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October 02, 1966 - Image 4

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The Michigan Daily, 1966-10-02

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34r mirthigalt :Balij
Seventy-Sixth Year
EDITED AND MANAGED BY STUDENTS OF THE UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN
UNDER AUTHORITY OF BOARD IN CONTROL OF STUDENT PUBLICATIONS

FEIFFER

e Opinions Are Free, 420 MAYNARD ST., ANN ARBOR, MICH.
'ruth Will Prevail

NEws PHoNE: 764-0552

Editorials printed in The Michigan Daily ex press the individual opinions of staff writers
or the editors. This mus t be noted in all reprints.

LGAP.'?

SUNDAY, OCTOBER 2,1966

NIGHT EDITOR: NEIL SHISTER

'U' and Legislature:
Good Move on CRLT

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CAR. MAKE
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HE RECENT announcement that the
House Subcommittee on Higher Edu-
cation Appropriations is coming to the
University to "familiarize" itself with the
Center for Research on Learning and
Teaching could be the beginning of a
new trend in University-legislative rela-
tions.
In the past, the Legislature has not
used the lame-duck period between elec-
tions for constructive purposes. This year,
possibly due to the fact that the House
will almost certainly remain in Demo-
cratic hands, invaluable investigations,
trips ,and tours are being undertaken
so as to better determine budgetary
needs for state agencies and institutions.
This is what the University has repeat-
edly said it wishes and now it has its
chance.
THE UNIVERSITY last year requested
over $1 million for the expansion of
the CRLT, but due to the general ignor-
ance on the part of the members of
the legislative appropriations committees,
the proposal was flatly rejected.

The substantial increase in funds the
University is requesting for CRLT will go
toward setting up a statewide computer
network for programmed learning and
other related methods of instruction. The
CRLT presently has a computer tie-up
with Tarrytown, New York, but is anx-
ious to set one up here with the coop-
eration of other state-supported institu-
tions.
WITH A FIRST-HAND tour of the CRLT
operations, the Legislature might go
along with the expansion plans. Eye wit-
ness tours are not necessary to convince
the Legislature to appropriate additional
funds for faculty salary increases-only
comprehensible figures and data.
But, when the University requests mon-
ey for substantial purchases of new equip-
ment, personal 'visits and visual explana-
tions are needed. This essential precon-
ditioning was not effected last year.
If the Legislature turns down the CRLT
request this year, it cannot claim lack of
information.
--MARK LEVIN

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SDS and SNCC:o Times Are Changin

U.S. Space Proposal

AMBASSADOR GOLDBERG'S recent of-
fer to provide tracking facilities on
American soil for Soviet rocket launch-
ings renews prospects that agreement
on an international space treaty can be
reached.
Over a period of at least three years
there has been discussion between the
Soviet Union and the United States on a
number of issues concerning the regula-
tion of the use of outer space.
For example, in June 1964 Aviation
Week said the United States would have
its first chance to learn the details of
Soviet space medicine programs if a pro-
posed cooperative exchange plan is ap-
proved by both governments. At the time
Aviation Week called the program a
"small beginning but of considerable im-
portance" in furthering potential coop-
eration between the United States and
the Soviets with regard to future space
missions.
AMBASSADOR GOLDBERG'S proposal
is an even more significant step in
the direction of increased cooperation.
Hopefully it will encourage Moscow to
mitigate its awkward demand that track-

ing facilities be given to all countries on
"equal conditions." The Russians have
stalled completion of a treaty by insist-
ing that any agreement include a clause
requiring nations, which provide track-
ing facilities for one nation, to make
equal facilities available to all nations.
Such insistence poses a threat to na-
tional sovereignty that can lead to poli-
tically provoking situations. The Cuban
government has already expressed dis-
pleasure at the possibility that, under
such a provision, the United States could
demand tracking facilities, in Cuba,
equivalent to those now being afforded
the Soviet Union.
If the Russians are really interested in
expanding their tracking facilities and
if both sides are ready to negotiate in
good faith, Washington's offer should
provide a viable basis for discussion.
ALSO, THE RAPID growth of space ex-
ploration and technology make imme-
diate agreement on an international trea-
ty imperative before the complexity of
the issue makes any and all agreements
impossible.
--REGINA ROGOFF

