o;4r {lrhigatt Dail Seventy-Sixth Year EDITED AND MANAGED BY STUDENTS OF THE UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN UNDER AUTHORITY OF BOARD IN CONTROL OF STUDENT PUBLICATIONS THE VIEW FROM HERE Play Ball! BY ROBERT KLIVANS WhereOTruth Wi Prevai Fr 420 MAYNARD $T., ANN ARBOR, MICH. NEWS PHONE: 764-0552 s. ... ,...x{L1'""titi.,{'?v:-y; , t:}':;ti;",:; {:""S -L".,:":''1;tti 5, ti: i1'{:ti ..., y "41 , a 1.:,.v. ,{r.,, ,1 " ".;;y ' :'4 }i L1M:Lti '.".. .1.\LL . }iittt l R' .i1 .tit.1."R11 .'.:1 ,h { WR 7'T.1"A'G4. .Li . .54 '} Editorials printed in The Michigan Daily express the individual opinions of staff writers or the editors. This must be noted in all reprints. TUESDAY, APRIL 4, 1967 NIGHT EDITOR: NEAL BRUSS ANOTHER OPINION: What Next? AFTER THE EVENTS of the past few weeks, peace in Vietnam seems fur- ther away than ever. The prospect is for an indefinite pro- longation of the struggle. North Vietnam demands a cessation of bombing and other acts of war before it will talk. The United States, through President John- son, demands prior proof that all infil- tration from the North has stopped be- fore it will agree to stop bombing the North and adding to its troop strength in the South. As Sen. Robert-Kennedy points out, Mr. Johnson has raised the ante repeatedly as U.S. military strength in the South has increased. But neither the Democratic Republic of Vietnam (the North) nor the National Liberation Front shows any signs of caving in. What, then, will be Mr. Johnson's next move? It is not difficult to forecast. Bombing the North has not brought victory and shows no signs of subduing the enemy. All that remains, then, is to invade North Vietnam, as Korea was invaded at In- chon. ALLWASHINGTON is talking along these lines. Sen. Mike Mansfield brings the question to the fore while cautiously advising against such a ven- ture. He points out that three of the four elements of an invasion are already present. We are extending the bombing of North Vietnam by dropping mines into the rivers in the southern part of the country, we are shooting across the now misnamed demilitarized zone with 175- millimeter artillery, and elements of the Seventh Fleet are shelling the coast of North Vietnam. The probable invasion site would be somewhat north of the 17th Parallel, and some reports of North Viet- namese troop movements indicate that Hanoi expects an incursion in that neigh- borhood. Rep. George Brown of California made a valient effort to forestall such an even- tuality. He offered an amendment to the supplemental appropriations bill, pro- viding additional billions for the prose- cution of the war: "None of the funds appropriated in this act shall be available for the implementation of any plan to invade North Vietnam with ground forc- es of the United States, except in time of war." The amendment was defeated, 123 to 2, and the funds were appropriated un- conditionally, 385 to 11, with 36 absten- tions. IF THE PRESIDENT decides on an inva- sion of North Vietnam, he might be willing to request a declaration of war. The present undeclared war is unpopu- lar. Politically it is a millstone around Mr. Johnson's neck, and one may be sure that he will be reluctant to go into the campaign of 1968 thus handicapped. With a declaration in his hands, he can run as a war President, calling on the na- tion to rally around the flag (which he will have wrapped around his ample frame). Dissent will become not merely, unpopular but dangerous. Opponents will no longer be Nervous Nellies but some- thing not far removed from traitors. Senator Mansfield warned that even a limited invasion of North Vietnam (which is no doubt the way it would begin) might bring China into the war. It might result in a papering over of the split between the Soviet Union and China. MacArthur thought he could ap- proach the Yalu without bringing China's armies down into Korea; he proved to be mistaken. Those military strategists who counsel an invasion may likewise prove to be mistaken, but they are willing to take a chance. A MAJORITY of the American people have submiited with scarcely a mur- mur to repeated escalations of the war, each seemingly insignificant in itself but bulking large in cumulative effect. Unless they rally soon, their option in the 1968 election may be foreclosed. If they real- ize then what they have let themselves in for, it will be too late. -THE NATION, April 3,1967 THE NATIONAL PASTIME begins next week. The teams are preparing to leave their spring training camps in Florida and Arizona and return to their home towns for the baseball season. It is the time of year when the Mets are still playing .500 ball and the best pitchers haven't been injured. But the biggest news of the season is the National League's new expansion effort. With a minimum of far- fare, the