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Seventy-Sixth Year
EDITED AND MANAGED BY STUDENTS OF THE UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN
UNDER AUTHORITY OF BOARD IN CONTROL OF STUDENT PUBLICATIONS
THE VIEW FROM HERE
Play Ball!
BY ROBERT KLIVANS
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Editorials printed in The Michigan Daily express the individual opinions of staff writers
or the editors. This must be noted in all reprints.
TUESDAY, APRIL 4, 1967
NIGHT EDITOR: NEAL BRUSS
ANOTHER OPINION:
What Next?
AFTER THE EVENTS of the past few
weeks, peace in Vietnam seems fur-
ther away than ever.
The prospect is for an indefinite pro-
longation of the struggle. North Vietnam
demands a cessation of bombing and
other acts of war before it will talk. The
United States, through President John-
son, demands prior proof that all infil-
tration from the North has stopped be-
fore it will agree to stop bombing the
North and adding to its troop strength
in the South. As Sen. Robert-Kennedy
points out, Mr. Johnson has raised the
ante repeatedly as U.S. military strength
in the South has increased. But neither
the Democratic Republic of Vietnam (the
North) nor the National Liberation Front
shows any signs of caving in. What, then,
will be Mr. Johnson's next move?
It is not difficult to forecast. Bombing
the North has not brought victory and
shows no signs of subduing the enemy.
All that remains, then, is to invade North
Vietnam, as Korea was invaded at In-
chon.
ALLWASHINGTON is talking along
these lines. Sen. Mike Mansfield
brings the question to the fore while
cautiously advising against such a ven-
ture. He points out that three of the
four elements of an invasion are already
present. We are extending the bombing
of North Vietnam by dropping mines into
the rivers in the southern part of the
country, we are shooting across the now
misnamed demilitarized zone with 175-
millimeter artillery, and elements of the
Seventh Fleet are shelling the coast of
North Vietnam. The probable invasion
site would be somewhat north of the 17th
Parallel, and some reports of North Viet-
namese troop movements indicate that
Hanoi expects an incursion in that neigh-
borhood.
Rep. George Brown of California made
a valient effort to forestall such an even-
tuality. He offered an amendment to
the supplemental appropriations bill, pro-
viding additional billions for the prose-
cution of the war: "None of the funds
appropriated in this act shall be available
for the implementation of any plan to
invade North Vietnam with ground forc-
es of the United States, except in time of
war." The amendment was defeated, 123
to 2, and the funds were appropriated un-
conditionally, 385 to 11, with 36 absten-
tions.
IF THE PRESIDENT decides on an inva-
sion of North Vietnam, he might be
willing to request a declaration of war.
The present undeclared war is unpopu-
lar. Politically it is a millstone around
Mr. Johnson's neck, and one may be sure
that he will be reluctant to go into the
campaign of 1968 thus handicapped. With
a declaration in his hands, he can run
as a war President, calling on the na-
tion to rally around the flag (which he
will have wrapped around his ample
frame). Dissent will become not merely,
unpopular but dangerous. Opponents will
no longer be Nervous Nellies but some-
thing not far removed from traitors.
Senator Mansfield warned that even
a limited invasion of North Vietnam
(which is no doubt the way it would
begin) might bring China into the war.
It might result in a papering over of
the split between the Soviet Union and
China. MacArthur thought he could ap-
proach the Yalu without bringing China's
armies down into Korea; he proved to be
mistaken. Those military strategists who
counsel an invasion may likewise prove
to be mistaken, but they are willing to
take a chance.
A MAJORITY of the American people
have submiited with scarcely a mur-
mur to repeated escalations of the war,
each seemingly insignificant in itself but
bulking large in cumulative effect. Unless
they rally soon, their option in the 1968
election may be foreclosed. If they real-
ize then what they have let themselves
in for, it will be too late.
-THE NATION, April 3,1967
THE NATIONAL PASTIME begins next week. The
teams are preparing to leave their spring training
camps in Florida and Arizona and return to their home
towns for the baseball season. It is the time of year when
the Mets are still playing .500 ball and the best pitchers
haven't been injured.
But the biggest news of the season is the National
League's new expansion effort. With a minimum of far-
fare, the senior circuit approved the entry of a new nine:
the Ann Arbor Collegiates.