STOKELY CARMICHAEL'S visit
to Ann Arbor may have been
an unqualified victory of charm
and intelligence over ignorance,
but it was not without casualties:
local white liberals were left more
or less to wander aimlessly about
the campus or sit idly in the MUG
wondering where they might go
next.
But, while SNCC was excluding
whites from its new Black Power
movement (or, at least, from the
direct work of organizing in the
ghettoes), Students for a Demo-
cratic Society (SDS) was redirect-
ing 'its social reform efforts to
areas in which the recently dis-
carded liberals can work.
More important, the philosoph-
ical changes in SDS and SNCC
during the summer appear to be
merely a prelude to a complete
change in the methods of social
reform, particularly concerning
work with the poor.
HISTORICALLY, the two or-
ganizations both crystalized in
1960, one from the sit-ins in the
South, the other from the cam-
pus activist movement in the
North. Yet, here the similarity
ended. SNCC was a non-organiza-
tion of widely scattered "emis-
saries," working in small groups
often on dissimilar projects in
Southern communities. SNCC's on-
ly attempts at co-ordination were

the loosely organized projects
such as the Freedom schools and
the voter registration drives of
the last few summers. It was. al-
most totally without doctrine.
SDS, on the other hand, began
with an idea and later took action
to apply it. The idea was partici-
patory democracy, whereby gov-
ernment through decentralization
and separation from traditional
power structures would be more
responsive to the wishes of the
individual and the community.
Despite the establishment of
poverty projects such as ERAP,
which did block by block work in
both white and Negro slum areas,
SDS remained until recently rela-
tively a tightly-knit organization
which preached participatory de-
present American society,
mocracy and studied theoretically
BUT STOKELY Carmichael took
over SNCC last May and began
the Black Power movement while
SDS members dedicated to com-
munity organization rather than
minor coup at their summer con-
theoretical discipline staged a
vention.
SNC retains its loose'organiza-
tion but now works with the doc-
trine of black power; SDS has
retained its belief in participatory
democracy but will be involved in
more community work.
There are two key concepts be-

The Associates
by Carney and wolter
hind the changes in SDS and
SNCC. One is community organi-
zation of the poor on a local level
in order to put political and eco-
nomic power behind their demands
to the power structure. The sec-
ond is the necessity that this pow-
be controlled by it, rather than
er come from the community and
the outside organizers.
YET, THERE is another princi-
ple-or an attitude-that the com-
munity organizer employs. This is
the ability to communicate to the
people in the community on their
own level.
The change toward this attitude
is most notable in SDS. SNCC has
always emphasized direct com-
munication; its workers have al-
ways tried to blend into the South-
ern communities where they
worked. SDS tended to remain
more aloof, probably because of its
former concern with ideology
rather than organization. It was
those who wanted to end this
aloofness who staged the coup
this summer in SDS.
The two organizations are now

quite similar with one notable ex-
ception: SDS is almost complete-.
ly white, SNCC is almost com-
pletely black.
Yet, this separation is a source
of strength for both, if one ac-
cepts Carmichael's premise that
black workers can do grass-roots
organization most effectively in
black communities and that the
same principle is true for white
communities.
Certainly, as Carmichael sug-
gests, there is more than enough
work to be done in white com-
munities to keep white liberals
occupied for a long time.
SDS HAS ALREALY done suc-
cessful work in poor white com-
munities in Chicago and Cleve-
land. These communities are com-
posed primarily of whites who
have recently come from Southern
or Appalachian areas or abroad.
They are almost as disassociated
from American society as black
communities, highly prejudiced,
especially toward the Negro, and
anxious to lose the ethnic customs
that identify their origins. Except
for the absence of the color bar-
rier, the problems of these commu-
nities are similar to those of the
Negro.
Organizing in white communi-
ties, according to Bill Ayers, '67,
who worked on an SDS project in
Cleveland, will be much more dif-'

