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April 06, 1966 - Image 4

Resource type:
Text
Publication:
The Michigan Daily, 1966-04-06

Disclaimer: Computer generated plain text may have errors. Read more about this.

Seventy-Sixth Year
EDITED AND MANAGED BY STUDENTS OF THE UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN
UNDER AUTHORITY OF BOARD IN CONTROL OF STUDENT PUBLICATIONS

April6:I'm Glad You relVotin Control

s Are Free. 420 MAYNARD ST., ANN ARBOR, MICH.
Prevail

NEWS PHONE: 764-0552

Editorials printed in The Michigan Daily express the inidividual opinions of staff writers
or the editors. This must be noted in all reprints.

WEDNESDAY, APRIL 6,1966'

NIGHT EDITOR: ROBERT KLIVANS

Recent Campaign Work
Proves SGC's Effectiveness

STUDENT GOVERNMENT Council took
a decisive step in asserting itself as the
voice of the student body Thursday night
when it endorsed Dean Douthat, for Ann
Arbor City Council from the Second Ward.
Although Douthat was unsuccessful in his
election bid against Republican James
Riecker, the action taken by SGC re-
mains significant."
In a unanimous resolution, SGC strong-
ly urged University students registered to
vote in the Ann Arbor election to support
Douthat as the candidate most aware of.
and sympathetic to student housing needs.
IN THIS AREA of vital concern to all
students, the Student Housing Asso-
ciation of SGC has worked long and hard
over the past two months with both the
University and the city to find out exact-
ly where the problems lie and to suggest
definite workable solutions.
The culmination of SHA's work with
planners, architects, professors, gradu-
ates and undergraduates was released
last week in the form of an "Integrated
City-University Housing Proposal," which
is "aimed at setting up guidelines for the
future housing growth of the University."
The proposal was termed "preliminary"
and a "set of guidelines," and dealt with
immediate, short range, and long range
goals for Ann Arbor housing as related to
students.
This proposal was presented to Ann Ar-
bor City Council last week and to Coun-
cil candidates in a specially arranged pub-
lic interview. At the interview, SHA thor-
oughly questioned all the candidates
-about their opinions on the housing prob-
lem and its relation to the city, and sug-
gested solutions to it.
ONLY AFTER THIS intensive, detailed
and thorough study of the housing
problem, possible solutions and the Coun-
Acting Editorial Staff
MARK R. KILLINGSWORTH, Editor
BRUCE WASSERSTEIN, Executive Editor,

cil candidates' opinions, did SGC through
SHA decide to endorse Douthat. This
was not a hasty or rash attempt to tell
voters whom SGC liked, but a decision
based on accumulated facts and evidence
showing that Douthat would be the can-
didate likely to best represent student
needs and desires on the Ann Arbor City
Council.
Working under the theory that Univer-
sity students are also citizens of the Ann
Arbor community, SHA sponsored a mas-
sive registration drive in an attempt to
urge eligible students to register to vote.
This is the only way students can exert a
direct influence on the city government
and have a voice in legislation which will
affect students as Ann Arbor citizens.
In the voter registration drive and the
decision to openly endorse a City Council
candidate, SGC has shown its willingness
to work and take a definite stand for
what it thinks is right and best for the
students it represents. Housing is a prob-
lem with which all students are immedi-
ately concerned and an area in which
SGC should show a strong interest.
THE WORK of the past two months,
climaxed by Douthat's endorsement,
Is proof that SGC can be more than a
stage for amateur campus politicians. Ir-
regardless of the fact that Douthat lost,
it is concrete proof of SGC's concern for
student problems, and of the potential it
has to take well-researched positive ac-
tion to make SGC an influential and ef-
fective voice for the students in dealing
with these problems.
-SUSAN SCHNEPP
The Great
Blacko&-ut
WHEN THE POWER went off in New
York last fall, the city was thrown
into havoc and its inhabitants were irri-
tated. When the power went off in the
dormitories yesterday, West Quad was also
without light, but the students living
there enjoyed it.
It seemed like there would be fun when
the sun went down. "Think how cool it will
be to go around scaring guys out of their
minds when the lights are off." "Go over
to the girls dorms; what do you think
will happen there?" But before people got
done thinking about the good times they
were going to have, the power came back
on, and then they were irritated.
WHAT DOES THIS incident say for the
University, an institution that is sup-
posed to challenge students with new
ideas, a place that should be intellectual-
ly, exciting all the time?
IT SAYS THAT maybe it isn't that ex-
citing, and the students might be bored
with what they normally do. It is sad to
think that the most exciting event of the
college semester could have been the re-
sult of a blown fuse.
-ANDY SACKS

