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February 11, 1967 - Image 4

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I.

Seventy-Sixth Year
EDITED AND MANAGED BY STUDENTS OF THE UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN
UNDER AUTHORITY OF BOARD IN CONTROL OF STUDENT PUBLICATIONS

Equality?-Ask Your Local Cab Driver

'.

:y. - '

ionAreee' 420 MAYNARD ST., ANN ARBOR, MICH.
TruthpiWill Prval

NEws PHONE: 764-0552

Editorials printed in The Michigan Daily express the individual opinions of staff writers
or the editors. This must be noted in all reprints.

SATURDAY, FEBRUARY 11, 1967

NIGHT EDITOR: SUSAN SCHNEPP

Rusk: Old Diplomats
Never Learn New Tricks

By PAUL WHITE
Collegiate Press Service
IT WAS 20 minutes to nine and
I had to be at the corner of
Fulton and Nostrand by five after.
It was raining, the generator had
fallen out of my car, and I was
on Foster Ave., sort of in the
heart of Flatbush. So I had to get
a taxi
I was therefore, according to an
ageless tradition in New York, far-
ther up that well-known creek
than I could ever have imagined,
for experience had long taught me
that if you even looked dark-
skinned you simply did not enter-
tain the idea of getting a taxi in
Flatbush.
They locked all doors when they
saw you coming, and if you got
the opportunity to get around to
the driver's side he told you that
he didn't "want to go over there."
Then he would speed off before
you had time to pull him out the
window and beat your civil rights
out of him.
ANYWAY, this night I really
needed that taxi, and I decided
that regardless of traditions and
precedents, I would get one. I
stood at the corner of Foster
and New York Aves. in the pour-
ing rain. I had prepared myself

well for my venture before leav-
ing home.
Two taxis flew by, and I went
through the motions of hailing
them; both slowed, scowled and ac-
celerated. Then, as I saw the
traffic light turn red, I slinked
behind a UPS van and waited as
a taxi cruised to a stop at the
light. Then I darted out and quick-
ly pulled open the back door.
But the light had turned green
again, and as the driver took one
look at me, he drove off at about
40 miles an hour with the door
open, and I was sent reeling up
against the curb. I was happy
it was dark and there were no
passersby; it could have been em-
barrassing, even for me.
I WAITED. Oh, we blacks nev-
er mind waiting!
The light was red and another
taxi was coming to a halt. I eased
out again, but this time the driv-
er saw me and quickly reached
over and locked the door. It was
10 minutes to nine and the light
was still red. I darted around to
the driver's side and put my plan
into action. I pulled the little
revolver from my pocket and eas-
ed it up behind the left ear of
the driver, and with the other

hand I reached in and opened
the back door.
"Dig it," I said, swing quickly,
into a frightening vernacular. "You
move this cab an inch before I
get inside and I'll blow your
goddam brains all over the street."
He froze and I quickly climbed
into the back seat. I put the thing
back into my coat pocket. I wait-
ed.
"FULTON and Nostrand," I told
him.
He had regained himself. "I
don't go over there," he said. "I'm
on my supper break, mister. I
don't want no trouble. I gotta
wife and three kids to support.
Waddya wanta make trouble for?
I don't go over there."
In exasperation I brought out
the silly thing again and touched
his ear with it. Besides, there were
cars lined up behind us and they
were honking horns and yelling.
"Fulton and Nostrand," I said,
and glancing quickly at his iden-
tification card I added an extra
"Guinea." He turned off Foster
onto New York Ave. and we were
on the way.
"You gonna get yourself into a
lot of trouble, mister," he said.
"You know that?"
I SMILED and pocketed my gun.

