED AND MANAGED BY STUDENTS OF THE UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN
UNDER AUTHORITY OF BOARD IN CONTROL OF STUDENT PUBLICATIONS

FEIFFE.R

: . ..

SOpinionsAre Free, 420 MAYNARD ST., ANN ARBOR, MiCH.
uth Will Preval

NEWS PHONE: 764-0552

Editorial's printed in The Michigan Daily ex press the individual opinions of staff writers
or the editors. This mus t be noted in all reprints.

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rHURSDAY, NOVEMBER 3, 1966

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NIGHT EDITOR: MICHAEL HEFFER

The ADC Problem:
Money and Information

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TODAY, MOTHERS who are receiving
Aid to Dependent Children funds and
welfare, and belong to an organization
to "Humanize Existing Welfare (HEW),"
will meet with representatives of the
county welfare office to present 12 basic
demands for improvements in welfare pol-
icy.
Their grievances are valid, and an orga-
nized protest is long overdue. The de-
mands range from insistence on more ade-
quate information on ADC policies and
on changes in them before they take place
to pleas for more funds to cover such
items as clothing, school fees and heat-
ing.
THE ONLYt REPLY to these demands
from the state welfare office pointed
out that policy changes are not made on
the local level, but rather on state and
national levels. Therefore, according to
the state, the group is presenting its de-
mands to the wrong authority.
While it may be true that the county
office cannot make any direct changes,
the women of the organization are not
unaware of the power structure existing
in welfare departments. Pressuring local
boards, until they begin to call on state
and federal authorities for action, is the
most politically sound move the mothers
can take at this time. Direct appeals to
higher offices, if acknowledged at all,
would probably be quickly brushed aside.
ADC mothers are also coordinating their
efforts on the national level. The local
groups hold national conventions period-
ically where they discuss issues and tac-
tics. This indicates that these women are
able and ready to protest-and are going
about it in a serious manner.
THEIR MAJOR CONCERN is with their
economic problems. At, the present
time, mothers who are on ADO receive
specific amounts of money which are de-
termined by arbitrary and indaequate
budgets set up on the state level. Budg-
ets are based on $25 for food and $9 for
clothing and incidentals for each mem-
ber of the family. From $20 to $27 per
month per family for heat and utilities
is also provided. The amount allotted in
the budget for shelter varies from county
to county.
However, the actual ADC allotments us-

ually are not as high as the budgets-in
other words, the amount which each
woman receives is much lower even than
the subsistence-level budget calls for. A
sum of $128 for two people and an extra
$38 per month for each additional mem-
ber of the family is the maximum. If
money is needed in addition to this, it
must be obtained through employment,
donations or other welfare programs.
IF THE MOTHER works and earns more
than the budget calls for, her ADC ben-
efits are reduced in proportion to the ad-
ditional earnings. Therefore, as long as
she is on welfare, she can never acquire a
total income greater than the budget set
by the state agency. Yet, this budget is
obviously substandard.
The HEW group is protesting this low
"investment" which makes "rehabilita-
tion" impossible.
The need for additional funds for
clothes and school fees, another claim
of HEW, cannot be denied. At present, all
clothing and incidentals, including school
fees, must be paid with a monthly allot-
ment of $9. Winter heating is also inade-
quately covered with a sum of $7-13 per
month.
IN ADDITION to the need for more funds,
better methods of informing AD cli-
ents of their rights must be established-
another demand of HEW. Now, the so-
cial worker is the only source of informa-
tion for the mothers. Because benefits
and changes in policy are a matter of life
and death for ADC recipients, informa-
tion services need to be taken more seri-
ously. .
The group is also asking for a review
of existing termination policies. At pres-
ent a person "judged" ineligible for bene-
fits is cut off immediately. If the client
then appeals the decision, wins, and then
is reinstated, she still, in many cases, has
lost several months of checks. In other
words, the client lives in constant fear of
having no means of income should her
claim to welfare funds be questioned.
THESE SPECIFIC grievances and others
to be presented must be considered
seriously by the Welfare Department and
steps to alleviate the existing, degrading
situation must be taken immediately.
-BETSY TURNER

ON, W LOFffR 56U& - ' ATU
W0OMPERFULLY --T0 LASTE
SAFE CHOICES J MY OUT-
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THOSE OF OUR OTE
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OM V1ETWAN IS
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OMP TO FEEL-
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Letters: BoulIding on 'Studying Peace'

