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April 08, 1967 - Image 4

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The Michigan Daily, 1967-04-08

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Seventy-Sixth Year
EDITED AND MANAGED BY STUDENTS OF THE UNIVERSrrY OF MICHIGAN
UNDER AUTHORITY OF BOARD N CONTROL OF STUDENT PUBLICATIONS

A Man of Many Ideologies

r.

Whe in Are 420 MAYNARD ST., ANN ARBOR, MICH.

NEWS PHONE: 764-0552

Editorials printed in The Michigan Daily express the individual opinions of staff writers
or the editors. This must be noted in all reprints.

SATURDAY, APRIL 8,19d7

NIGHT EDITOR: PAT O'DONOHUE

Romney on Vietnam:
Another Echo in '68

GOV. GEORGE ROMNEY'S "major for-
eign policy address" on the Vietnam
war last night once again confirmed that
the GOP's leading 'presidential contender
has absolutely nothing to contribute to-
ward an improvement of the Southeast
Asian mess.
Romney contradicted himself over and
over again as he tried to straddle the
tight-rope between the hawks and the
doves. In fact, the speech was so innoc-
uous that the governor's would-be op-
ponent in 1968; President Johnson, issued
a warm congratulatory note to Romney
thanking him, in effect, for the support.
ROMNEY PLEDGED himself to a fine
list of desirable goals: no "massive
military escalation," no long pacification
program with U.S. presence, a peace with
amnesty for the enemy. And yet he gave
no tangible suggestions for attaining any
of them. On the contrary, he directed
himself to "the groundswell of impa-
tience" in the U.S. which is crying "'Let's
get it over with. Let's crush them once
and for all'."' He refuted this feeling
with a bit of Romneyesque rationale:
* By killing non-white Asians, "We
would play into the hands of the Com-
munists. They would use this effectively
to paint us in their propaganda as ruth-
less oppressors and militarists."
What, one must ask in astonished re-
sponse, have V.S. troops been shooting,
bombing and napalming, for so many
years-shadows? With his endorsement of
the present war effort, Romney is "play-
ing into" the very hands he warns
against.
" A devastated Vietnam would not be
a buffer state stopping the expansion of
Communism; "It would.be a vacuum.t'
Instead of a warning, however, Rom-
ney's observation appears more a predic-
tion of the result of present policy. He

has given us no indication that any pol-
icy he might pursue would differ from the
"devastating" military attack of Presi-
dent Johnson.
0 By tying down U.S. troops in Viet-
nam for years with a pacification pro-
gram, we would "undermine the initia-
tive and capacity of the South Vietna-
mese to help themselves. It would trans-
form South Vietnam into an American
colony which America neither wants nor
needs."
Though this fear is well-founded, the
bitter reality seems to be that the Amer-
ican colony inSoutheast Asia exists right
now, and that without huge transfu-
sions of money and men, the Ky regime
could quickly crumble.
The lone bright spot in Romney's ad-
dress was his endorsement of a "peace
with amnesty," a pledge to permit mem-
bers of the National Liberation Front to
participate in the South Vietnam g'w-
ernment.
ROMNEY'S DEBUT into the foreign pol-
icy arena was anything but a notable
one. There are certainly no easy answers
for the Vietnam situation, but Romney
has failed even to ask the proper ques-
tions. He has told us what we want, not
how to get it. He has pointed out his
path to peace, but the road looks pain-
fully familiar.
It is becoming strikingly clear to even
the most casual political observer that
Vietnam will not be a campaign issue in
the presidential election. It is obvious that
the war policy is being endorsed by all
sides with delicate precision.
The U.S. people will not be offered a
choice in 1968 on an issue which is kill-
ing their sons, hampering their economy,
and burdening the national conscience.
--ROBERT KLIVANS
Editorial Director