They would never believe this in
Grants Town, Nassau, Bahamas, I
thought. Just like in the movies.
The big time. New York. Oops!
We neared Empire Blvd. and
the 71st Precinct, and the driver
was slowing down, even though
we had the green light. The gun
was out again and up behind his
ears. It was the first time during
the entire episode that I was real-
ly frightened. Anyway, he sped
past the station, and I settled
down again.
Then, with childlike curiosity I
said, "You prejudiced, bossman?"
He grunted. "Just don't like be-
ing forced. You coulda asked me
nice."
"You locked your doors," I said
wearily. "Mister, you realize how
many taxi drivers lock their doors
that way in New York City every
day? You know how many black
people in New York are waiting
at this minute for taxis?"
"You don't force yourself-"
"The law says you have to take
me where I want to go within the
city limits."
"A guy can't make any money
off you people."
SO, THE SHOE pinched there.
I laughed. Who would ever think
that prejudice could ever be an

economic necessity. The poor guy
-the poor, stupid bastard who
probably went diligently to mass
every Sunday, contributed to the
muscular dystrophy fund, and had
a daughter who was exorbitantly
beautiful and loved him very
much.
He pulled over at the corner of
Fulton and Nostrand. The fare
was 85 cents. I gave him the
exact change and got out of the
cab after easing an extra dollar
on the seat next to him. He'd find
it later, I thought.
x I stood near the cab. He looked
at me with all the blood and ven-
om of his ancestors, and as he pull-
ed away he shouted at the top of
his lungs:
"Nigger! Dirty, rotten niggers
all!"
I SMILED, and taking the gun
from my pocket, dropped it into
an ash can. I had paid 60 cents
for it at Woolworth's, and had for-
gotten to give it to my nephew. I
looked at all the beautiful black
people scurrying about me in the
rain. So many of them bought and
used real guns. I assimilated.
(White is a student at St.
John's University in New York.)

~1

AT HIS PRESS CONFERENCE Thursday,
Secretary of State Dean Rusk once
again ruled out any cessation of Ameri-
can bombing in North Vietnam until the
Communists de-escalate their war effort.
The secretary accused the Communists
of waging "a systematic campaign to bring
about a permanent cessation of American
bombing without any corresponding mil-
itary action on their side." He stated that
the U.S. is not prepared to stop the
bombing in exchange for a vague possi-
bility that Hanoi will come to the con-
ference table.
He appealed to "all the capitals on the
other side to let good sense prevail"
and stressed the need for "reciprocity."
[N TRUTH, one can only be appalled at
Rusk's latest rehash of the adminis-
tration's inflexible line-especially in the
light of recent developments.
First, correspondents invited to Hanoi
described in their stories the relatively
minor military effect of bombing "stra-
tegic targets."
In addition, Messrs. Salisbury, Burch-
ett and Baggs were unanimous in their
portrait of a people toughened by an un-
ceasing 20-year struggle against the
French, American supported puppet rul-
ers, and now the Americans themselves.
If anything, the raids contribute to a
deepening of national pride among the
people.
EQUALLY SIGNIFICANT, however, is the
civil war in China which effectively

frees North Viet Nam from any constrain-
ing Peking influence. This is a propitious
time for the U.S. to use the temporary
interruption of Hanoi-Peking relations to
bring the North into conference.
Hanoi foreign minister, Nguyen Duy
Trinn, in an Associated Press interview
several days ago, stated: "If the bomb-
ings cease completely, good and favorable
conditions will be created for the talks.
Halt the bombings; come and talk."
Rusk doesn't believe any of this. The
spectre of the Communist buildup during
the May, 1966 bombing halt still torments
him.
There is, however, little reason for the
North Vietnamese to take Rusk's word
as good either. There is substantial evi-
dence to suggest that several instances in
the past, most notably in November, 1964
-pre-election time-the U.S. has rejected
quiet diplomatic overtures from the Com-
munists.
IN THE LAST FEW WEEKS, there has
been a renewal of hopes that a break-
through was in the works. Apparently,
Rusk and the administration feel that
rather useless bombing raids are too high
a price to pay for the possibility of end-
ing the war.
The secretary, an old diplomat who nev-
er learns new tricks, has blown another
chance.
-STEVE FIRSHEIN