By LEONARD. PRATT
Acting Associate Managing Editor
"IF YOU PEOPLE really think
what the public opinion polls
say you do, then I thank God
you're not in control of foreign
policy!"
"The Clausewitzian theory of
politics has been outmoded for
20 years."
THUS THE "Emergency Con-
ference" on China's panel discus-
sion.
In fact, the participants' opin-
ions were probably not as polariz-
ed, nor all their discussions as
pointless, as that exchange would
have implied. For the exchanges
often illustrated less differences in
opinion about China than they
did differences in approaches to
foreign policy and foreign nations
in general. Those differences were
certainly not eased by the debate-
oriented situation and the person-
alities involved.
The audience -seemed to get the
right idea: clapping was often
awarded as much for the verbal
swordplay involved as for the es-
sence of the statements made.
Applause for both "sides"--the
power politics side represented by
Profs. A. F. K. Organski and
Richard Solomon, or the more
apolitical side iepresented by
Profs. Owen Lattimore and Anatol
Rapoport and Felix Greene-ought
to be symbolic of the fact that
there was some merit in the com-

ments and approaches of each to
the issues surrounding China.
QUESTIONS relating to China
involve nothing, if they do not
involve issues of international
power and diplomacy. Taiwan,
Japan, Viet Nam, Thailand and a
great number of other countries
cannot be discussed without con-
sidering the power and influence
China has over them simply by
virtue of her existence.
On the other hand, issues of
international power are fairly ir-
relevant to China in many cases.
Admission of China to the United
Nations, trade in many commodi-
ties with her, exchanges of citizens,
are all less issues of power politics
than they are simple matters of
nations' communications with one
another.
THE CONFUSING, and the sig-
nificant, element of these two sets
of issues is their interrelationships.
For the apolitical ones-recogni-
tion, trade or exchanges-can pro-
foundly affect the political; liber-
alizations in the apolitical areas
could be directly related to easing
tensions in' the power politics
areas.
B u t t h e interrelationships
should not confuse anyone, for
they do not blur the policy lines
but rather sharpen them. The
essential question is still one of
deciding which of the two policy
frameworks-the political or the

apolitical-is relevant to a parti-
cular decision.
CONTAINMENT ARGUMENTS
provide an excellent illustration
of this case. Containment in the
power politics sense is a very
reasonable philosophy. The North
Atlantic Treaty Organization
worked. It is difficult to argue
with success.
Yet there are certain things
which, as Morton Fried pointed
out, cannot by their very nature
be contained. Principal among
them, in relation to China, are
nationalism and the "revolution
of rising expectations." Matters of
obvious fact, such as the Com-
munist government's legitimacy
in the eyes of its people, are also
not containable.
Thus it is not enough to say
we should or should not "con-
tain" China. The real question in-
volved is toward what aspects of
the Chinese government's beha-
vior containment can and should
be employed. Containment, and
the frame of reference in which
it is applicable, is a tool, but not
a universal one; like any tool, it
must be used discriminately.
IT THUS IS foolish to suggest
any one solution to the varied
problems of our relations with
China. It is, however, reasonable
to balance the two attitudes off
against one another, t consider
which is most applicable to the

