Seventy-Sixth Year
ED EDD AND MANAGED BY STUDENTS OF THE UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN
-- UNDER AUTHORITY OF BOARD m CONTROL OF STUDENT PUBLICATIONS
Where Opinions Are Free,
Truth Will Prevail 40 MAYNARD ST., ANN ARBOR, MICH. NEWS PHONE: 764-0552
The Michigan Daily is managed, written and edited by students at The University of
Michigan. Articles and editorial opinions appearing in The Daily are those of the indi-
vidual writers or the editors, and do not represent the views of the University or any of
its official representatives. This must be noted in all reprints.
WEDNESDAY, FEBRUARY 1, 1967 NIGHT EDITOR: ROGER RAPOPORT
Feb. 1: The President's Commission?
Eligible Students:
Register To Vote!
By LEONARD PRATT
Associate Managing Editor
"HELL MAN, we're tired! If you
have got any ideas why don't
you tell Student Government
Council about them during Con-
stituents' Time."
The campus, two months after
the Movement.
I'm not sure why one of the
originators of November's "student
power" agitation are talking that
way now, when the Movement's
only result-President Hatcher's
commission on University decision-
making-is in its crucial formative
stages.
One thing I am sure of, though
-he's speaking for a lot of peo-
ple. Two meetings into the se-
mester and SGC, for example, has
done little but clean up the loose
ends from December. Nor does it
look like much more than that
can be expected from it.
SO WHERE does that leave the
President's commission? Danger-
ously out in the cold, ignored by
everyone on campus who could
either supply it with ideas or help
press its final recommendations on
the Regents.
The commission itself may well
not realize its isolation. In their
private meeting with President
Hatcher last week student mem-
bers were passively given carte
blanche to propose revisions in the
University's decision-making proc-
ess and guaranteed that their pro-
posals would go straight to the
Regents.
This is talk guaranteed to re-
assure people unsure of their au-
thority.
BUT THE COMMISSION should
not be deceived about its influ-
ence. It has none.
What the President says to it is
meaningless, not because he is in-
sincere but because he won't be
around when its members start
coming out with their proposals.
It's no skin off his nose if the
commission proposes to burn this
place down. He won't be the one
to have to call the fire trucks.
Instead, the commission's pro-
posals will be faced with a gaunt-
let far different from that sketch-
ed for them by President Hatcher.
They will be faced by eight
Regents who will take a lot of
convincing before allowing any
formal changes in the campus
power structure.
THEY WILL BE faced with an
administration headed by a man
unsure of his political position on
campus and composed of vice-pres-'
idents who will be quite unsure of
their jobs.
This does not necessarily argue
for the doom of the commission's
proposals, but the caution it will
lead to could easily do them in.
Unless the campus changes rad-
ically, they will be faced with a
faculty and student body disinter-
ested in their work and split over
its meaning.
The commission's proposals,
therefore, could easily suffer the
fate of last fall's Knauss Report,
requesting greater faculty and stu-
dent participation in University
government. President Hatcher
himself brushed off the report by
noting that "the administration
didn't have anything to do with
it."
No matter what the commission
recommends the proposals are
bound to ask the administration
to stop trying to be the last word
in campus affairs.
That admission didn't come with
the Knauss Report or with any of
the many other similar reports of
the past years asking for an in-
creased faculty and student voice
in campus government. Men with
power just don't like to share it.
THERE IS, of course, one way
for the commission to make itself
felt on campus. Essentially it's
going to have to twist some arms.
The members of the commission
have got to realize that only half
their job will be done if they
merely present a series of well-
considered recommendations to the
Regents. In addition, they must as-
sure those recommendations some
sort of lease on life. They've got
to play politics.
In order to do that the commis-
sion needs what all political bod-.
ies need: some base of power.
Without this to back up their rec-
ommendations, the proposals will
be so much shouting in the wind,
THIS POWER lies with the same
people whose frustration forced
President Hatcher to create the
commission in the first place, the
University's faculty and students.
Thus, the commission must in-
volve as many campus groups as
possible in the creation and pres-
entation of its recommendations.
There's several ways to go about
this. Periodic all-campus meetings,
frequent conferences with SGC
and the Faculty Assembly, publi-
cation of position papers either
privately or in The Daily or fac-
ulty-student referenda on touchy
questions all can be used.
The commission has been and
will be urged to operate in secret.
The campus can afford to have
it do anything but.
THE COMMISSION'S final pro-
posals should be as much the prod-
uct of individuals outside the group
as within it.