i

Letters:Building Bridges' to East Europe

The V-P's Need Your Help

PETITIONING for Student' Advisory
Boards to the vice-presidents has been
extended until Feb. 17.
The interviewing committee made up
of three members from both Student
Government Council and Graduate Stu-
dent Council says the extension is due to
the small number of graduate students
who have filed petitions.
But the necessary extension on peti-
tioning seems to indicate a more general
lack of interest in advisory committees
among students. The interview commit-
tee has received only 52 petitions to date.
T HESTUDENT-administration commu-
nication failure last semester has left
students with very little faith in the
power of their opinions to substantially
influence the University in any way.
Most students feel there's no use in
putting in the time, work and energy nec-
essary to do a good advisory job be-
cause the administration never really
takes their advice seriously anyway. Cer-
tainly, if SGC couldn't deal effectively
with the administration the vice-presi-
dential committees are doomed from the
start.
This attitude is not without justifica-

tion. But the fact is, the structure for the
Vice-Presidential Advisory Committees
does exist and the committees are going
to exist despite the calibre of the stu-
dents who serve on them. For this rea-
son we owe it to ourselves to have the
best students serve.
WE ALSO OWE it to ourselves to give
the administration another chance to
deal with us in good faith; or at least
make it hard for them not to.
However limited the potential of these
committees may be they do offer the pos-
sibility 'for a "candid exchange of infor-
mation about problems of mutual con-
cern" to students and administration.
Regular, open, bi-weekly meetings be-
tween the vice-presidents and students
could be the beginning of a well founded
sense of trust between students and the
executives of the University.
IF INTELLIGENT, interested and ener-
getic students would be willing to serve
on these committees they would be able
to wring whatever potential they have,
out of them. Ot least they would give the
administration a run for its money.
-SUSAN ELAN

To the Editor;
THE VISIT of West German
ForeigngMinister Willy Brandt
to Washington this week has sym-
bolized to many a new era of Ger-
man policy perspectives with re-
lation to Eastern Europe and to
the United States. The question
whether the shift in attitudes can
be fully appreciated is not in
doubt; however, the question re-
mains whether this change can
be implemented for the benefit of
the United States and the remain-
der of the Western world.
During the period of Eisen-
hower rigidity with respect to for-
eign policy, the East European
states were considered lost to the
sphere of the West. No serious at-
tempts were made to establish con-
tact with these countries that
might have born fruit in later
years since the Soviet Union con-
trolled these states through a va-
riety of informal controls.
With the growing independence
of China of the last few years and
the willing de-Stalinization of the
East European states, a remark-
able degree of independence and
Iautonomy has ensued. This fact
has undoubtedly not gone unno-
ticeduby State Department offi-
cials and planners and the re-
sult has been President Johnson's
"building bridges to East Europe"
strategy.
THE GENERALIZATION is oft-
en made about the East European
states that when Russia and Ger-
many are weak in power the in-
dependence and national direction
of these states is assured. When a
wide discrepancy exists in the pow-
er ratios of the two countries
then the East European states will
be controlled by the dominant
power.
And finally, when these two
powers are relatively strong, they
will tend to cancel each other out
with the East European states re-
ceiving almost the degree of au-
tonomy and direction that they
would have enjoyed in a period of
weak Russia and Germany.
The point I am attempting to
bring to light concerning relations
with the Eastern bloc, is whether
or notsome combination of West
Germany and the United States
can effectively assume the role
that a strong, unified Germany