ficult because it involves com-
municating with people whose
values and opinons are consider-
ably different from- those of the
typical white liberal
THE ORGANIZER, Ayers said,
must try to communicate with
these people, on their level, yet
maintain his own integrity and
commitment to his political and
racial views.
Organizing in Chicago commu-
nities was done around the prob-
lem of police brutality. An organi-
zation of young men ranging in
age from 18 to 25 called the Good-
fellows, was established to serve
as a sounding board for com-
plaints and to present gkievances
to the police. Other work was
done with housing and food prices.
A corollary to the organization
in white communities was the les-
sening of racial hatred among the
poor whites. Once those in the
Goodfellows in Chicago began to
work on police brutality, they be-
came aware that Negroes had
much the same problem.
Eventually, the two organizations
worked together because they rec-
ognized their common interests.
Meaningful integration can occur
in this way, and if it does, black
power and the new community
work of SDS will be more than
justified.

Letters: Peace Su pporters Reply to Critics'

Sit-In rresponsibe

VOICE POLITICAL PARTY displayed to-
tal lack of respect for proper chan-
nels of contact with the University ad-
ministration in their recent "sit-in" in
the office of Vice-President Wilbur K.
Pierpont.
Voice could just as easily have arrang-
ed for a meeting with administrators
without such a demonstration. The "sit-
in" was -an immature act designed to at-
tract publicity.
SGC President Ed Robinson, who fin-
ally arranged the meeting, revealed yes-
terday that he was not actually asked
by Voice to do this, but acted on his own
accord. It appears that Robinson could
have arranged a meeting that Pierpont
would attend without a "sit-in" to back
him up, if someone had asked him to.
IN, SHORT, Voice appears more interest
ed in attracting attention to them-
Editorial Stafff
MARK R. KILLINGSWORTH, Editor
BRUCE ,WASSERSTEIN, Executive Editor
CLARENCE FANTO HARVEY WASSERMA
Managing Editor Editorial Director
LEONARD PRATT ....... Associate Managing Editor
JOHN MEREDITH....... Associate Managing Editor
CHARLOTTE WOLTER .Associate Editorial Directot
ROBERT CARNEY......Associate Editorial Director
ROBERT MOORE ................ Magazine Editor
BABETTE COHN............... Personnel Director
NIGHT EDITORS: Michael Heifer, Merle Jacob, Rob-
ert Klivans, Laurence Medow, Roger Rapoport, Shir-
ley Rosick, Neil Shister.
CHARLES VETZNER ...............Sports Editor
JAMES TINDALL ............ Associate Sports Editor
JAMES LaSOVAGE .........Associate Sports Editor
GIL SAMBERG :...........Assistant Sports Editor
SPORTS NIGHT EDITORS: Grayle Howlett, Howard
Kohn, Bill Levis, Bob McFarland, Clark Norton, Rick
Stern, John Sutkus, Gretchen Twietmeyer, Dave
Weir.
Bus iness Stuaff

selves than in actually solving their prob-
lems.
Voice is also going a bit too far in the
demands which they are making concern-
ing the presence of policemen at politi-
cal demonstrations. Surely Voice cannot
expect University students to be given
jurisdiction over the methods and dress
attire of the. Ann Arbor Police Depart-
ment.
As Detective Captain Harold Olson of
the department noted, "The Ann Arbor
Police Department does not have to be
"invited' in order to make an appearance
on the University of Michigan campus. We
have and will appear there as many or
as few times as is necessary to enforce
the law and to maintain order."
VOICE IMPLIES by innuendo that pho-
tographs taken by policemen are in
some ways used against students. ,If they
are correct, then the police department
is indeed stepping out of bounds. But I
doubt if they are correct. '
Police also take pictures of students en-
tering and leaving the Ann Arbor Bank,
and FBI agents snap photos of people at-
tending political rallies held by the Dem-
ocratic party. Photography has become a
standard security measure in police work
today and Voice members flatter them-
selves if they think their pictures are
actually being turned over to the FBI
or HUAC.
In short, whether or not they are
sanctioned by Pierpont, the police have
the right to patrol the city of Ann Arbor
in uniform or out of it, and with or
without cameras, just as the students
have the right to hold political rallies.
VOICE, when they make demands