General Manager George Romney had no comment
on his team's chances. Sources report that he privately
aiming to have a powerful pennant contender in time
for the 1968 series, and has been maneuvering with the
Washington Senators toward this end. His biggest op-
position will probably come from the team run by fellow
manager Fearless Dick Nixon, who was traded from
Washington to Los Angeles to New York following several
losing seasons. But Nixon has been rebuilding his team,
and it is shaping up as a tight race.
MANAGER ROMNEY has some notable assets. Above
all is the captain of the Collegiates, that veteran pitcher
"Hurlin'" Hatcher. In his fifteenth year, "Hurlin'" still
has that famous control which has governed his pitching
for so long a time. Known best for his change-up and
slowball, "Hurlin'" has yet to master his most severe
handicap, a notorious balk in which he goes through
all the motions of the pitch, but never gets the ball away.
Backing up "Hurlin' "is a newly acquired relief pitcher,
Ruben Fleming. Straight from the defunct Milwaukee
Braves, Fleming is widely hailed for his ability to quell
late rallies by the opposition. Although possessing little
previous experience, he labors hard and will reportedly
be a strong contender for Rookie-of-the-Year honors.
The other half of the Ann Arbor battery is "Yogi"
Radock, a unique catcher who doubles as umpire. He
has yet to call anything but strikes, which makes some
sportswriters skeptical.
THE COLLEGIATE INFIELD is a tight group which
constantly consults "Hurlin'" on his strategy. At first
base is Willie Pierpont, an able veteran whose foot never
leaves the bag. At second base is Al Smith (no relation
of the famous Cleveland-Chicago outfielder). Though
an average batter, his weak fielding ability invites un-
favorable comparison to his all-star predecessor who was
traded to California.
At shortstop is Jose Sacua, part of that great double-
play combination of Sacua to Smith to Pierpont. Round-
ing out the infield is "Marvelous Mary" Niehuss, special-
ly placed at the hot corner to handle difficult smashes
off the opposition bats
It is in the outfield, however, that the team has
collected ite most colorful combination. Rarely consulted
on infield decisions, they nonetheless are essential is the
smooth functioning of the squad.
In right field is switch-hitting Rich Cutler. Rich
began in left field, but late last' season he dropped a
series of easy fly balls, plus a wicked line drive off theM
bat of Washington's Joe Pool. The fans reacted angrily,
tossing beer bottles, wrappers, and picket signs onto the
field. Rich was quickly shifted to right, far from the fans
who line the left-side bleachers, and he has been opera-
ting comfortably since
In left field is Gary Voice, a new-corner to the Col-
legiates. Voice resisted the draft for several years, but
was finally pulled out of the stands to replace Cutler
when he was shifted to right. Voice is still relatively
green and has the rookie's tendency to straddle the foul
line. Also he always protests the umpires' decisions. Voice
has consistently raised the ire of the fans because he has
been more interested in publicity than the team's success.
In center field is another newcomer, "King" Kahn,
replacing one of the famous baseball Robinsons, who
was recently farmed out to New York, after his prom-
ising start last season sputtered out. Center field is a
notoriously dangerous position, for it is very easy to col-
lide with Voice in left. or Cutler in right while pursuing
fly balls. The two questions about the rookie centerfielder
are whether he can cover enough territory, and whether
he will last out the long season.
THE WHOLE EXCITING line-up, however, will re-
main in some doubt in the shadow of a new investigation.
Commissioner of Baseball Inis Claude and his prestigous
group have begun a study of the game's line-up and
ground rules. The result could perhaps be a novel re-
shuffling of the whole system.
Meanwhile, the Collegiates, however, they play, will
draw a constantly packed house of 35,000. Like the
crowds at most games, there are only a few interested
and informed fans and the other just watch.
But with a team like that on the field, even watching
becomes fun.
Ai
.A
Letters: The Arbitrary Nature of the University
To the Editor:
IVEN THE GIST of U Thant's
address to the Honors Convo-
cation on Friday, the events of
that day are sadly ironic. Much
of what U Thant seems to value is
being seriously undermined by
men acting in the name of the
United States and by men acting
in the name of the university.