senior circuit approved the entry of a new nine: the Ann Arbor Collegiates. General Manager George Romney had no comment on his team's chances. Sources report that he privately aiming to have a powerful pennant contender in time for the 1968 series, and has been maneuvering with the Washington Senators toward this end. His biggest op- position will probably come from the team run by fellow manager Fearless Dick Nixon, who was traded from Washington to Los Angeles to New York following several losing seasons. But Nixon has been rebuilding his team, and it is shaping up as a tight race. MANAGER ROMNEY has some notable assets. Above all is the captain of the Collegiates, that veteran pitcher "Hurlin'" Hatcher. In his fifteenth year, "Hurlin'" still has that famous control which has governed his pitching for so long a time. Known best for his change-up and slowball, "Hurlin'" has yet to master his most severe handicap, a notorious balk in which he goes through all the motions of the pitch, but never gets the ball away. Backing up "Hurlin' "is a newly acquired relief pitcher, Ruben Fleming. Straight from the defunct Milwaukee Braves, Fleming is widely hailed for his ability to quell late rallies by the opposition. Although possessing little previous experience, he labors hard and will reportedly be a strong contender for Rookie-of-the-Year honors. The other half of the Ann Arbor battery is "Yogi" Radock, a unique catcher who doubles as umpire. He has yet to call anything but strikes, which makes some sportswriters skeptical. THE COLLEGIATE INFIELD is a tight group which constantly consults "Hurlin'" on his strategy. At first base is Willie Pierpont, an able veteran whose foot never leaves the bag. At second base is Al Smith (no relation of the famous Cleveland-Chicago outfielder). Though an average batter, his weak fielding ability invites un- favorable comparison to his all-star predecessor who was traded to California. At shortstop is Jose Sacua, part of that great double- play combination of Sacua to Smith to Pierpont. Round- ing out the infield is "Marvelous Mary" Niehuss, special- ly placed at the hot corner to handle difficult smashes off the opposition bats It is in the outfield, however, that the team has collected ite most colorful combination. Rarely consulted on infield decisions, they nonetheless are essential is the smooth functioning of the squad. In right field is switch-hitting Rich Cutler. Rich began in left field, but late last' season he dropped a series of easy fly balls, plus a wicked line drive off theM bat of Washington's Joe Pool. The fans reacted angrily, tossing beer bottles, wrappers, and picket signs onto the field. Rich was quickly shifted to right, far from the fans who line the left-side bleachers, and he has been opera- ting comfortably since In left field is Gary Voice, a new-corner to the Col- legiates. Voice resisted the draft for several years, but was finally pulled out of the stands to replace Cutler when he was shifted to right. Voice is still relatively green and has the rookie's tendency to straddle the foul line. Also he always protests the umpires' decisions. Voice has consistently raised the ire of the fans because he has been more interested in publicity than the team's success. In center field is another newcomer, "King" Kahn, replacing one of the famous baseball Robinsons, who was recently farmed out to New York, after his prom- ising start last season sputtered out. Center field is a notoriously dangerous position, for it is very easy to col- lide with Voice in left. or Cutler in right while pursuing fly balls. The two questions about the rookie centerfielder are whether he can cover enough territory, and whether he will last out the long season. THE WHOLE EXCITING line-up, however, will re- main in some doubt in the shadow of a new investigation. Commissioner of Baseball Inis Claude and his prestigous group have begun a study of the game's line-up and ground rules. The result could perhaps be a novel re- shuffling of the whole system. Meanwhile, the Collegiates, however, they play, will draw a constantly packed house of 35,000. Like the crowds at most games, there are only a few interested and informed fans and the other just watch. But with a team like that on the field, even watching becomes fun. Ai .A Letters: The Arbitrary Nature of the University To the Editor: IVEN THE GIST of U Thant's address to the Honors Convo- cation on Friday, the events of that day are sadly ironic. Much of what U Thant seems to value is being seriously undermined by men acting in the name of the United States and by men acting in the name of the university. U Thant spoke of the need to take seriously the "moral and ethical concepts embodied in the UN Charter." Given the actions of the United States in Vietnam, I would seriously