To the Editor:
THE LETTER by Erik Austin
and J. Fraser Cocks (Sept. 27)
contains many of the misunder-
standings typical of liberal op-
position to the anti-war write-
in 9ampaign.
The closing sentence of the let-
ter reads as follows:
"Ann Arbor's Peace Party shows
every sign of becoming... a po-
litical antique before it reaches
maturity."
Messers. Austin and Cocks ap-
parently labor under the illusion
that the write-in campaign im-
plies the foundation of a new
political party. While this may be
a long range consequence of na-
tionwide opposition to the war in
Viet Nam, it is certainly not in-
tended by the candidacy of Mrs.
Boulding. A political party based
solely on the Ann Arbor, Michi-
gan anti-war movement would in-
need merit the prognosis given
above.
EARLY IN THEIR presentation
the authors refer to:
"..the irony of the Peace Par-
ty's actions in trying to achieve
a moral objective with politi-
cal means.''
They seem to suggest that poli-
tical means are not suitable for
the achievement of moral objec-
tives. If this is true United States
political life is even more bank-
rupt than supporters of the write-
in campaign believe.
Such phraseology, even if we
have not interpreted it correctly,
inadvertently reveals a cynicism
toward political activity wide-
spread in America. The painful
discrepancy between the ideal of
democracy and the actual irrelev-
ance of most American elections
contributes heavily to this atti-
tude.
With respect to tactics the au-
thors contend:
". . the political repercussions
w of Mrs. Boulding's write-in cam-
paign . . , will serve to defeat
whatever chance the Peace
Party had to change policy ...

policies which spur American in-
volvement. Opposition to the war
is growing. Even if Mrs. Boulding
receives only a small number of
votes her candidacy will pave the
way for larger efforts in the im-
mediate future.
It also helps both major parties
understand that they will even-
tually forfeit liberal support by
continuing to advocate a bellig-
erent and inhumane foreign pol-
icy.{
Aside from these strictly tacti-
cal considerations the position tak-
en by Messrs. Austin and Cocks
suffers from a more basic weak-
ness. It assumes that policy change
is simply a matter of electing
the proper persons to the proper
offices, and disregards the crucial
interplay between social and poli-
tical processes.
IN A SOCIETY with democratic
political institutions, fundamental
policy change has seldom sprung
full grown from the brow of gov-
ernment. Such change is almost
invariably related to broad social
movements which exert pressure
on the governmental apparatus.
In the absence of a broad social
movement it is difficult to elect
a government which favors bas-
ic policy change, and it is im-
possible to imbue even such a gov-
ernment with the courage neces-
sary - to implement the desired
change.
The supporters of the write-in
campaign demand an immediate
end to the war in Viet Nam and
a cessation of the cold war poli-
cies which motivated American
intervention. We fully recognize
that so sweeping a policy change
cannot occur without the pressure
of a broad social movement. Our
main task is therefore to build a
social movement opposed to the
cold war.
THE GROWING opposition to
the government's Vietnamese pol-
icy must be crystallized into an
effective social force with an in-
dependent political voice. Contin-
ued sunort of major narty can-