U Thant spoke of the need to
take seriously the "moral and
ethical concepts embodied in the
UN Charter." Given the actions of
the United States in Vietnam, I
would seriously question that this
country does, in fact, take serious-
ly the Charter. Her actions are in
flagrant contradiction to the
"principle of equal rights and self-
determination of peoples" (Chap.
I, Art. 1, Section 2), and they vio-
late Chap. I, Art. 2, Section 4
which states: "All members shall
refrain in their international rela-
tions from the threat or use of
force against the territorial inte-
grity or political independence of
any state . .
TO TURN NOW to the local
scene, I refer to U Thant's state-
ment concerning theuniversity's
need for freedom from political
domination and to his advocacy of
involvement of everyone, "espec-
ially the young" in the "active
consideration of the world they
live in and of the institutions and
political and social benefits which
deal, or fail to deal, with the prob-
lems of all our live's."
It appears to me that when the
young do, in fact, seriously ques-
tion the system in which they live,
they cannot help but see that nei-
ther they nor the university are
free of political domination-do-
mination which does not show on
the surface but which is quick to
exert itself during controversial
times. Domination from outside
sources, such as the state legisla-
ture or the federal government,
is not, it seems, the primary thing
to fear. Rather, the thing to wor-
ry most about is the way in which
true political dissent is stifled by
the university itself.
When people deplore interrup-
tion of events such as news con-
ferences, I fear that they do not
realize that such interruption is
only a last ditch effort to raise is-
sues which are ignored elsewhere.
There is a diffusion of responsibil-
ity in the University administra-
tion and within the larger system
of which the University is a part.
The actions of the Sanford Secur-
ity Guards represent a : concrete
example.
When the guards were asked to
whom they were responsible, they
said they did not know. Thus,
there was no one to whom those
wanting to enter the building
could speak to. How can one go
through "legitimate" channels
when those channels are not even
known? And the actions of the
Ann Arbor police showed more
clearly the arbitrary nature of
power in the University and in the
larger system by arresting Mr.
Chacin when earlier they claimed
they had no jurisdiction over the
issues in question.
ONE FINAL ,EXAMPLE will il-
lustrate the arbitrary nature of
the university when it comes to
political matters. While, one can
forgive Regent Briggs for claim-
ing ignorance of the events of the
day, one cannot condone his re-
fusal to become informed - his
refusal to take any responsibility,
illustrated by his comment that a
public hearing would not, be pos-
sible.
Where then is the link between
education and justice?
-Patty Schneider, Grad
Babbling Brooke
To the Editor:
. LOTTIER in his editorial
(March 28) makes a valid cri-
ticism of Sen. Brooke's proposal
for a professional army. Unless ed-
ucational, vocational and other
areas of "normal" American life
are opened wider to Negroes and
other minority group members a
professional army would be even
more inequitable than the present
system.
However, I believe Mr. Lottier
overstates the consequences of
such a program. A "black mercen-
ary army" could exist only if
whites did not look on professional
soldiery as an acceptable occupa-
tion. Considering thestrong white
Southern tradition of service in
the armed forces I see nd reason
why the mere fact of an adequate-
ly paid army should bring about
such a radical change.
REGARDING Senator Brooke,"
it seems significant that he has
made no political statements on
civil rights. In his campaign he
skirted the issue so well that most
Negroes didn't know where he
stood. Brooke's own feeling is al-.
legedly that Negroes should "win
allies rather than try to conquer
enemies," choosing himself to ad-
here more to "constructive" pro-
grams in education, employment
and health rather than to "agi-
tation via riots." The title of
the current "Ebony" article on
Brooke, "I'm a Soul Brother," sums
up the senator's view of himself.
But it seemsto me that being a
"soul brother" involves more than
an affinity for hog maws and
greens-the only evidence Brooke
presents tosupport this image.