question that this country does, in fact, take serious- ly the Charter. Her actions are in flagrant contradiction to the "principle of equal rights and self- determination of peoples" (Chap. I, Art. 1, Section 2), and they vio- late Chap. I, Art. 2, Section 4 which states: "All members shall refrain in their international rela- tions from the threat or use of force against the territorial inte- grity or political independence of any state . . TO TURN NOW to the local scene, I refer to U Thant's state- ment concerning theuniversity's need for freedom from political domination and to his advocacy of involvement of everyone, "espec- ially the young" in the "active consideration of the world they live in and of the institutions and political and social benefits which deal, or fail to deal, with the prob- lems of all our live's." It appears to me that when the young do, in fact, seriously ques- tion the system in which they live, they cannot help but see that nei- ther they nor the university are free of political domination-do- mination which does not show on the surface but which is quick to exert itself during controversial times. Domination from outside sources, such as the state legisla- ture or the federal government, is not, it seems, the primary thing to fear. Rather, the thing to wor- ry most about is the way in which true political dissent is stifled by the university itself. When people deplore interrup- tion of events such as news con- ferences, I fear that they do not realize that such interruption is only a last ditch effort to raise is- sues which are ignored elsewhere. There is a diffusion of responsibil- ity in the University administra- tion and within the larger system of which the University is a part. The actions of the Sanford Secur- ity Guards represent a : concrete example. When the guards were asked to whom they were responsible, they said they did not know. Thus, there was no one to whom those wanting to enter the building could speak to. How can one go through "legitimate" channels when those channels are not even known? And the actions of the Ann Arbor police showed more clearly the arbitrary nature of power in the University and in the larger system by arresting Mr. Chacin when earlier they claimed they had no jurisdiction over the issues in question. ONE FINAL ,EXAMPLE will il- lustrate the arbitrary nature of the university when it comes to political matters. While, one can forgive Regent Briggs for claim- ing ignorance of the events of the day, one cannot condone his re- fusal to become informed - his refusal to take any responsibility, illustrated by his comment that a public hearing would not, be pos- sible. Where then is the link between education and justice? -Patty Schneider, Grad Babbling Brooke To the Editor: . LOTTIER in his editorial (March 28) makes a valid cri- ticism of Sen. Brooke's proposal for a professional army. Unless ed- ucational, vocational and other areas of "normal" American life are opened wider to Negroes and other minority group members a professional army would be even more inequitable than the present system. However, I believe Mr. Lottier overstates the consequences of such a program. A "black mercen- ary army" could exist only if whites did not look on professional soldiery as an acceptable occupa- tion. Considering thestrong white Southern tradition of service in the armed forces I see nd reason why the mere fact of an adequate- ly paid army should bring about such a radical change. REGARDING Senator Brooke," it seems significant that he has made no political statements on civil rights. In his campaign he skirted the issue so well that most Negroes didn't know where he stood. Brooke's own feeling is al-. legedly that Negroes should "win allies rather than try to conquer enemies," choosing himself to ad- here more to "constructive" pro- grams in education, employment and health rather than to "agi- tation via riots." The title of the current "Ebony" article on Brooke, "I'm a Soul Brother," sums up the senator's view of himself. But it seemsto me that being a "soul brother" involves more than an affinity for hog maws and greens-the only evidence Brooke presents tosupport this image. --Charles Betsy, '68 The Daily is a member of the Associated Press and Collegiate Press Service. Subscription rate: $4.50 semester by carrier ($5 by mail; $8 for two semesters by carrier ($9 by mail). Published at 420 Maynard St., Ann Arbor, Mich., 48104. Daily except Monday during regular academic school year. Daily except Sunday and Monday during regular summer session. Second class, postage paid at Ann Arbor. Michigan, 420 Mayrard St., Ann Arbor, Michigan, 48104. Editorial Staff ROGER RAPOPORT, Editor MEREDITH EIKER, Managing Editor MICHAEL HEFFER ROBERT K;IVANS City Editor Editorial Directo SUSAN ELAN .......... Associate Managing Editor LAURENCE MEDOW.......Associate Managing Editor STEPHEN FIRSHEIN . Associate Editorial Director RONALD KLEMPNER .... Associate Editorial Director SUSAN SCHNEPP.............. Personnel Director NEIL SHISTER..................Magazine Editor CAROLE KAPLAN.........;Associate Magazine Editor JISSA MATROSS .....................Arts Editor NIGHT EDITORS: Neal Bruss, Wallace Immen, David Knoke, Mark Levin, Patricia O'Donohue, Steve Wild- strom. DAY EDITORS: David Duboff, Kathie Glebe, Aviva Kempner, Carolyn Miegel, Cynthia Mills, Jennifei Anne Rhzea. 