By SUSAN SCHNEPP
Personnel Director
EIGHTEEN YEARS AGO last
month a man walked out of
the Communist Party Academy in
East Berlin carrying a small brief-
case. A driver took him to down-
town Berlin, where he quickly
made three phone calls. Fifteen
minutes later another car sped
him out of Berlin, that night he
was slipped past border police in-
to Czechoslovakia, and by sledge,
by train and by auto arrived in
Belgrade 13 days later.
After spending 14 years in the
Soviet Union and East Berlin, 10
of them as a devout member of
the Komsomol, the Communist
Youth League, and full member
of the Communist Party, Wolf-
gang Leonhard had defected.
The doubts and disappointments
about Stalinist Communism which
had accumulated over the years
had finally changed into conscious
opposition after Tito's break with
Moscow in '1948. But Leonhard was
"deeply impressed by Yugoslav at-
tempts to apply Marxism to the
problems of our time." He went
to work as the director of the
German department of Radio Bel-
grade for one and one-half years,
which he describes as a "most ex-
iting and interesting period of
my life."
In 1950 he went, legally, to West
(Germany, where he has since
worked as a writer and lecturer,
and as a commentator on Soviet
affairs for the German weekly
newspaper Die Zeit.
Since 1963 he has devided his
;ime between lecturing at Ameri-
,an universities and West Ger-
many. He is a visiting professor
in the history department here
this semester. Leonhard spent
1963-64 at Columbia University
and last year was a visiting pro-
fessor at Yale, where he will lec-
ture again for one semester during

each of the next three years.
Leonhard is the author of four
books, "Child of the Revolution,"
an autobiography of his experi-
ences in the Soviet Union; "The
Kremlin Since Stalin," "Soviet
Ideology Today-Political Theor-
ies," and "Khrushchev-Rise and
Fal of P Soviet Leader."
THIS BACKGROUND, combin-
ed with his personal experiences
in the Soviet Union make him par-
ticularly well qualified to speak
on contemporary Soviet problems
and foreign relations.
The most important issue in
Soviet foreign policy now is the
Vietnam war, he says, and its
repercussions on the Soviet Union
are "extremely grave."
"Since theUnited States began
bombing North Vietnam in Febru-
ary, 1965, a qualitative change has
taken place in the war; the bomb-
ing of a Communist country in the
Communist sphere of influence.
"Internally, this resulted in a
strengthening of the conservation-
ist dogmatist forces inside the So-
viet leadership and party appara-
tus. The Soviet Union has tried
several times to negotiate but has
failed because of Chinese opposi-
tion and inadequate response in
this country. As a result, the So-
viet Union has degraded coexist-
ence from the general line to a
sub-part of its foreign policy.
"Soviet press attacks on the U.S.
are much stronger than two years
ago, and she is now trying to im-
prove relations with other coun-
tries, primarily France. The Soviet
Union has made it clear that any
improvements in relations with the
U.S. can only come after the
bombing of North Vietnam has
stopped."
LEONHARD indicated that he is
personally "highly critical" of the
war and believes it is "diametrical-

ly opposed to the interests of the
U.S.,
He says that the U.S. has based
the war on three main assump-
tions that cannot be proven -
that North Vietnam has made an
aggression against South Vietnam,
that the South Vietnamese must
be protected from a Communist
minority and that North Vietnam
is a satellite of Communist China.
"The greatest possible gain for
the U.S. would be a pro-American
government in South Vietnam, and
the losses far outweigh this or
any other possible gains. For this,
America is involved in military
operations that are highly unpop-
ular all over the world, and has
estranged itself from its allies and
public opinion.
Turning to Soviet domestic pol-
icy, Leonhard said that the main
problem is adapting the Commu-
nist system and ideology to the
problems of an emerging indus-
trialized society. "The leadership
is torn between wanting new eco-
nomic reforms, knowing they will
Increase productivity, and the fear
that such reforms will undermine
the political power of the party,
the ideology and the system. This
is the deep contradiction in the
Soviet leadership today."
ON THE IDEOLOGICAL level,
he said, the "Soviet Union needs
new academic subjects-sociology,
psychology and other. social sci-
ences-yet the leadership fears the
new subjects may undermine the
clarity of Communist ideology."
The future of the Soviet Union
will rely heavily on the, outcome
of these problems. In the long run,
Leonhard sees an "evolutionary
transformation of the Communist
system to the tasks of an indus-
trialized society. Great changes are
possible within the basic frame-
work of the Soviet system, such
as profit motives and autonomous
factories and collective farms. The
ultimate hope would be to trans-
fer to something like Yugoslav
Communism is today."
BORN IN VIENNA in 1921,
Leonhard emigrated with his
mother, a devout Communist; to
the Soviet Union in 1935. There
he attended a Soviet school, the
Moscow University for Foreign
Languages, and in 1942 and 1943
the Comintern-school, the high-
est ideological training school for
foreign Communists in the Soviet
Union.
Emphasizing that it is very dif-
ficult to know what Soviet students
are like today, Leonhard said he
tends to think that "many are
politically interested" and that
though they must rely on the one-
sided Soviet press, "they are very
able to read between the lines,
understand undertones and so
form their own opinions."
Although all students must take
four years of required courses in
Marxism-Leninism, he said, "only
a small number really believe it
all, while others are influenced, by
some theories, disregarding oth-
ers. The largest group listen be-