--Charles Betsy, '68
The Daily is a member of the Associated Press and
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Published at 420 Maynard St., Ann Arbor, Mich.,
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Editorial Staff
ROGER RAPOPORT, Editor
MEREDITH EIKER, Managing Editor
MICHAEL HEFFER ROBERT K;IVANS
City Editor Editorial Directo
SUSAN ELAN .......... Associate Managing Editor
LAURENCE MEDOW.......Associate Managing Editor
STEPHEN FIRSHEIN . Associate Editorial Director
RONALD KLEMPNER .... Associate Editorial Director
SUSAN SCHNEPP.............. Personnel Director
NEIL SHISTER..................Magazine Editor
CAROLE KAPLAN.........;Associate Magazine Editor
JISSA MATROSS .....................Arts Editor
NIGHT EDITORS: Neal Bruss, Wallace Immen, David
Knoke, Mark Levin, Patricia O'Donohue, Steve Wild-
strom.
DAY EDITORS: David Duboff, Kathie Glebe, Aviva
Kempner, Carolyn Miegel, Cynthia Mills, Jennifei
Anne Rhzea.
4
NewsTAY AND TOMORROW . . . Iby WALTER LIPPiANNt
News Management and the Credibility Gap
IN ORDER to avoid the embar-
rassment of calling a spade a
spade, newspapermen have tacitly
agreed to talk about the credibil-
ity gap. This is a polite euphem-
ism for deception, rather like the
habit of our Victorian grandpar-
ents who spoke of limbs when
they were too shy to speak of legs,
The phrase has been invented
during the Johnson administra-
tion, and it is quite significant
that nothing like it seems to have'
been needed before. In its exact
meaning the gap is, as Henry L.
Trewhitt of the Baltimore Sun has
put it, "the degree of refusal
by the public to accept at face
value what the government says
and does."
It goes without saying that if
this gap is wide, the country is in
the perilous position of not believ-
ing that it can trust its govern-
ment.
EVERY EXPERIENCED news-
paperman knows quite well - as
James Reston points out in his
penetrating new book, "The Ar-
tillery of Peace"--that there is
an inherent conflict between pub-
lic officials and reporters. But so
far as I know there has never
been a time when the President
and the working press distrusted
each other so much as they do
today.
The current conflict has be-
come abnormally acute, and the
relations between the Johnson ad-
ministration and the press are
unique, differing not only in de-
gree, but in kind from the nor-
mal tensions between responsible
officials and free journalists. The
conflict today has degenerated to
the point where there is no long-
er much pretense that the news
is not being manipulated in or-
der to make the Congress, the
newspapers, the networks and the
public at large support the Presi-
dent.
The only question is supposed
to be whether the manipulation
works, how successfully the Pres-
ident and his officials and his
tually happening, what is going to
happen.
In its press relations the admin-
istration does not hold with the
fundamental American principle
that true opinion arises from hon-
est inquiry and open debate and
that true opinion is necessary to
free government. For this admin-
istration, the right opinions are
those which lead to consensus with
the leader, and to create such
true opinion it is legitimate to
wipe out the distinction between
patriotism and patrioteering and
to act on the assumption that
the end justifies the means.
THE CREDIBILITY gap opened
in the first weeks of President
Johnson's tenure. It was early De-
cember, 1963, and the first big
official business before him was
the completion of next year's
budget, which had been begun by
President Kennedy. At his first
press conference on Dec. 7, 1963,
"reporters came away with the
impression," says James Deakin
of the St. Louis Post Dispatch,
that "the new budget would be
between $102 and $103 billion."
But at Mr. Johnson's second
press conference, 11 days later,
the President said that the ex-
penditures would be "substantial-
ly $99 billion," which was the
amount of the Kennedy budget.
A few days later, says Deakin,
"the news spread that the new
budget would be $100 billion, give
or take 2 per cent either way."
But when the 1965 budget was ac-
tually submitted to Congress it
was down to $97.7 billion-which
was under the Kennedy budget.
By this technique, which used
to be known in psychological war-
fare as razzle-dazzle, the Presi-
dent projected an image of him-
self as a thrifty man who turned
out lights in the White House
and who spent less than President
Kennedy.
THUS, the credibility gap open-
ed before the President (In Feb-
ruary, 1965) announced the first
about the size of the American
commitment, the size of the mili-
tary and civilian casualties and
about the costs of the war.
There has been damaged, also,
the credibility of the State De-
partment on the conduct of the
war. Thus, in August, 1964, Ha-
noi sent word to the United Na-
tions that their representatives
would meet with ours in Rangoon.
The administration ignored the
offer.