had previously played against the
power of Russia. The advantages
in such a policy would be the fur-
ther disintegration of the Soviet
Bloc; with the eventual unification
of Germany a possible develop-
ment.
CERTAINLY there are elements
of great risk in such a policy; the
Soviet Union cannot be expected
to stand apathetically neutral in
such a situation. But certainly the
realistic gains with the implemen-
tation of such a policy, outweigh
the disadvantages:
The important point to recog-
nize here is that since the politi-
cal, social and economic factors of
the world are certainly dynamic
and ever changing, why should the
Western world portray its charac-
ter as a reactionary nation pro-
tecting the status quo and illus-
trating a negative attitude toward
change?
Rather the forces of freedom
and democracy should initiate pos-
itive and flexible* alternatives to
return the prestige of previous
generations of freedom to the en-
slaved people throughout the globe.
The Western world should not be
bound down by a rigid approach
with few alternatives to relations
among states.
m-Drew Bogema, '68
Freedom?
To the Editor:
AND TO SSG William Predgo,
U.S. Army, and others who con-
template fighting for freedom in
Vietnam:
I feel that your frank reaction
(Daily, Feb. 9) that I support the
Viet Cong deserves an equally
straightforward reply. This state-
ment, which was taken out of con-
text by the press, was not meant
to imply that I support the Viet
Cong against you. Insofar as I
am interested in the internal prob-
lems of Vietnam I support the
Viet Cong against the past and
present repressive, inept govern-
ments of South Vietnam.
In case you forgot, the Viet
Cong are fighting against these
governments, not against ours. I
see no reason why I should change
my allegiance just because the
U.S. government decides, immor-
ally and illegally, to support one

side of this internal dispute for
its own selfish and tactically short-
sighted interests.
THERE ARE a number of peo-
ple like you who think we are
fighting for the freedom of the
Vietnamese people and ultimately
for that of the United States.
I suspect that we are not in
fact fighting for the freedom of
Vietnam but rather for its en-
slavement to American political,
economic and military control. And
I know, insofar as "freedom," used
intelligently, is a subjective con-
cept, that you are not fighting for
my freedom, but rather for my en-
slavement to the forces of irra-
tional fea-', propaganda, and jin-
goism.
THEREFORE, let me advise you
in advance that when you return
from Vietnam I will not crown
you with laurel wreaths or cover
you with confetti. Just as you be-
lieve that I am our country's worst
representative, I ascribe this dis-
honor to you.
-Peter Wolff, Grad
Wire LbJ.
To the Editor:
TONIGHT I received a call from
a friend in New York, asking
me to send a telegram to Presi-
dent Johnson urging a halt to
the bombing in Viet Nam. I be-
lieve this is a particularly appro-
priate time for such a move.'
The present truce provides a
basis for a halt. In addition, Kosy-
gin's press conference indicates
that such a move is likely to bear
fruit. No doubt even Washington
is aware of the inadequacies of
Rusk's replies to Kosygin's re-
marks.
I hope that those readers who
share this view' will add their tele-
grams to ours. Equally important,
I hope they will contact their
friends, of similar bent, both in
and out of Ann Arbor, and urge
them to do likewise. With the pres-
ent uncertain situation and a Pres-
ident sensitive to public opinion,
perhaps we can swing the balance.
A POLITICAL telegram up to
15 words in length can be sent
to Washington for 93 cents. A
night letter up to' 50 words can

be sent for $1.34. It seems a
small ante for stakes so high.
-Donald F. Stanat
Assoc. Res. Mathematician
Viet Holiday
To the Editor:
HAVE a friend in Viet Nam who
sent me a typical Christmas
card, Season's Greetings, and on
the bottom of it he wrote, "I
tried to find a card that said Peace
on Earth, Goodwill to Men, but
I couldn't find one here."
THIS WEEK he writes, "For the
next week the Vietnamese will
celebrate the Lunar New Year.
During Tet, people form a new
soul at the same time that flow-
ers bloom, trees bud, etc. There is
supposed to be only friendship so
the new life will be without hate
or grief.
Custom influences everything.
They don't make love, I'm told,
on the day before Tet so they
may start the new year clean and
pure. It sounds like a beautiful be-
lief. I hope we don't Westernize it.
North Viet Nam has extended a
truce to Vietnamese nationals, but
of course that doesn't include for-
eign aggressors."
I am withholding the soldier's
name to protect his privacy.
-Gail Smiley
Abortion
To the Editor:
( HAVE NEVER given birth to a
child. I have never had an
abortion. It is simple for me to
intellectualize about the morality
of destroying a fetus, but I can
never be sure about how I would
behave if I were faced with an
unwanted pregnancy of my own.
There is one thing about which
I am absolutely certain: I alone
must be the person to make the
final decision of whether to give
birth to the child or not.
It is impossible to judge what
is right or wrong for every per-
son in a given society. Each case
of unwanted pregnancy is unique,
being brought on by unique en-
vironmental conditions, and in-
volving unique people-each with
unique thoughts and emotions.
FAR BE IT from me to tell an-