I
*

cause they are required to, but are
little affected by it, and a fourth
group is extremely critical."
Leonhard said that such a large
percentage of relatively apathetic
students worries the party lead-
ership greatly, but added that the
leadership thinks it will be able
to fill the party apparatus with
only five to eight per cent of the
devoted students.
AMERICAN universities have
impressed him very favorably.
"Several things surprised me in
a pleasant way, especially the high
proportion of time spent studying
the social sciences and the great
interest in international issues.
"American students spend much
more time on their studies ,than
those in Europe." He said he has
also liked the absence of a hier-
archical structure within the uni-
versities and the informality and
near equality among professors,
and assistant and associate pro-
fessors.
On the othe: hand, Leonhard,
in extensive world traveler, feels
sad "that many very intelligent
students don't have the opportun-
ity to visit and live in- other.
countries. This is very important
for general education. My great
wish would be for students, espe-
cially political science, economic
andl modern history majors, to be
given the possibility to really live
in a completely different surround-
ing for a few months, both in a
West European country and a de-
veloping nation."
HE IS ALSO critical of Ameri-
can political education - "there
is too much stress on power prob-
lems and diplomatic relations be-
tween big countries and an under-
estimation of very important and
inspiring political developments in
smaller countries. Very interest-

ing developments in the political
systems of countries like Sweden,
Yugoslavia and Switzerland are
overlooked because from a power
viewpoint they are unimportant."
What is the world outlook of a
man who was in 1949, as he de-
scribes himself, a "deeply believ-
ing Marxist," and has now lived
several years in the West?
Leonhard explains that when he
came to the West he was at first
"a sort of Marxist in the hum-
anist sense of the word, trying
to keep some of the original prin-
ciples of Marxism, combined with
the problems of our time."
But his stay at Oxford from
1956-58, and his many world trav-
els convinced him that "maybe
one ideology is not enough to serve
as a key for the many complex.
socialand economic problems in
more than 130 different countries
of the world,
"But I thought that what a
man perhaps could have are some
general aims he would like to have
fulfilled as much as possible in
the world. My general ideas would
be social justice, political democ-
racy and intellectual tolerance and
freedom.
THE FULFILLMENT of these
ideals, he believes, is*different for
each country of the world and
must be adjusted to fit the reality
of the time and place. "Above all.
one must avoid judging other
countries according to the system
you are living in."
"One of the primary duties of
young intellectuals today is to
overcome ethnocentrism, to trav-
el, to see, to think, to adapt to
other surroundings, to try to un-
derstand the problems of other
countries, thereby improving un-
derstanding, the most 'important
prerequisite for the peace we all
want."

4*

The Night SGC Passed The Buck

HE ACTION of Student Government
Council Thursday night in putting the
non-student membership issue to a ref-
erendum was self-defeating and contrary'
to the concept of representative govern-
ment.
Succumbing to the alarmist cries of
the ex-officio and other conservative
members of Council, a two-thirds majority
placed the question of whether non-stu-
dents should be allowed to become voting
members of student organizations on next
fall's SGC ballot.
While it is true that enough signatures
have already been gathered to initiate a
referendum, it would have been much
better for Council to let the referendum
be called from outside. As it now appears,
SGC took decisive action on an important
and highlycomplex issue and then reneg-
ed on their legislative responsibility by
passing the buck to the student body as
a whole. Council acted, but lacked the
nerve to carry out the action.
The Daily is a member of the Associated Press and
Collegiate Press Service
Sn:.scription rate: $4.50 semester by carrier ($5 by
nail; $8 for two semesters by carrier ($9 by mail).
Published at 420 Maynard 8t.. Ana Arbor. Mich.,
48104.
Daily except Monday during regular academic school
year.
Daily except Sunday and Monday during regular
summer session.
Second class postage paid at Ann Arbor. Michigan.
42a Maynard St., Ann Arbor, Michigan, 48104.
Editorial Staff
ROGER RAPOPORT, Editor I
MEREDITH BIKER, Managing Editor
MICHAEL HEFFER ROBERT KLIVANS
City Editor Editorial Direotol
SUSAN ELAN .......... Associate Managing Editor
LIAURENCE MEDOW ...... Associate Managing Editor
STEPHEN FIRSHEIN .. Associate Editorial Director
RONALD KLEMPNER .... Associate Editorial Director
SUSAN SCHNEPP .............. Personnel Director
NEIL SHISTER................Magazine Editor
C~AROLE KAPLAN ........ Associate Magazine Editor
LISSA MATROSS.....................Arts Editor
NIGHT EDITORS: Neal Bruss, Wallace Immen, David
Knoke, Mark Levin, Patricia O'Donohue, Steve Wild-
strom.
nAY EITORS: navid nDhbff. Kathie Glebe. Aviva