present conditions of American
relations with China. On this basis,
the conceptual framework that is
most applicable is that which was
offered by the apolitical panel-
Lattimore, Rapoport and Greene
-in Sunday's discussion.
For American relations with
China today are not in such a
condition that power polites can
realistically be played with her.
Such politics require a certain
agreement about the nature of
the world between the nations
involved-agreement about the
raison d'etre of nation states, the
origins of political authority and
the desirable arrangement of world
power. In short, the nations in-
volved must speak the same lan-
guage.
But far from speaking the same
language as China, the United
States is currently not even talking
to her. When the government of
one nation makes a statement,
the government of the other in-
variably misunderstands it; actions
have far from their calculated
results, as both countries are
learning in Viet Nam. Power poli-
tics are simply not the relevant
tool.
ON THE OTHER HAND, the
immediate policy prekcrlptions of
the Lattimore - Rapoport - Greene
panel are applicable to the present
conditions of American-Chinese
relations-relations which are

better described as nonexistent.
Their policies would aim at es-
tablishing those relations, at ar-
ranging that common understand-
ing of the other's goals which will
permit normal interstate relations
to operate.
The use of international power
relationships between the U.S. and
China is presently failing. All that
makes American policy a tempor-
ary success is the inordinate
amount of military power behind
it. Yet it must be evident that
fear and coercion are not efficient
long-term means of maintaining
relations between nations. Present
relations are thus unstable in the
short run and untenable in the
long, all because America has tried
to apply to China those same
rules of conduct and evaluation
that she applies to -France or
Italy. Viet Nam is testimony to
the impossibility of trying to apply
European policies to China today.
HARD-HEADED REALISM is
surely the only rule for the con-
duct of a nation's foreign policy;
it is a rule which America has
often forgotten. But it must not
be confused with generalizations
about countries' natures mas-
querading in the guise of that
realism.
In short, realism must not de-
feat itself. Strength and power are
one thing, but the consummate
wisdom of power's use is discre-
tion and an awareness of the
actual results of its application.

0 ,

'F

LETTERS TO THE EDITOR:

is rael:

Trrlhe

Other Side of Exodus

CLARENCE FANTO
Managing Editor

HARVEY WASSERMAN
Editorial Director

To the Editor:
BY "The Other Side of Exodus,"
I don't intend to dissect the
novel itself. Rather, I choose the
book Exodus for its ideas along
with the Israeli arguments in sup-
port of the State of Israel, and
I intend to challenge these argu-
ments and ideas. There are two
sides to the "Other Side of
Exodus."
One other side of Exodus is that
of the Jewish non-Zionists. You
have the opinion of one of their
writers. The second other side of
Exodus is that of the Arabs. This
I shall talk about.
I HAVE TO ADMIT at the out-
set, that after five years of in-
vestigation and discussion of this
problem, I am truly baffled by
its complexity and am at a loss to
recognize any mutually agreeable
solutions.
I do, however,' strongly recog-
nize that an essential part of
whatever solution is made must
be preceded by an awareness of
the view of both sides of this
conflict. That Is why I am writing
this. I will present the not often
heard Arab arguments in one to
one correspondence, to the view-
points claimed in Exodus and by
the Zionist movement. By doing
this I will prove my third point,
i.e., the existence of a one-sided
representation of this conflict in
this country.
THE ARAB-ISRAELI conflict is
basically the result of the immi-
gration of Jews--mostly Europeans
-into Palestine against the will
of the Arab people, but with Brit-
ish and, later, American and other
Western support.
It should be made clear that the
conflict in Palestine is not between
Arabs and Jews, as commonly con-
sidered. It is a conflict between
the Arabs and otherdnon-Zionists
on the one hand and the Zionist
Jews and their supporters on the
other. There is a clear distinction
between the word Zionist and Ju-
daism. Zionism is a national poli-
tical movement whose objective is
to establish a developed Jewish
state in, Palestine. Judaism is a
monotheistic and humane religion.
I WILL NOW take the Zionist
arguments one by one and follow
them with a presentation of the
position of the Arabs and other