other whether she is right or
wrong in obtaining an abortion.
Far be it from anyone else to tell
me whether I am right or wrong
in obtaining an abortion.
The question of legislation con-
cerning birth control should not
involve the morality of abortion
per se, but rather the morality of
imposing universal norms on di-
verse personalities.
-Patti McDaid, '70
Action?
To the Editor:
TWO LETTERS which have ap-
peared in recent issues of The
Daily dealing with the problems of
student housing have prompted
me to speak out.
The student housing problem is
like the weather. Everyone likes
to talk about it but no one seems
to know what to do about it. Con-
structive suggestions, like the ones
posed by Richard Firestone in last
Thursday's Daily, are few and far
between.
So, rents continue to rise, the
landlord becomes stronger and less
responsive to student problems and
the University fails to take cor-
rective action.
Student organizations have dealt
with student power, the draft,
pornograply and the law. But, no
student organization has dealt
with the problem of student hous-
ing either constructively or ef-
fectively.
SO, STUDENTS like the three
gentlemen who wrote in Tues-
day's Daily dealing with their re-
lations with their landlord, are left
with no recourse but to write to
The Daily. They could not turn
to the University; they could not
turn to the city; they could not
even turn to their fellow students,
up until now.
Now, however, there are people,
like myself, who are interested in
constructive suggestions and con-
structive action. There are people,
like myself, who are interested in
hearing of any problems you have
had with your landlord.
If these problems come to light
and, if proper concern is shown,
action can and will be taken to
improve the imbalance in student
housing.
-David I. Goldstein, '69L

0

I

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Is Morality Irrelevant?

THE FINAL PANEL discussion at the
College Editors Conference in Wash-
ington last weekend was devoted to
"Problems of Values and Morality."
This is an appropriate topic for dis-
cussion, for the relevance of the word
"morality" is questionable. Little old lad-
ies call college drinking and pot-smoking
"immoral"; the same term is applied by
others to the United States' involvement
in Vietnam. There are others who sneer
at any mention of morality; when serious
ethical questions are posed they turn up
their noses and ask, "Who cares about
morality any more?"
IT IS IMPOSSIBLE, probably, for anyone
to reach any definitive conclusions
about the nature of morality. After all,
a word applied as often to college drink-
ing as it is to our government's foreign
policy can't be a very simple word to
define.
No one at Sunday's panel tried to for-
mulate any codes of morality as solutions
to problems of morals. This is refreshing,
for rigid moral codes have proven inade-
quate in their handling of human prob-
lems. As Charles Frankel, assistant secre-
tarv of ttat for educational and cultural

affairs, and one of the panelists said, "The
morally zealous have yet to create a so-
ciety that was livable." Strict formulae
for behavior, whether personal or govern-
mental, do not admit of individual dif-
ferences or unanticipated situations and
are therefore impossible for anyone to
uphold.
On the other hand, the rejection of in-
flexible moral norms should not be a
justification for throwing out of ethical
considerations altogether. If American so-
ciety is to avoid dehumanization in the
face of increasing technology, the very
human questions of personal values and
the rightness of public policy must be kept
open. "Morality" is not an easily defined
word, but it should not become a mean-
ingless one.
' FO OFTEN, it seems that there are
only two types of moralists who are
vocal: those who are absolutist and self-
righteous, or those who like to thing of
themselves as tough-minded realists
scorning moral considerations as senti-
mental and absurd. Both groups are mis-
guided. The first group will never have
any influence on public policy or on in-
rlii,-a. - nho Pennd wmlm +,naqnrm