4 NewsTAY AND TOMORROW . . . Iby WALTER LIPPiANNt News Management and the Credibility Gap IN ORDER to avoid the embar- rassment of calling a spade a spade, newspapermen have tacitly agreed to talk about the credibil- ity gap. This is a polite euphem- ism for deception, rather like the habit of our Victorian grandpar- ents who spoke of limbs when they were too shy to speak of legs, The phrase has been invented during the Johnson administra- tion, and it is quite significant that nothing like it seems to have' been needed before. In its exact meaning the gap is, as Henry L. Trewhitt of the Baltimore Sun has put it, "the degree of refusal by the public to accept at face value what the government says and does." It goes without saying that if this gap is wide, the country is in the perilous position of not believ- ing that it can trust its govern- ment. EVERY EXPERIENCED news- paperman knows quite well - as James Reston points out in his penetrating new book, "The Ar- tillery of Peace"--that there is an inherent conflict between pub- lic officials and reporters. But so far as I know there has never been a time when the President and the working press distrusted each other so much as they do today. The current conflict has be- come abnormally acute, and the relations between the Johnson ad- ministration and the press are unique, differing not only in de- gree, but in kind from the nor- mal tensions between responsible officials and free journalists. The conflict today has degenerated to the point where there is no long- er much pretense that the news is not being manipulated in or- der to make the Congress, the newspapers, the networks and the public at large support the Presi- dent. The only question is supposed to be whether the manipulation works, how successfully the Pres- ident and his officials and his tually happening, what is going to happen. In its press relations the admin- istration does not hold with the fundamental American principle that true opinion arises from hon- est inquiry and open debate and that true opinion is necessary to free government. For this admin- istration, the right opinions are those which lead to consensus with the leader, and to create such true opinion it is legitimate to wipe out the distinction between patriotism and patrioteering and to act on the assumption that the end justifies the means. THE CREDIBILITY gap opened in the first weeks of President Johnson's tenure. It was early De- cember, 1963, and the first big official business before him was the completion of next year's budget, which had been begun by President Kennedy. At his first press conference on Dec. 7, 1963, "reporters came away with the impression," says James Deakin of the St. Louis Post Dispatch, that "the new budget would be between $102 and $103 billion." But at Mr. Johnson's second press conference, 11 days later, the President said that the ex- penditures would be "substantial- ly $99 billion," which was the amount of the Kennedy budget. A few days later, says Deakin, "the news spread that the new budget would be $100 billion, give or take 2 per cent either way." But when the 1965 budget was ac- tually submitted to Congress it was down to $97.7 billion-which was under the Kennedy budget. By this technique, which used to be known in psychological war- fare as razzle-dazzle, the Presi- dent projected an image of him- self as a thrifty man who turned out lights in the White House and who spent less than President Kennedy. THUS, the credibility gap open- ed before the President (In Feb- ruary, 1965) announced the first about the size of the American commitment, the size of the mili- tary and civilian casualties and about the costs of the war. There has been damaged, also, the credibility of the State De- partment on the conduct of the war. Thus, in August, 1964, Ha- noi sent word to the United Na- tions that their representatives would meet with ours in Rangoon. The administration ignored the offer. In September, Secretary of State Dean Rusk replied to a question' about whether it was possible to have a negotiated settlement of the war. He said, "Let me ,first say that I don't know of any ne- gotiations now going on anywhere, overt or covert, about a settle- ment in South Vietnam." He made no