non-Zionists. It is up to you then
to examine and consider both sides.
1) ADVANCING a special theory
of historical "rights," the Zion-
ists' major premise is that Pales-
tine belongs to the Jews because
some 2,000 years ago the Jews used
to live in Palestine. As the Jews
have been living in "exile" during
these 2,000 years, they are en-
titled as a matter of historical
right to go "back home" to the
Promised Land.
There is no basis in law or logic
that would vest any group of
people with rights to other lands
on the grounds that some people
of the claimants religion or race
had captured and occupied that
land some 2,000 years earlier. On
this assumption, if the Red in-
dians try to claim America as
.their, then they have the right
to do so and displace you. An un-
acceptable condition indeed. So it
is with the Arabs.
2) THE JEWS were persecuted
and mistreated in Europe and were
in desperate need of a place of
their own. Palestine was such a
place.
Nazi crimes and European per-
secution were indeed bloodstains
on the conscience of humanity. We
read this vividly in Exodus and
many other .sources. But Leon
Uris and other Zionists singularly
fail to show, as it is impossible
to do so, that the persecutions
were Arab responsibilities. Now by
what right does the West clear
its conscience at the expense of
the Arabs?
If the West realized its wrongs
against the Jews and was willing
to reprimand that wrong, why did
not they give them the state of
Massachusetts? Or Texas? Then
there would have been no Arabs
to further bother the Zionists. Or
is it because Palestine is the
Promised Land? Then did not
the West have the responsibility
in that case to prevent further
injustices in seeking a solution?
3) THE ARGUMENT advanced
by the Zionists is that the Jews
can and did improve the land in
Palestine better than the Arabs,
with the implication that because
of this "knowhow," the Jews have,
sort of, more right to the land.
The Zionists also refer continuous-
ly to the backwardness of the
Arabs in contrast to Zionist

achievements; that the Israelis
can teach the Arabs and raise
the standard of living of the
Middle East.
The Zionists speak of having'
made a paradise out of the desert,
and this appeals greatly to the
Americans. Of course, when over
three billion dollars is poured into
a small portion of land over a
period of fifteen years, it should
bring about some change and im-
provements. The credit, at least
in part, for the Israelis are hard-
working people, should go to the
Americans, who have supplied the
funds, and to the Western Civiliza-
tion, which supplied the know-
how. The Israelis fail to give this
its due credit.
The argument is reminiscent of
Hitler's theory that Germany was
entitled to occupy Poland because
the Germans could improve Polish
agriculture, better than the Pots.
Or how would you Americans feel
if the Soviets could take over the
Appalacians and improve the lot
of the people and the land there
and then claim Appalacia as their
own for that reason? Or how do the
Viet Cong feel about the American
troops carrying doves of peace,
democracy, and prosperity?
In the same way, the Arabs re-
ject the idea, of foreigners coming
to Palestine against our will im-
proving the land and claiming that,
in virtue of that fact, the land
should henceforth belong to them.
4) THE ISRAELIS state that,
since Israel was accepted by the
UN, the Arabs should take this
into consideration and accept
them as a state.
I hope this will not come as a
shock, but the Arabs don't regard
the UN as a land giver. Even if
Israel was admitted as a state in
the UN, under tremendous pres-
sure from the White Houserand
the West, that. does not really
justify its validity. The U.S. does
not recognize Red China and hin-
ders its admittance to the UN.
Does that mean that Red China
is not a state?
5) LET ME QUOTE Mr. Aaron
Dworin from his editorial last
Friday. "During Israel's war for