Review:
By NEAL BRUSS
"The Idea of a World Univer-
sity." by Michael Zweig, edited,
with a Foreword, by Harold
Taylor, 200 pages, $7.00.
"[ HE IDEA OF A WORLD UNI-
VERSITY," in the sense
Zweig discusses it, was around be-
fore World War I: it did not de-
velop out of the stream of con-
frontation which has character-'
ized the academic world-and es-
pecially the multiversity-in the
Sixties.
The idea, in fact, was formal-
ized, submitted to the League of
Nations and the United Nations
for action at various times, and
occasionally tested through expe-
rimenutal schools.,
THE PROPOSALS and ideas
Zweig discusses are all character-
istically rational and detailed, and
appear to have been prepared with
concern foraavoiding nationalistic
bias. To a significant extent, these
qualities characterize Zweig's book.
At times, however. the acade-
micians who are involved in con-
ceptionalizing the world university

'The Idea of a

World University'

cially those decisions necessary to
insure cooperation among as many
nations as possible, would be a
problem determining the sound-
ness of the idea of a world uni-
versity itself.
ZWEIG'S BOOK appears to be
a mature and comprehensive
source book on the idea. The type
of suggestions presented certainly
do not provide a clear and distinct
plan for current action. Perhaps
more important, a world univer-
sity is justified mainly on the
basis of intuition.
Zweig himself is not one of the
central proponents of the world
university; as a historian he exe-
cutes his research with precision.
Hence, the shortcomings in the
idea of a world university as.
Zweig presents it do not constitute
a shortcoming in the writing of
the book.
Zweig attempts to explain and
justify one projection of the idea,
and perhaps his reasoning can be
expanded to justify the aggregate
of thinking which is central to his
book.

to work together toward a world
community of shared scientific
knowledge and philosophic pro-
posititions not delivered at the
hands of national jealousies and
hatred.
"These obligations," Zweig con-
tinues, "are not to be achieved by
political programs. Rather their
sucessful execution lies in the de-
velopment of a new attitude and
orientation of men, who must be-
come international in their sense
of devotion.
"The realization of these re-
sponsibilities will come about only
when men can channel their newly
directed devotion into academic
study and research. The symbol of
that attitude and the locus of that
study can be only an international
university."
ZWEIG EXPLAINS, however,
that there are alternatives to the
world university-there are several
formlations of the world univer-
sity itself-which have inspired
thought in the direction:
"International exchanges of pub-
lications; international exchanges
of students and faculty; centers

tives. Several of the formulae in-
volve an international student
body taught by a faculty which
may be secured from professors
on sabbatical leaves from other
institutions. Students would be
selectively chosen and would be
taken from as many nations as
possible.
"A strong case can be made that
undergraduate teaching, desirable
though it may be, would not be
possible at an international uni-
versity," Zweig says, "Graduates
from secondary schools in differ-
ent parts of the world have widely
different academic backgrounds,
which become more similar the
more years each student spends
at a traditional university.. .
"The relative lack of maturity
and academic experience of under-
graduates would also reduce the
profundity of the crosscultural
confrontation, even though per-
sonally the younger students would
be more impressionable and flex-
ible than graduate and postgrad-
uate students."
THE UNIVERSITY would be
housed, in many cases, in a center

erments, tuitions, and academic
associations.
Zweig adds. "a tithing contri-
bution from 'national armaments
budgets could also be explored."
And above all is the problem of
political control, both the explicit
controls of the nations supporting
the world university and the im-
plicit entrols exerted by the stu-
dents, faculty and administrators
who would comprise it.
ZWEIG OFFERS several ex-
amples and models, and an ap-
pendix of related sources of in-
formation. HaroldsTaylor who
edited the book, established such
an experimental project on Long
Island, New York in 1963 as part
of his study. An article by Taylor
and some information provided by
Zweig on this project provides a
comprehensive and powerful ex-
ample of how the idea can and has
been implemented and tested.
"The Idea of a World Univer-
sity," is a source book on the sub
ject, not a polemic or a philos-
ophy. At a time when the Univer-
sity faces the same problems which
comlicate the ide of the world

I

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