THE OPPONENTS of opening member-
ship in student organizations to non-
students fear that such a move would
open the flood-gates to outside agitators
who will lead wholesome, innocent Uni-
versity students down the path of sub-
version and creeping socialism. They also
fear that allowing non-students in will
cause "the University to look bad" when
the nasty agitators say things the people
of Michigan do not especially want to
hear.
These fears are at best alarmist and
at worst totally spurious. The student
organization in which non-students have
played the most prominent role is Voice
though they have also been involved in
the Inter-Cooperative Council. Under the
current, unenforced :regulations, these
non-students are not legal members. If-
a rule were passed prohibiting non-stu-
dents and strictly enforced, its only prob-
able effect would be to force Voice and
perhaps others to relinquish their status
as student organizations. Even If Voice
severed its official relationship with the
University, it would still be identified in
the media as a student group and the
break would have no effect in the public
mind.
THE REFERENDUM may well have the
effect of backfiring on the groups most
interested in calling it, Interfraternity
Council and Panhellenic Association. The
referendum campaign is certain to bring
up the issue of non-student, that is to
say, alumni control over the affairs of
fraternities and sororities. Under a pol-
icy of total freedom from non-student
control over student organizations, frater-
nities and sororities would be forced to
either make substantial changes in their
organization or lose their student status.
Council's refusal to take responsibility
for their own action Thursday night was
a serious failure of will and may serious-
ly undermine student faith in SGC.
-STEPHEN WILDSTROM
No Endorsement,

Letters: Stacking the Student SupremeCourt

To the Editor:
THE RECENT appointment to
Joint Judiciary of five can-
didates who have threatened not
to apply laws passed by the ad-
ministration, is ill-timed and most
improper. The action is a dis-
service to the community here,
which is presently trying (we
hope) to quickly and carefully re-
assess the traditional role of stu-
dents in the university. At this
critical period, when committees
are being organized on many levels
to investigate the important areas
of dissatisfaction, when a spirit of
trust and co-operation would be
helpful, SGC has declared, in ef-
fect, "Aha, we have just created
a new weapon. Now, would you
please co-operate."
When power politics are applied
against a group (eg. the admin-
istration's move against the ap-
pointment of Daily Editor Rapo-
port) it is advisable to use power
as a countermeasure. However, a
major power move at this time,
which is unprovoked, is imprudent.
The means employed in this power

move, in particular, are inexcusa-
ble because they violate the in-
tegrety of the judiciary system,
which is vital in any self-regulat-
ing community.
A COURT'S POWER are defined
at the time of its formation. I
doubt that a provision was in-
cluded -for Joint Judiciary to en-
force only those laws which it
thought proper to be enforced. A
court only interprets and applies
all those laws that are legally
passed. In our country, the su-
preme court can declare at law to
be invalid because the charter de-
fining the supreme court's power
has permitted the court to do so
whenever it has interpreted a law
to be in contradiction to a higher
written law (constitutional), which
has precedence. That Joint Judi-
ciary has these powers is most
doubtful; this apparently didn't
bother SGC at all. There isn't
even a written charter applying
to Joint Judiciary upon which it
could declare a precedence that
an administrative law contradict-

ed. In other words this appoint-
ment has muddled the whole judi-
ciary process; JJC has overstepped
its prescribed boundaries, and its
decisions are no longer based upon
written rules.
Even if the Joint Judiciary
Committee did have such power,
the present move is still improper.
The judiciary system is not a po-
litical pawn; in the Supreme
Court, such attempts at maneuver-
ing are discouraged by the life-
time apointments of the members.
The appointments by SGC were
political and were in sufficient
number (5) to constitute a majority
of the court and thus radically
change its nature. The 5 appoin-
tees had all stated that they would
not necessarily enforce rules pass-
ed by the administration. SGC
saw the political advantages and
jumped at the opportunity, dis-
regarding the almost unanimous
opposition of the members on JJC
to the stated intentions of the
new appointees. JJC is now a po-
litical annex of SGC and is dis-
credited.