To the Editor:
DR. SHY has made the point at
some length that the policies
advocated by me jeopardize the
cause of peace in Viet Nam. As
one who has been associated for
some years with research programs
on problems of international peace
and security, I am perhaps even
more aware than Dr. Shy of the
"complexities" of peace-making.
I am also aware that basic to
processes of international problem-
solving are the images of the
world in the minds of the deci-
sion-makers who define the prob-
lems, and their supporting publics.
WHEN THE IMAGES of the
international system are faulty
and inadequate, "realistic" solu-
tions are in fact not realistic. In
his speech of October 17 on the
floor of the House, Congressman
Vivian said that "a number of
countries such as Malaysia, Indo-
nesia, the Philippines, Thailand,
and even Burma, now partly de-
pend for their security and na-
tional integrity upon some form

of U.S. military presence in the
western Pacific."
All the sincere well-meaning lib-
erals, like Mr. Vivian himself, who
believe this are engaging in a
dangerous fantasy concerning the
role of the U.S. in the world com-
munity.
This fantasy is systematically
fed by government-subsidized pub-
lications, through commercial and
apparently independent channels,
of books purporting to be inde-
pendent research and analysis of
the international scene (for exam-
ple, the account in the New York
Times, Oct. 3 of the role of the
U.S.I.A. in the publication of 'The
Truth about the Dominican Re-
public"). It is this fantasy which
my campaign attacks.
Senator Fulbright posed the
question in his address at the
University of Connecticut last
March, "Are we to regard the
Communist countries as more or
less normal states with whom we
can have more or less normal rela-
tions, or are we to regard them
indiscriminately as purveyors of

an evil ideology with whom we
can never reconcile?" This is in
fact the question we must come
to grips with.
IF THE LIBERALS who are so
attached to the "evil ideology"
fantasy spent as much effort
studying the documentation on
Viet Nam in our own press and
periodicals (if one goes beyond the
front page) and in the world's
press, as they do in trying to
prove the essential righteousness
of our role as defender of free-
dom, they would know that the 10-
member Presidium of the Central
Committee of the National Libera-
tion Front-linked by Dr. Shy in
a glorious non-sequitur with Ha-
noi, Russia and China-includes a
Roman Catholic priest, a Buddhist
monk, a priest of the Cao Dai
sect, as well as the presidents of
the Trade Union Organization, the
Students Union, the Youth Fed-
eration, the Women's Union and
the Peasants Association.
THERE IS ALSO a group of

wealthy landlords independently
forming a coalition with Cathol-
ics and some NLF people. The
group they are committed to ex-
cluding from their coalition is the
"neo-colonialists"-such as Ky.
The situation in South Viet Nam
is essentially pluralist, and Hanoi
has demonstrated flexibility in its
willingness to negotiate with the
various groupings in South Viet
Nam. It will not be necessary to
load 600,000 non - Communist
Christians on American ships when
our troops withdraw. These peo-
ple are more than able to partici-
pate in the shaping of their own
government.
Probably the , only people who
will seek asylum are those con-
nected with the puppet regime we
have supported. It is our military
support of this puppet regime
which prevents the real negotia-
tions among existing groups in
Viet Nam from taking place.
THERE ARE many in this coun-
try who are willing to raise their
voices on behalf of eventual with-

drawal, including Mr. Vivian and
Mr. Esch. It is perfectly clear that
sheer physical withdrawal even if
begun at once would take several
years to complete, because of the
complex and "semi-permanent"
nature of our installations there.
Negotiations to provide for the
orderly, systematic conduct of that
withdrawal will certainly be neces-
sary.
However, negotiated withdrawal
for most people means that we do
not leave until we have determin-
ed what kind of government the
Vietnamese shall have. This is
the kind of thinking my campaign
is directed against.
As Senator Fulbright said in his
previously mentioned address,
there are two Americas: the gen-
erous and humane American of
Lincoln and Adlai Stevenson, and
the arrogant and self-righteous
America of Teddy Roosevelt and
General MacArthur. Which Amer-
ica will you vote for, Dr. Shy?
--Elise Boulding
Write-in Candidate for Congress
Second Congressional District

4

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Elections -1966: Th e South Runs Sae

4

Rooting for the 'lou'