In September, Secretary of State
Dean Rusk replied to a question'
about whether it was possible to
have a negotiated settlement of
the war. He said, "Let me ,first
say that I don't know of any ne-
gotiations now going on anywhere,
overt or covert, about a settle-
ment in South Vietnam."
He made no reference to the
North Vietnamese offer. Until U
Thant, the following February, re-
vealed what had happened, the
State Department kept up the
fiction that no offer to talk had
been made by Hanoi.
THERE ARE TODAY two causes
which reinforce each other and
have united to break down confi-
dence in the candor and reliability
of the government. One of these
causes is that Mr. Johnson is a
pathologically secretive man. The
other is that he believes in his
right to manipulate the news in
his own political interest and does
not hold with the American tradi-
tion about the importance of an
independent press.
In regard to Mr. Johnson's se-
cretiveness, experienced White
House reporters tell tale after tale
of the President's reluctance to
agree to a firm schedule, to dis-
close his intention of going to
the ranch-even to Mrs. Johnson
-until the last possible moment.
From the public standpoint
there are perhaps two instances
that have hurt Mr. Johnson more
than any others. The first was his
claim until the final hour of the
Democratic convention that he
had not made up his mind about
who would be his Vice-Presidential
papermen for having said that he
would make the trip.
IN ORDER to impose a rule of
secrecy on his high officials, the
President has had to suppress
their normal tendency to explain
and justify the programs and poli-
cies they have devised and advo-
cated.
In his book on the press, "The
Artillery of Peace," James Reston
quotes an attempt by Bill Moyers
to make sense out of the Presi-
dent's secretiveness:
"It is very important for a Pre-
sident to maintain up until the
moment of decision his options,
and for someone to speculate days
or weeks in advance that he is
going to do thus and thus is to
deny to the President the latitude
he needs in order to make, in the
light of existing circumstances,
the best possible decision."
Reston thinks that this "philo-
sophic idea ... has some disturb-
ing possibilities." It has indeed. In
order to maintain the President's
"options," the Congress and the
public are deprived of the right to
deliberate on a course of action. In
exactly this way the nation has
been committed to a big war about
which nothing was debated and
explained while the President's se-
cretly chosen decision was handed
down by fiat.
THUS, THE compulsive passion
for secretiveness coincides with a
lack of understanding and a con-
sequent disrespect for free journa-
lism. In constructing a Constitu-
tion the Founding Fathers were
agreed that men could not be
trusted with unlimited power and.
that, therefore, the only way to
prevent tyrannical and arbitrary
government was to set up within
the government a mechanism of
checks and balances.
An essential principle in the
American scheme of things is,
therefore, that the President, the
Senate, the House, the courts are
chosen in different ways, are cho-
sen for different terms by differ-
ing electorates or appointing pow-
realized that enlightened opinion
was thoroughly imbued with such
distrust of unlimited power that it
distrusted the federal government
as a whole. In order to obtain
ratification of the Constitution
there had to .be added to it 10
amendments which are known as
the Bill of Rights.
The first of these amendments
denied to the federal government
the right to make laws abridging
the freedom of the press. Why?
Because of the conviction of the
time that the adversary principle
must be applied also to the gov-
ernment as a whole in order to
prevent tyranny and arbitrariness.
Thus, the tension between elect-
ed officials and the working press
is not a deplorable inconvenience
to the President. It is at the very
heart of the American system of
government. For in the absence of
this tension it may be perfectly
possible for an elected official to
use his official powers to manipu-
late the press and to prevent it
from making an independent au-
dit of the conduct of affairs.
The Founding Fathers were men
of the world. They realized quite
well that governments cannot de-
liberate in the market place and
that in dealing with foreign pow-
ers there is need, as I think Madi-
son put it, of "secrecy and dis-
patch." No responsible newspaper-
man denies this.
Quite obviously there is no such
thing as the absolute and unlim-
ited right of the newspapers to
publish anything and everything
and at any time. The genius of the
American system is to check and
balance all forms of absolutism,
including that of the majority and
including that of the press.
In the relationship between the
government and the press there
exists a system of checks and bal-
ances: officials are able to with-
hold information, and newspapers
are able to ferret out Information
and publish it. These iopposing
powers check and balance one
another and result in a tolerable
and workable adjustment.
The fundamental assumption in
'1
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