That's the only way the weight
of campus opinion can be united
behind the recommendations, and
such a unification is the only
means of preserving the recom-
mendations in anything like their
intended form.
I1
ALL ELIGIBLE UNIVERSITY students
should register for the Ann Arbor City
Council elections this spring.
The registration process will probably
not be easy for those who pass the resi-
dence requirements. Several years of frus-
tration on the part of Student Govern-
ment Council, the Student Housing Agen-
cy and various pro-student populations
have shown that convincing the city's
clerks to add another name to the voter
rolls is tedious and time consuming proc-
ess.
But there are several very good reasons
why every eligible student should put up
with the process in order to vote in the
upcoming election.
THE UNIVERSITY'S symbiotic relation-
ship with the city over the years has
worked to the mutual advantage of the
community fathers and the University
power structure and to the disadvantage
of the students.
Because most of them are transients,
because most of them have neither the
requirements of residence nor the in-
clination to participate in community gov-
ernment and because the economic con-
trol over student life by the city and
University is too diffuse for individual ac-
tion to be effective, students previously
have not had reasons nor opportunities
to make their desires heard.
Now, however, the opportunity to make
the student ballot really count has arriv-
ed with the candidacy of Gerald Dupont,
'67L, for council seat in the Second Ward.
The Second Ward is predominantly stu-
dent-populated, but apathy could put a
pathetic end to his bid to represent stu-
dent interests to the city.
REGISTRATION opens Feb. 21 and closes
March 6. During the two weeks every
eligible student should make the effort
to go down to City Hall and register.
-DAVID KNOKE
Redefining the Federal-State Relationship
The Costly Air War
AS THE CONGRESS comes back
to work there is wide agree-
ment that there should be a pause
and a re-examination of the great
collection of welfare measures
which, first enacted by the New
Deal under Franklin Roosevelt,
have been immensely expanded
under John Kennedy and Lyndon
Johnson.
The compelling reason for this
pause is not that the country can-
not afford to proceed with its good
works because of the swelling costs
of the war in Vietnam. The com-
pelling reason is that, quite apart
from Vietnam, the country, not
merely the conservative right wing,
is disappointed and unhappy about
many aspects of the welfare pro-
gram.
The pause is necessary because
the complex of welfare measures
has become unmanageable. "There
are now," said Rep. Gerald Ford
the other day, "over 400 federal
aid appropriations for 170 separ-
ate aid programs administered by
a total of 21 federal departments
and agencies, 150 Washington bu-
reaus and 400 regional offices, each
with its own way of passing out
federal tax dollars."
IT IS HARD to believe that this
administrative thicket can be
pruned item by item. As a result
there is a mounting demand for
some kind of drastic change-for
a reform which will reduce the
role of Washington in the admin-
istration of the civilian affairs of
this country.
Since virtually no one wishes to
eliminate the services which these
great federal measures are sup-
3osed to provide, a search is on
for ways of dispersing the obli-
gations among the states and the
localities.
No one wishes to stand up and
say that he is opposed to schools,
hospitals, aid to the -poor and the
like. But there is a wide revulsion
against the expanding and heavy-
handed role played by the federal
government.
Thus, in the past two years,
grants to the states and locali-
ties for specific programs have
increased 35 per cent. They are
now $15 billion in this fiscal year.
With the legislation already on
the books, and without any new
projects, the amount of federal
money paid out to the states and
localities will rise to about $30
billion in 1975.
THE ONLY alternative to ad-
ministering welfare through vari-
ous federal, bureaucracies is to
To a
a n
'Tomorrow
By WALTER LIPPMANN
OUR DAILY air attacks on Vietnam may
be more trouble than their worth.
For one thing, worthwhile targets are
scarce. Secondly, the attacks have been
costly in terms of men and materials.
Accidents are frequent. And there is little
substantial evidence that the bombing
missions can bring the war to a halt any
sooner.
A U.S. pilot underscored the problem
recently in Aviation Week and Space
Technology.
He reported that pilots are repeatedly,
risking their lives and $2.5 million air-
craft for such marginal targets as 12
foot dugout canoes, foot bridges and
mules.
Often a pinpoint bombing raid will only
merely knock out a bridge that costs the
enemy an afternoon of tree chopping to
replace. The mules are worth perhaps a
$100. And sampans come cheap in North
Vietnam.
MOREOVER, THE COST in aircraft loss-
es is soaring. Military officials report
that 618 combat-type aircraft have been
shot down in the war. And for the first
time yesterday officials admitted that
they have not been reporting full totals
on the number of supporting aircraft
shot down.