independence, :Israel asked the
Palestine Arabs to remain in Is-
rael and build the country to-
gether wifth the Jews. The half
million who left did (not do) so
out of their own free will. There-
fore, the refugee situation is the
fault of the refugees themselves."
Then he goes on to describe the
cruelty of the Arab leaders in
keeping the refugees as "a pawn to
discredit Israel," and not resettling
them.
The Arabs, and for that matter
any other people, do not think it
favorable that foreigners from all
over the world should come to our
land and give us a choice to stay
and help them build a foreign
state on our soil or leave. Further-
more, there was no such choice.
The only choice that the refugees
had was to stay and face terrorism
by organized armed bands or to
leave.
Now, if Israel is so anxious to,
have the Palestanian Arabs help
Israel build herself, why did not
and does not Israel abide by the
UN resolution since 1948 that asks
Israel to permit the refugees to
return to Palestine and do so?
"We have no place for them," they
say. Yet they strongly urge five
million other Jews in the world to'
come and join them in Israel.
NOW, DOES THE FACT that
the refugees left Palestine after
living in it for thirteen centuries,
deprive them of the right to their
land? Do the Cuban refugees in
Florida have no right to return
to Cuba because they left from
avowed pressure and terror? How
can a people that claimed for 2,000
years that it was exiled from a
piece of land and returned to that
land, refuse the inhabitants of than
land to return after their exile
and expect them to forget about
that land?
The Arab governments have
helped many refugees to resettle
in other Arab states. But the
point is that neither the Arab
governments nor the Arab people
can force the one million refugees
to resettle elsewhere. The refugees
themselves want to go back to
Palestine just as you would if you
were kicked out of your state

pointlessly and ruthlessly. The 95
million Arab people back the
refugees and intend to help them
do so.
7) FINALLY, the Israelis tell
us "Let bygones be bygones. Let's
forget about the past and go on
from here." They insist, as did
Ambassador Harman, that Israel
exists, it is there, "so let's make
the best of it."
I have explained in my previous
letter to the editor that in here
lies the present crux of the con-
flict and its stalemate. The Arabs
don't look at Israel as a convincing
fact, just as Red China is not to
the American government.
When the Arabs look at Israel,
they see their right of self deter.
mination waived aside. They see
their people expelled and helpless
to return, and they see the shadow
of the grim and not far off West-
ern imperialism and its ill deeds
among them : in Israel, in Algeria,
and in Southern Arabia in Aden.
The "advice"-"let's forget about
the past"-means in reality that
the Arabs should forget their
rights. This the Arabs will not do.
THIS IS the Arab side of Exodus.
Please don't get the impression
that I am insensitive and not
aware of the miseries, and hard-
ships of the Jewish people or their
desire to settle down. I am.
I decry the solution to the
Jewish problem, and I presented
the injustices that led to it. The
Arab peoples' rights have been
trampled upon, their land taken
and their people expelled. You
see now how and why the Arabs
acutely feel this problem. It is a
wonder, then, that they don't ac-
cept Israeli peace offers, but try
to bring forth and strongly de-
mand their rights?
-Imad Khadduri
Teaching Fellow
Department of Physics
LETTERS
All letters to The Daily must
be typewritten and double-
spaced, and should be no longer
than 300 words long.

4

JOHN MEREDITH......Associate Managing Editor
LEONARD PRATT........ Associate Managing Editor
BADWI!TE COHN........ ....Personnel Director
CHARLOTTE WOLTER .... Associate Editoral Director
ROBERT CARNEY.......Associate Editorial Director
ROBERT MOORE .................Magazine Editor
CHARLES VETZNER...... ..Sports Editor
JAMES LaSOVAGE..........Associate Sports Editor
JAMES TINDALL ............ Associate Sports Editoi
GIL SAMBERG.............. Assistant Sports Editor
Acting Business Staff
SUSAN PERLSTADT, Business Manager
JEFFREY LEEDS ........Associate Business Manager
HARRY BLOCH .............Advertising Manager
STEVEN LOEWENTHAL.... CirculationManager
ELIZABETH RHEIN............. Personnel Director
VICTOR PTASZNIK....... ... Finance Manager
ASSISTANT MANAGERS: Anne Bachman, Ken Kraus
Mike Steckelis, Amy Glasser, Gene Farber, Jeff
Maryann 'Vanderwerp, Bill Hunt, Steve Simmons
Brown. Carol Niemira, Beth Linscheid, Judy Blau..
Sue Benschop, Cathie Mackin, Rita Jo Rankin, Joan
Vanderwerp, Randy Rissman.
Subscriptinn rate- $4.50 semester ny carrier ($5 by
mall); $$ yearly by carrier ($9 by ma .
.Second class postage paid at Ann Arbor. Michx.