THE INTRAMURAL SYSTEM was formed
to provide an organized athletic outlet
for undergraduates, whether as members
of housing units or as independents band-
ing together for the competition.
Moreover, it is of interest to many for
whom the actual playing of sports is not
so important, for these students gather
in the hundreds to root for their house or
to cheer on their favorite team.
ET CERTAIN inadequacies in member-
ship of houses, particularly in the fra-
ternity division, have had an unsavory
effect upon those who stand on the side-
lines.
While it is not the purpose of this edi-
torial to discuss the so-called discrimina-
tion practiced by various fraternity hous-
es, it is nevertheless apparent that some
fraternities at Michigan are basically
"Jewish houses," others primarily "Negro
houses," and still others may be called,
for lack of a better term, "WASP houses."
Fraternal bonds are strengthened in such
houses by ethnic bonds, and non-members
are looked upon as outsiders in more than
one sense.
WHEN TWO HOUSES whose member-
ships differ by this variable meet in
IM competition, their followers, who also
tend to follow the same general pattern
of division, sometimes tend to cheer in an
especially grating manner. In the past
several weeks, particularly at IM football
matches, cheers have been heard which
cast little doubt that the persons yelling
are not so much rooting for their own
team as they are trying to deliberately
Business Staff
SUSAN PERLSTADT, Business Manager
JEFFREY LEEDS ....... Associate Business Manager

downgrade the other team on the basis of
its race or religion.
The cries of "Kill the Jews" or "Get that
Nigger" or even "Goyim, Goyim" are des-
picable at any time. When used by mem-
bers of a house to "urge their team on to
victory," they reflect not only a shocking
lack of taste, but also a loss of the purpose
of the intramural program.
The members who are guilty of this
action are presenting a terrible image of
their own house, of the fraternity sys-
tem, and of the University student body in
general.
WOULD THESE SAME members yell out
the same epithets if they were not sur-
rounded by large numbers of their own
group? In light of the talk about the in-
creasing liberalism of today's fraterni-
ties, it kind of makes you wonder.
-BOB LEES
No Comment
Department II
"REGENT BRABLEC, a school superin-
tendent who has bargained with
teachers' unions, said in supporting his
motion that 'collective bargaining in pub-
lic institutions is generally accepted. I can
testify from personal experience that it
has been abrasive and inconvenient at
times. But this is a process which should
not be denied University employes.'
" .
"(Regent) Briggs, speaking against
Brablec's motion, declared, 'I am in favor
of recognizing appropriate labor unions as
soon as it can be done legally. We are
awaiting decisions on this from the
Board.'
"President Hatcher, in a speech last

EDITOR'S NOTE: This is the
first of a five-part series by
Warren MW. Zucker on the im-
portant elections across the na-
tion next Tuesday. Other topics
to be discussed include the Cali-
fornia Governorship race be-
tween Ronald Reagan and in-
cumbent Pat Brown, and the
Senate race between incumbent
John Tower in Texas and Wag-
goner Carr, and LBJ Democrat.
By WARREN M. ZUCKER
THE SOUTH IS scared, very
scared. LBJ and "Black Pow-
er" have replaced Abraham Lin-
coln and Republicanism as the
primary objects of hate below the
Mason-Dixon line. Next Tuesday,
the old style Southern Congress-
man, the cussing, Black-baiting,
demogogue, will enjoy a tremen-
dous renaisance.
SLOWLY, ALMOST impercep-
tively, the politics of the South
had been changing for the better.
Industrialization and urbanization,
procecsses that had been very slow
to reach the South, have since
World War II spread rapidly
throughout the South. A newly
propserous and expanding upper
and middle class was created as
industrialization progressed. This
new class, staunchly conservative
in economic interests, become a
political force that had to be
reckoned with.
Simultaneously, there occured a
shift in the civil rights orienta-
tion of the national Democratic
party. Harry Truman, disregard-
ing a decades old policy of com-
promise, roundly began attacking
the inhumane treatment of Negros
in the South.
This engendered in the South
an awareness that there was no
longer any significant difference
between the national parties on
the race issue. The almost cen-
tury-old bond of the white South-
erner to the Democratic party be-
gan to split.
THE NEWLY RICH business-
man and white collar worker, no
longer voting by race, began to
vote according to his economic in-
terests. And that meant voting
Republican. Ten Republican Con-
gressman were elected from the
South between 1952 and 1964 in
the stronghold of the new rich,
the cities. Richard Nixon carried
30 out of the 47 biggest Southern

These two men, Governor George C. Wallace of Alabama and Senator John J. Sparkman (D-Ark) are
advocates the conservative, racist views which are expected to determine the outcome of the major
elections this year in the South. Wallace, through the now-famous device of running his wife in his
place, is expected to retain his office. Sparkman, running on racial issues is also expected to win the
Arkansas election.