They indicated that at least 38 addi-
tional "fixed-wing" aircraft have been
shot down during the war. The Pentagon
considers the total number of planes shot
down a "classified" matter.
ANOTHER BIG PROBLEM with air raids
in any war--and especially this one-
is misfires. As part of a new improved
Mekong Delta offensive the U.S. is esca-
lating its "firefly" helicopter raids.
This tactic, used for night operations,
employs one helicopter equipped with a
powerful searchlight and two gunships, to
rain fire on enemy boats.
During a raid Sunday near Phuhuu the
gunners accidentally opened fire on Viet-
namese civilians, killing 31 and wounding
38 others. More than 40 American serv-
icemen gave blood to the wounded after
they were evacuated to a hospital in
Cantho.
Finally, there is little evidence from the
North that the 150 missions flown daily
have brought us closer to our objective.
Since we began bombing in February,
1965, North Vietnamese troop infiltration
has increased from an estimated 4500 a
month to the current 7000 per month.
WHAT ALL THIS MAY suggest is that
the bombing is not the answer to the
Vietnam problem.
The targets are too trivial, the costs
too high, the accidents too frequent, and
the strategic value too dubious to make
the air war the best path to either vic-
tory or peace.
--ROGER RAPOPORT
transfer many of the functions to
the states and localities.
However, there is an obvious
difficulty here. It is that the states
and localities, relying' largely on
property taxes and sales taxes.
are not nearly so well able to
raise revenue as is the federal
government with its corporate and
personal income taxes. This is not,
however, an insurmountable diffi-
culty.
There are ways and means of
overcoming the disparity in reve-
nue, and there are at least two
alternative plans already under
discussion.
ONE PLAN has been proposed
by Walter Heller. It would have
the federal government set aside
and distribute to the states with-
out conditions a percentage of the
federal income tax base, say one
per cent or two per cent.
This would provide them with
something between $3 and $5 bil-
lion a year, a substantial contribu-
tion which would give them much
greater fiscal independence.
Another device would enlarge
the federal tax credit for state
income taxes. One of the merits
of this approach to the problem is
that the states and localities which
spend the increased revenue would
retain the responsibility for col-
lecting it.
They would not be under the
temptation which would arise if
they could spend money while the
federal government had to raise it.
IT SEEMS PROBABLE that
some scheme for sharing federal
revenues with the states will be
adopted, if not in this session of
Congress, then later on. It will do
much to remedy the imbalance
arising from the fiscal power of
the federal government and the
comparative weakness of the state
governments.
But the federal government will,
In any event, no matter what fac-
tion of which party controls it,
continue to play a very large, in-
deed an expanding role in the na-
tion's life.
The re-examination of these fed-
eral laws cannot be done once and
for all. It will have to be a con-
tinuing task, and it will need to
be based on a more refined and
accurate analysis than individual
politicians and voters are compe-
tent to make.
TO MEET this need, a leading
specialist in urban affairs, Prof.
Daniel P. Moynihan, has suggested
that "Congress might now estab-
lish an office of legislative evalua-
tion which would have the task
of systematically evaluating the
results of the social and economic
programs enacted by it and paid
for it out of public monies.
"Such an office would be estab-
lished as a separate agency, or it
could be located in the Library of
Congress or the General Account-
ing Office. But the essential fea-
ture must be that it will be staffed
by professional social scientists
who will routinely assess the re-
sults of government programs in
the same manner that the Gen-
eral Accounting Office routinely
audits them."
Such an agency would help
equip us for that re-examination
which is so much needed.
(c),1967, The washington Post Co.
I
at
Letters: Hamilton Critical of Police Editorial
Exams for the Examined
WITH THE FIRST TESTS of the tri-
mester rapidly approaching, Ed
Schwartz, vice-president of the National
Student Association, proposes a new rhe-
torical pasttime: "Exams for the Exam-
ined."
The Hubert Humphrey exam: You start
off with an original thesis, but end by
repeating the lectures verbatim.
The Bob Dylan exam: Good answers, but
you can't read the handwriting.
The William Manchester exam: You
have to cross out half the essay.
THE WARREN COMMISSION exam:
Convincing at first glance, but 'tends
to fall apart on second reading.
The Stokely Carmichael exam: Most of
the class flunks.
The George Hamilton III exam: You
flunk the exam, but get an "A" in the
course.
The Adam Clayton Powell exam: You
get caught cheating.
The Time Magazine exam: Your style
Is entertaining, but your content is dis-
torted.