reference to the North Vietnamese offer. Until U Thant, the following February, re- vealed what had happened, the State Department kept up the fiction that no offer to talk had been made by Hanoi. THERE ARE TODAY two causes which reinforce each other and have united to break down confi- dence in the candor and reliability of the government. One of these causes is that Mr. Johnson is a pathologically secretive man. The other is that he believes in his right to manipulate the news in his own political interest and does not hold with the American tradi- tion about the importance of an independent press. In regard to Mr. Johnson's se- cretiveness, experienced White House reporters tell tale after tale of the President's reluctance to agree to a firm schedule, to dis- close his intention of going to the ranch-even to Mrs. Johnson -until the last possible moment. From the public standpoint there are perhaps two instances that have hurt Mr. Johnson more than any others. The first was his claim until the final hour of the Democratic convention that he had not made up his mind about who would be his Vice-Presidential papermen for having said that he would make the trip. IN ORDER to impose a rule of secrecy on his high officials, the President has had to suppress their normal tendency to explain and justify the programs and poli- cies they have devised and advo- cated. In his book on the press, "The Artillery of Peace," James Reston quotes an attempt by Bill Moyers to make sense out of the Presi- dent's secretiveness: "It is very important for a Pre- sident to maintain up until the moment of decision his options, and for someone to speculate days or weeks in advance that he is going to do thus and thus is to deny to the President the latitude he needs in order to make, in the light of existing circumstances, the best possible decision." Reston thinks that this "philo- sophic idea ... has some disturb- ing possibilities." It has indeed. In order to maintain the President's "options," the Congress and the public are deprived of the right to deliberate on a course of action. In exactly this way the nation has been committed to a big war about which nothing was debated and explained while the President's se- cretly chosen decision was handed down by fiat. THUS, THE compulsive passion for secretiveness coincides with a lack of understanding and a con- sequent disrespect for free journa- lism. In constructing a Constitu- tion the Founding Fathers were agreed that men could not be trusted with unlimited power and. that, therefore, the only way to prevent tyrannical and arbitrary government was to set up within the government a mechanism of checks and balances. An essential principle in the American scheme of things is, therefore, that the President, the Senate, the House, the courts are chosen in different ways, are cho- sen for different terms by differ- ing electorates or appointing pow- realized that enlightened opinion was thoroughly imbued with such distrust of unlimited power that it distrusted the federal government as a whole. In order to obtain ratification of the Constitution there had to .be added to it 10 amendments which are known as the Bill of Rights. The first of these amendments denied to the federal government the right to make laws abridging the freedom of the press. Why? Because of the conviction of the time that the adversary principle must be applied also to the gov- ernment as a whole in order to prevent tyranny and arbitrariness. Thus, the tension between elect- ed officials and the working press is not a deplorable inconvenience to the President. It is at the very heart of the American system of government. For in the absence of this tension it may be perfectly possible for an elected official to use his official powers to manipu- late the press and to prevent it from making an independent au- dit of the conduct of affairs. The Founding Fathers were men of the world. They realized quite well that governments cannot de- liberate in the market place and that in dealing with foreign pow- ers there is need, as I think Madi- son put it, of "secrecy and dis- patch." No responsible newspaper- man denies this. Quite obviously there is no such thing as the absolute and unlim- ited right of the newspapers to publish anything and everything and at any time. The genius of the American system is to check and balance all forms of absolutism, including that of the majority and including that of the press. In the relationship between the government and the press there exists a system of checks and bal- ances: officials are able to with- hold information, and newspapers are able to ferret out Information and publish it. These iopposing powers check and balance one another and result in a tolerable and workable adjustment. The fundamental assumption in '1 Ii L- 11 '*i