occur when the racial issue was
not salient to the white voters.
Hale Boggs Jr., Charles Weltner,
and Jerome Mackey, by advo-
cating economic liberalism and ra-
cial moderateism, were elected by
this racially mixed working class.
As long as the racial issue wa4 not
too prominent, poor whites voted
for the racial moderate who sup-
ported their economic views.
BUT IN 1966, race is the big
issue, not only in the South but
the rest of the nation also. Riots
in the streets and the statements
of Stokely Carmichael and other
advocates of "Black Power" have
frightened many white and made
them resentful. And the 1965
Voting Rights Bill made the prob-
lef worse in the South, for now
the Negro has political cower in
the' South. And he demanded to
be made an equal partner in the
coalition; the Negro wanted not
just racially moderate candidates
but racially liberal candidates.
The answer of the poor whites
to these demands plus the rioting
has been a bolting of the coalition.
In primaries throughout the
South, poor whites supported
bigoted demogogues, who because

segregationist attitude that they
brought with them from the Dem-
ocratic party. Thus, most South-
ern election battles look like con-
tests between two candidates who
should be running for the position
of Exalted Cyclops of the local
Kleagle rather than the Senate,
the House of the Statehouse.
IN ALABAMA, Lurleen "Let
George Do It" Wallace defeated
the racially moderate candidate,
Richmond Flowers, easily in the
primary. She (read he) faces Rep.
James Martin the Tuesday elec-
tion. Martin, whose beliefs dupli-
cate Wallac's, has been an excep-
tional vote-getter in Alabama, just
losing to Lister Hill in 1962 in a
senate race that was almost the
political upset of the century.
Thinking Wallace, constitution-
ally unable to ran for the gov-
ernorship again, would run for the
Senate, Martin declared himself
in the gubernatorial race, and vas
promptly made an overwhelming
choice by the political pundits.
Overlooking the slyness of Wal-
lace has proved costly to Martin.
He could beat anyone in Alabama
except Wallace, including Sen.
John Sparkman. But on Tuesday,

has been the most moderate of all
the Southern senators on racial
and domestic issues, has turned to
the right. Sensing the breakup of
the moderate coalition, and fear-
ing Wallace's opposition in the
primary, Sparkman abandoned his
mild ways and has come close to
matching the bigoted statements
of Wallace, Martin, and his op-
ponent John Grenier, the young
politician noted for the brilliant
job he did as Goldwater's cam-
paign manager in 1964.
THE DEMOCRATIC primary in
Georgia received national a:ten-
tion as moderate Ellis Arnall lost
to Lester Maddox, a former ses-
tauranteur and axe supplier, noted
for his mortician's smile and his
extreme segregationist views.
The effects of. the street riots
were extremely sharp here in
Georgia, where rioting occurred
for two nights and days in At-
lanta. Prior to the riots, Arnell
was given a good chance of win-
ning the 50 per cent of the vote
needed in the primary to forestall
a runoff against a slew of oppo-
nents. Then came the riots. In the
election the next week, Arnell,
while still leading all candidates,

there is no distinction between
Maddox and Callaway. The only
issue that has developed between
these men of similar minds has
been that of Callaway's inherited
wealth. It has made Maddox, a
slight favorite to win Tuesday.
JIM JOHNSON, running for
governor of Arkansas after also
defeating a more moderate Dem-
ocrat in the primary, is perhaps
the pure essence of bigotry, and
demagoguery. He is a founder of
the White Citizens Councils of
Arkansas and throughout his cam-
paign, he refused to shake hands
with a Negro.
Johnson has attacked outgoing
governor Faugus as leading Ar-
kansas down the road tonracial
integration. He has called bis op-
ponent, Winthrop "I'm just a po'r
little farm boy" Rockefeller, every-
thing from a communist atheist
to a sexual deviate. His favorite
name for Rocky is "prissy sissy."
Rockefeller is perhaps the most
racially moderate candidate run-
ning for a statewide office In the
deep South withnthe exception of
Florida. And no one mistakes
Rockefeller for Charles Weltner.
He is a moderate only because
everyone else is more conservative
than he. The Arkansas race is be-
lieved to be very close, with Rocke-
feller having a slight edge.
THESE RACES are indicative
of the changing politics of the
South in 1966 and the temporary
breakup of the poor white-black
coalition. The racial bigots have
again taken charge of the Dem-
ocratic party. Almost all candi-
dates call their opponents advo-
cates of "Black Power." No one
supports LBJ because of his racial
policies.
Viet Nam is a very minor issue
here with many urging a stronger,
more aggressive policy. Sen. East-
land has called for the leveling
of Viet Nam, a statement which
his opponent has called too mod-
erated. No, Weston, there are no
peace candidates in the South,
1966 will be remembered as the
year the bigots fought the bigots
on election day whilst Negros sat
by trying to decide who is the
worse of two evils.
1966 HAS SHOWN that the
scars of the Civil War can be
easily opened. The politics of class

4
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