The Cassius Clay exam: You get side-
The Daily is a member of the Associated Press and
Collegiate Press Service.
tracked by answers which have nothing
to do with the course.
The Ronald Reagan exam:, The same
exam given in two different courses.
The Dean Rusk exam: You repeat the
same answers over and over again.
The Robert Kennedy exam: Pretty good,
but not nearly as good as the last one.
The Johnny Carson exam: The profes-
sor interrupts you every 10 minutes for
further instructions.
THE GEORGE ROMNEY exam: You de-
cline to answer the most difficult
questions.
The Students for a Democratic Society
exam: You attack the professor's sex life.
The Bill Moyers exam: You shoot your
bolt on the first two questions and leave
early.
The Marshall McLuhan exam: Returned
with a large question mark.
The LSD exam: You take 12 hours to
finish it and two days to recuperate.
The New York City exam: You can't
pull any of your answers together.
The Charles de Gaulle exam: You an-
nounce to the class that you don't want
to take it.
The George Wallace exam: Your girl-
friend takes it for you.
The Berkeley exam: You rip up the
paper three times and try to start again.
The draft exam: You try to cut the
class.
THE MARTIN LUTHER KING exam:
To the Editor:
BECAUSE I HAVE no desire for
notoriety, I asked that my name
not be used by Mr. Rapoport in a
news article he wrote fdr Satur-
day's edition concerning a tele-
phone call I made to police Lieu-
tenant Staudenmeier concerning
the Cinema Guild's presentation of
last Wednesday. Thearticle, inso-
far as it refers to me, is correct.
However, the editorial publish-
ed in the same edition and ap-
parently referring to the same
person written about in the news
article makes unwarranted as-
sumption and false statements.
First, I did not ask Lieutenant
Staudenmeier not to attend the
Cinema Guild presentation.
SECOND, the Ann Arbor police
were not and are not, to my knowl-
edge, willing to waive their con-
cern for the law in this case or
any other. No such impression was
given me by the police or by me to
Mr. Rapoport.
Third, my phone call was not a
matter of being "willing to break
with tradition to keep the police
off campus." As a University re-
lations staff member I was inter-
ested in determining what might
occur and what the public reac-
tion might be. The call to Lieu-
tenant Staudenmeier was one of
several I made in this connection.
I try to cooperate with The
Daily both as a University rela-
tions staff member and as an in-
dividual whose profession is jour-
nalism. The effort often produces
pain.
I continue to try on the as-
sumption that student journalism
of the sort in question is caused
by inexperience and immaturity
which cannot be avoided. But I
do wish you would try harder.
-Jack H. Hamilton
Assistant to Vice-President
for University Relations
Drug Fad
To the Editor:
THE MASS ARRESTS at the
Artists' Workshop Society in
Detroit, and the consequent waste
of much talent, and even of youth-
ful idealism, inspires reflection
upon the drug fad. Young people
who use drugs as a means of es-
cape from social pressures make a
bad bargain.
I am not talking about the le-
gal implications. If there is a
conflict between law and serious
moral purpose, certainly the le-
gality of an act cannot be the
INTELLIGENCE is the constant
interaction between reason and
emotional intuition. The absence
of one or the other results in a
monster. Since the cold, detached,
unemotional thinking - machirie
bursting with data is an all too
familiar monster, let's talk about
the other kind. The drug user's
unconscious is laid out on the ta-
ble, for any passerby to write on.
He allows himself to be used
for any purpose, and has only a
minimal control over his action,
or even his thoughts. One can say
that this is also true of the social-
ized.
But why swap one form of
slavery for another? The drug user
disassociates acts from their con-
sequences.
The most dramatic example of
this is a young man who, behind
LSD and a few other' things, de-
cided that he was indestructible
and shot himself in the head.
I heard the story from the per-
son who cleaned up bits of his
brains and skull from the walls
and ceiling. What happened at the
Artists' Workshop Society is a
broader manifestation of the same
kind of thinking, although per-
haps less dramatic.
I HAVE HEARD it argued that
musicians have to use pot in or-
der to improve their hearing. I be-
lieve that any musician who can-
not hear without pot should stop
trying to fool himself and the pub-
lic and go sell shoes.
I have also heard it argued that
alcohol and nicotine are worse
than pot. Maybe so. I won't argue
about the relative merits of dif-
ferent kinds of poison. I'm against
poison.
The search for wisdom and crea-
tivity on a silver platter, in the
form of a pill, is a manifestation
of the pathology of the privileged.