Even goals that I happen to con-
sider desirable do not justify such
an action. An act of civil disobedi-
ence, though arousing more pub-
licity, would have been far less
dangerous to the community.
This error might. have been
averted if the administration had
been given time and had been
willing to present its views in
greater detail to SGC, Joint Judi-
ciary, and, in particular, to the
community, perhaps through the
Daily.
-Howard M. Shapiro, '70 Med.
Exploitation
To the Editor:
ONE OF THE wisest moves that
Robben Fleming could make
to win the support of the student
body would be to lead the fight
to end student exploitation by Ann
Arbor apartment owners. Up to
the present time, this exploitation
has had the tacit approval of
University officials, as seen in the
University-approved lease agree-
ments.

The unreasonably-high rental
rates facing the students are bad
enough. A more depressing fact
is that the University acquiesces
to the 12-month lease requirerpent
demanded by the apartment own-
ers. This certainly does nothing to
reduce the image of the University
as being more sensitive to business
interests than to student interests.
THE 12-MONTH lease require-
ment in effect transfers to the
apartment dwellers the financial
losses which the owners would
otherwise suffer as a result of
the decline in apartment demand
which occurs in the summer
'months.
Since other business enterprises
have to face seasonal fluctuations,
why does the University feel -it
has to cooperate in a scheme
which further pads the profit
statements of the apartment own-
ers at the. expense of students?
Is this another example of con
flict of interest?
-John McGarry, '67

4.'

on

mas.==me....iaso=TODAY

AND TOMORROW... by WALTER LIPPMANN w w....

The Truman Doctrine: A Legacy of Globalism

AT THE DINNER for the presi-.
dent of Turkey on Monday eve-
ning at the White House, Presi-
dent Johnson referred to me as
one who had in 1947 opposed mili-
tary and financial aid to Greece
and Turkey because I opposed the
Truman Doctrine.
This is not true, and I am,
therefore, reprinting in full the
first article I wrote after the
enunciation of the Truman Doc-
trine on March 12, 1947. My
article was published March 15,
1947, and was entitled "Policy or
Crusade?"
The text follows:

For it is, as the lawyers would
say, an obiter dictum, that is to
say "an expression of opinion .. .
not forming an essential part of
the reasons determining the deci-
sion." Thus, there are sufficient
practical, humanitarian and stra-
tegic reasons why the United
States should intervene in the
Middle East to prevent, as the
President put it, "changes in the
status quo in violation of the
Charter of the United Nations by
such methods as coercion or by
such subterfuge as political infil-
tration."
But since the reasons are suf-
ficient why Congress should vote
the authnitu tointervene in the

ed so vaguely, so broadly, so rhe-
torically that no workable policy
can be deduced from them. They
can mean everything, anything or
very little, and words of that sort,
when pronounced by the head of
state in a time of intense crisis
and of passionate confusion, are
imprudent.
The pronouncements of a pow-
erful government should be defin-
ed and precise lest they be taken
as threatening more than it in-
tends and as promising more than
it can deliver.
For experience should have
taught us by this time that there
are good reasons why a seasoned
inBnman miR vprv harv indeed

must learn to eschew, for they
usually mean, as Elihu Root,. I
believe it was, once said, that first
you shake your fistand then you
shake your finger.-
THE PRESIDENT'S own state-
ment illustrates this very tenden-
cy; "It must be the policy of
the United States to support free
peoples who are resisting attempt-;
ed subjugation by armed minori-
ties or by outside pressures" .. .
but "I believe our help should be
primarily through economic and
financial aid..."
Instead of such a large promise
followed by a lame anticlimax, it
wnulde h hetter much is danger-

ion and Turkey is negotiated and
is not imposed by force; that be-
hind the protection of this tem-
porary special guaranty we are
contrib' ting economic and finan-
cial assistance in order to revive
and strengthen the national life
of these two countries.
The advantage of adopting a
precise Middle Eastern policy is
that it can be controlled for the
purpose of maintaining order. A
vague global policy, which sounds
like the tocsin of an ideological
crusade, has no limits. It cannot
be controlled. Its effects cannot
be predicted.
Everyone everywhere will read
into it his own fears and hopes,

01

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