Of

Bacteria Deliria--wHealth Service

4

Schutze- Silence Is
Still Sometimes Golden

ANN ARBOR'S favorite ecumeni-
cal coffee house, the Ark, de-
cided a while ago to do some-
thing about civil rights. A benefit
for SNCC seemed as worthy as
any other sort of righteous civil
activity.
So last weekend, the Ark set
sail for a pleasure cruise across
the sea of Justice to the storied
ports of Human Understanding
and Worthy Sentiment. Saturday
night blew in with a cloud of
curious high school brats, vaguely
suspicious Methodist clergy, and
genuinely concerned sorority sis-
ters.
The Ark's darkened hold sagged
with the weight of so many phi-

He began his less than civil rite
by informing the members of the
audience of their own unworthi-
ness. He announced that there
was something wrong with anyone
who had to be lured with poetry
and folk rock in order to sympa-
thize with people in Alabama. The
audience sighed ("Oh, noble sav-
age"). He read a short poem about
vomit and broken pint bottles.
The audience gasped ("So hard,
so mean"). He told the audience
that he had fulfilled his obliga-
tion, and he left. The audience
stared after him in shock and
wonder ("He hates us, the stud").
DECIDING THAT Mr. Bronson
had no right to run away with

IF BOREDOM is tle vice of hie,
then the spice is added when
people try to overcome it.
Last week, I crept languidly into
the infirmary supported by mil-
lions of 4-legged little viruses with
octagon-shaped bodies and black
scaley backs. I felt sick, but smug;
afterall, I had surpassed mono-
I had tetra. Taking my place
among the rows of gaunt faces, I
immediately began to feel self-
conscious about my silence.
Everyone around me seemed to
be diverting themselves by com-
posing orchestral arrangements of
self-created noises. The boy with
hives on his ears was making
beautiful percussive sounds with
the tip of his tongue clacking
rhythmically against the roof of
his mouth; his eyes had an ecsatic
glaze in them and he looked
feverishly blissful.
THE RED SPLOTCHED young
thing next to him had her gaze

IN A NUTSHELL
By BETSY COHN
yet everyone was quite intent on
making ther own contributions.
Lucky for me, I finally developed
a resounding case of the hiccups.
Unfortunately, noise is not
enough to drown out imagaination
and I began to have grotesque
visions of the various germs mak-
ing a sinuous path to the center
of the room, huddling together in
a motley of chartreuse, blacks,
blues, sneers and sharp teeth
gloating and giggling sardonically
at their bleary-eyed victims.
SOMEHOW, no one seemed con-
cerned about them but me; the
rest were now preoccupied with
creating hand motions to accom-
pany their sounds. The magazines
had already been ripped to fine
shreds and upholstery had been

center of the room, rubbing their
cowlicked antannae together, mak-
ing plans ..
The doctor finally called me into
his office. After his regular rou-
tine of poking me, gagging me and
shining spotlights on my tonsils;
he complimented me on the ex-
cellent development of my tetra.
He then clapped his hands tri-
umphantly and told me that I
might; be surprised to"learn that
I had also developed a head cold
. . . (I could almost hear them
perform a victory dance right
there).
I TOLD HIM NO, I really wasn't
surprised at all.
Coercion
=T IS NOTHING SHORT of a
miracle that the modern meth-
ods of instruction have not yet
entirely strangled the holy curi-

V,

AjI' J M f i ill -IIvU iva a 1

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