A handful of drug users have been
great. The rest have been junkies
who died young after having wast-
ed their lives.
It's not easy to maintain one's
integrity in the face of social pres-
sures. It is a slow process, whereby
you make the right choices, day
after day, year after year, espe-
cially when you mass the age when
it is fashionable to be a young reb-
el.
YOU DEVELOP your mind, your
critical faculties as well as your
emotions, your perceptions, your
awareness. You strive to develop a
keen sense of reality so you don't
follow every pied piper with a
New York Times, and it quotes
University of California biophysi-
cist Alexander Grendon thus:
"The Free Society Movement
has always applied coercion to
insure victory. One party 'de-
mocracy,' as in the Communist
countries or the lily-white por-
tions of the South, corrects op-
ponents of the party line by pun-
ishment. The punishment of the
recalcitrant university adminis-
tration (and more than 20,000
students who avoided participa-
tion in the conflict) was to
'bring the university to a grind-
ing halt' by physical force.
"To capitulate to such cor-
ruption of democracy is to teach
students that these methods are
right. President Kerr capitulat-
ed repeatedly."
Kerr might fit into your plans
nicely as president of the Univer-
sity of Michigan. But do you sup-
pose he really knows why?
Some 200,000 Michigan alumni
worldwide, plus the citizens of the
state of Michigan, have rights of
ownership in the University which
transcend the chronic negativism
of The Daily and a noisy minority
of students.
IN ADDITION to the fact that
you abuse your editorial power to
the University's detriment, you are
old enough to know that anarchy
doesn't work. You encourage an-
archy by your slanted coverage of
what's happening. In your news
columns, the University adminis;
tration, the police, and anyone else
who differs with you are invari-
ably the Bad Guys.
As an ex-journalist I wonder
whether you aren't seeing just how
far you can push it before restric-
tion is reluctantly applied - so
you can bleat about "freedom of
the press." Until recently I've felt
that the Daily should continue to
enjoy the hands-off treatment it
always has received.
But when you condone-perhaps
encourage - unwarranted mass
meetings and the puerile public use
of gutter language (written and
shouted), you alienate fair-minded
liberal-thinking- people everywhere.
Freedom is not license. Can't you
be persuaded to pass puberty?
-Whit Hillyer, '32
Evanston, Ill.
California
To the Editor:
HE FOLLOWING is a copy of
a letter I have sent to Gradu-
ate Admissions Office of UCLA:
On Jan. 7, 1967, I applied for
admission to the graduate division
of the mathematics department
which is sponsoring the special
logic year in 1967-1968.
I also applied for a graduate
fellowship or assistantship. I new
feel that it is impossible for me
to enter any of the University of
California campus locations.
I BELIEVE that in order for a
university to achieve and'maintain
the general level of excellence
that your university has shown in
the past it is essential that politi-
cians take a "hands off" attitude
toward the functioning of the uni-
versity, for otherwise academic
freedom, and with it the freedom
of inquiry, suffers.
Unfortunately Governor Reagan
has shown that he is incapable of
staying out of university affairs.
When his budget proposal was
released I was hopeful that Rea-
;an's surprisingly low university
expenditure was based merely on
his lack of knowledge of both the
complexity and expense needed to
maintain a great university.
HOWEVER, with the firing of
Clark Kerr, I am now convinced
that Ronald Reagan is going to
attempt to continue to meddle in
university affairs.
I find this situation intolerable,
not only as a possible University
of California student, but as a
future member of the academic
community. Therefore, I would ap-
preciate ,it if you would disregard
my application and refund by $10
application fee.
-Stanley H. Stahl, Grad
Loyalty
To the Editor:
WITH REFERENCE to the re-
cent article written by Mr.
Firshein (Jan. 27) I wish to clar-
ify the fact that there are those
who are proud and pleased to
"pledge allegiance" to our country
by signing the loyalty oath as
required for new staff and faculty
at the University of Michigan.
It would seem that more people
should take the positive approach
and consider this the great priv-
ilege it is . . . to affirm our belief
in and loyalty to the United States
of America.
The trend seems to be on the
negative approach wherein there is
concern that one is subversive and
disloyal if asked to sign the oath.
-Bernita J. Knott
Canned
To the Editor:
IF MR. MAYO (Review, Jan. 27)
would take the time to learn
correct critiquing procedures, or if
he knew anything at all about
Robert Flaherty and his documen-
tary, this trite, sophomoric and
inane review would never have
p
It-' I 1 11,11 ll ', A , M ,717RIN =I. I