About Congressman Vivian the
authors say the following things.
". .Vivian has consistently
supported progressive programs.
He has shown himself to be a
consistent and true liberal,
courageous enough to advocate
major foreign policy changes.
while only a freshman congress-
man."
Irrespective of its truth or fal-
sity, this statement exhibits a
number of common misconcep-
tions. It assumes that support of
progressive programs in Congress
is equivalent to effective work on
behalf of progressive causes. This,
however ,is not always the case
as a few examples will illustrate.
THE VIETNAMESE war creates
an atmosphere of tension and sus-
picion in which organizations like
HUAC can flourish. A vote against
HUAC without an attack on the
circumstances which nourish its
growth is reminiscent of the at-
tempt to repel the tide with a
teacup.
Similarly, a speech advocating
better relations with China, but
ignoring the actions of our gov-
ernment which inevitably sabo-
tage any possible Sino-American
understanding contributes precious
little to reducing hostility between
the two nations.
Effective action on behalf of
social progress cannot be a series
of isolated forays. It must be a
sustained and determined attack
upon the roots of social back-
wardness, giving full recognition
to the interdependence of major
political issues. It must educate
the public and enlist the force of
popular opinion behind the cause
of progress.
THE INADEQUACY of Con-
gressman Vivian's performance is
quite evident in light of these re-
quirements. His ventures in the
name of social progress have not
amounted to anything like a sus-
tained offensive, In most cases
their positive impact has been
largely nullified by his attitude
on other issues, particularly his
innnrt of +he nhnson war nnl-

lem. It does not help to belabor
us with the argument that Vivian
is a true and consistent liberal. If
that is so, our critique of Vivian
applies to the entire liberal philos-
ophy. The road to hell is paved
with good intentions; thus will
read the epitaph of cold war lib-
eralism.
MESSRS. AUSTIN and Cocks
criticize the significance attach-
ed to the Vietnamese war by ad-
vocates of the write-in campaign:
-.. the Peace Party errs great-
ly in reducing all domestic and
foreign issues facing the Unit-
ed States to outgrowths of a
sad, sorry, little war."
No one has ever claimed that
all domestic and foreign issues
facing the United States are out-
growths of the war in Viet Nam.
Mrs. Boulding's supporters have
only contended that real progress
on the important problems fac-
ing our country is impossible.while
the war continues.
Austin and Cocks' characteriza-
tion of the Vietnamese conflict
as a "sad, sorry, little war" re-
veals much about their underlying
position. The war ,they imply, is
"sad" but not tragic. One should
be "sorry" about the loss of hu-
man life but certainly not indig-
nant over the fact of American
intervention.
The Vietnamese conflict, we are
told ,is just a "little war." It does
not seriously increase internation-
al tension, nor diminish the pos-
sibilities of world peace. It does
not set America in opposition to
revolutionary movements around.
the globe. It does not sabotage
domestic efforts to end poverty and
discrimination. It probably does
not even cause a major inconven-
ience to the Vietnamese people.
SIMILARLY, a recent public
statement by Congressman Viv-
ian reveals much about his un-
derlying position. Vivian said he
would support appropriations for
Viet Nam:
"... as long as I think they will
contribute to the economic and.
eniloraa o. f .. a ntx h Vit-

revolutions. It even claims that
American presence in Viet Nam is
beneficial to the Vietnamese peo-
ple.
Can any person sincerely de-
voted to the interests of peace
support this position? Critics of
the American intervention in Viet
Nam ought to ponder carefully
what they endorse by supporting
the Democrat incumbent.
AT ELECTION TIME the Amer-
ican people perpetually ask the
wrong question. They ask "Which
is the better man?" instead of
"How can we build a better
world?" With sufficient scrutiny it
is always possible to select the
"better man."
Building a better world, how-
ever, often requires rejecting the
conventional set of alternatives
even at the expense of what ap-
pears to be a momentary loss.
Persons who always insist on
choosing between the usual al-
ternatives are doomed to perpet-
uate an unsatisfactory politcial
framework.
Much of recent history could
be construed as a record of per-
sons unable to recognize or un-
willingly to act on the critical
issues of their time, and hence
eventually overpowered by them.
If they recognize the overriding
character of the Vietnamese issue
the American people will be in a
position to mold their own future.
If they deceive themselves by ele-
vating to prominence a host of
wholly secondar yissues the Amer-
ican people will abandon their
future to the lottery of fate. This
is the fundamental question pos-
ed by the upcoming election.
TOWARDS THE END of their
letter Messrs. Austin and Cocks
admit that the write-in campaign
has a
.potential for fresh creative
thinking on contemporary poli-
tical problems...
We gratefully acknowledge this
compliment. We only wish a po-
tential for fresh creative think-
ing would manifest itself in other
political circles as well.

A#
00

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