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January 12, 1966 - Image 4

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Text
Publication:
The Michigan Daily, 1966-01-12

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Seventy-Sixth Year
EDITED AND MANAGFD BY STUDENTs OF THE UNI"FRSTTY OF MICHIGAN
.JNDER AUJ-TORMTY OF BOARD IN CONTROL of SThUDENT PUBLcATIONS

is Aft Free. 420 MAYNARD ST.. ANN APoR. MW,

Nrws PU-O F- 764-0552

Editorials printed in The Michigan Daily epress the individual opinions of staff writers
or the editors. This must be noted in all reprints.
WEDNESDAY, JANUARY 12, 1966 NIGHT EDITOR: CHARLOTTE A. WOLTER
cholarship at the University:
The Occasional Search

LAST AUGUST, during the orientation
period before the fall semester, Prof.
Otto Graf of the German department,
chairman of the Honors Council, ad-
dressed a group of freshmen in a resi-
dence hall lounge. Graf spoke earnestly,
and the freshmen that listened appeared
excited over the academic careers they
were about to begin.
Graf had a direct and unequivocable
message to those students. He said, "We
expect from you four years of scholar-
ship."
Months later, Graf's words still have
meaning and somehow seem to have been
perfectly suited to the spirit of that
moment. He did not talk of four years of
good grades, good attendance, good learn-
ing, hard work, or well-rounded studies.
He did not speak of education, or even
of degrees. "Scholarship" carried the
meaning of all these things, but implied
much more, perhaps devotion to the high-
est elements of academic pursuit at the
University.
Perhaps by expecting "four years of
scholarship" Graf meant four years spent
in academics worth remembering, as an
intrinsically valuable experience.
GRAF DID NOT THREATEN, nor did he
pander to the students before him.
Course
Eval uation
LAST YEAR'S course evaluation booklet
was not well accepted. It did not cover
enough courses and those courses cov-
ered were dealt with neither in depth
nor with effective frankness.
Blame it on the administrators if you
will, the fault essentially lies with those
who provided the basis for the booklet-
the people who fill out questionnaires.
This year is no different.
Of the 2400 course evaluation forms
handed out, only 600 have been returned.
What kind of booklet can be expected if
the response is so poor?
CRITICISM made in a worthwhile
course evaluations booklet can: a)
serve to steer people away from bad
courses; and b) offer concrete sugges-
tions to a teacher on how he can improve
his class. It only takes about 15 minutes
to fill out four of the forms and mail
them in. It takes a whole semester to sit
through a bad course.
The booklets have to be in by Friday.
If you didn't get one you can pick one up
at the Student Publications Bldg. Postage
is free.
Please send yours in. I've dropped four
courses already this semester. I'd like to
know what to take a little earlier next
time.
-HARVEY WASSERMAN

Perhaps they could sense from the un-
committed tone of Graf's voice, that their
four years of scholarship would be large-
ly an individual occupation.
Today, many months later, those same
students may be one semester into that
fouir years of scholarship. Or they may be
only so many hours of credit from a de-
gree.
It is possible that not very many others
at the University maintain the word
"scholarship" in an active vocabulary.
They may confuse scholarship with oc-
cupational training or some other time-
consumer at the University. And the stu-
dent may not recognize scholarship, even
when he has found it.
ONE SEMESTER completed, and what
could the student have found?
* That his classes force him to think,
organize, and record important informa-
tion, that he must understand the sys-
tems of a field of learning, and that he
comprehends both what he has mastered
and what he has not mastered in that
field.
0 That he is being forced to learn ma-
terial he should have learned in high
school, that he is preparing for college
in college by working in trivia, and thus
not involved in scholarship.
0 That he has been unable to find a
valid scholarship experience because of
the lack of meaningful courses.
SUCH WRITERS as Paul Goodman and
Mark Van Doren have expressed cha-
grin at the failure of the American col-
lege system to concentrate on scholar-
ship. They would recommend such meas-
ures as curricular change and decreased
or postponed enrollments to improve con-
ditions. However, while they are pre-
occupied with gross maneuvering, they
too avoid the problem of ascertaining
what scholarship ls.
Scholarship, like patriotism or piety,
appears to be the type of sweeping ideal
that should be understood by all who are
involved with it. But perhaps it is not.
The definition of scholarship should be
discussed on the first day of each semes-
ter, when the attendance is checked,
the syllabus distributed, the grading sys-
tem explained. Professors, instructors and
students must determine what scholar-
ship is in their respective lives and ca-
reers before they can experience it, or do
whatever one does to be involved in schol-
arship.
It is one semester since Graf spoke of
four years of scholarship to a group of
freshmen ,and the word may not have
been used since.
jT IS THE SECOND SEMESTER in the
continuing story of how 30,000 students
search for scholarship in a small college
town in lower Michigan
-NEAL BRUSS

ANew
quickly
THIS UNIVERSITY is about to have na
embark on what tradition says attempts
will be a disorganized and often more t.
scandalously inept process - the takersf
selection of a new president. those wh
Chances are little better than ing a pi
one in fifty that the result will in onel
be much of a success. and sub
As one representative at the sources.
October American Council on Ed- in short
ucation meeting in Washington ducing1
said, "You can count the great cation,
university presidents in this coun- level.
try on the fingers of one hand."
Some few presidents have put UNTI
together pretty good records at such lea
their institutions. Pusey at Har- ed. Un
vard manages to supervise suc- withina
cessfully the world's most distin- and pre
guished institution of higher beginnir
learning, though it is impossible teacher;
to really lead something so big opposite
and complex as Harvard Univer- dent an
sity. frequent
At Yale, Kingman Brewster has complex
worked hard to lend a little intel- it's stillt
lectual, even radical verve to the While
Ivy League. Wisconsin's President ties hav
Harrington, thanks to a knack this cent
for getting money out of the leq- have sto
islature, has preserved some of the tower tr
strong traditions of university au- have ge
tonomy and faculty control of some tha
their own affairs. MeanN
lege bec
CLARK KERR of the Univer- of quali
sity of California has, if nothing and me
else, supervised the construction crumble
of a fantastic higher education hordesc
empire 10 times, larger than any- leadershi
thing that preceded it.
Roger Heyns, his chancellor at EMPI
Berkeley, has brought order out ifornia(
of chaos there and is working hard too diff
to formulate and articulate some out last
new educational ideals and tradi- isn't en
tions for California's major cam- soon reb
pus. imentati
There are a few others one and aca
could name, but in so doing one ther, as

passes from those who
ade genuine and creative
s to serve as something
han administrators-care-
for their institutions to
ho do a decent job of hold-
lace together, keeping it
piece, while its real life
bstance flow from other
The United States has.
, failed miserably in pro-
leadership for higher edu-
at least at the presidential
L RECENTLY, however,
dership hasn't been miss-
iversities have operated
a framework of tradition
cedent built up since the
ng of civilization when
and student sat down on
ends of a log. (Grad stu-
d professor are now more
ly at opposite ends of some
research apparatus, but
the same principle.)
great American universi-
e occasionally produced in
tury hard-headed men who
rmed the bastions of ivory
aditionalism, their efforts
nerally proved more noi-
an productive.,
while, as the rush to col-
omes a torrent. as ideals
ty, autonomy, scholarship
ethodical pace begin to
before the onrushing
of students, this lack tof
ip will become disastrous.
RE-BUILDING, as in Cal-
(and now New York) isn't
icult, but, as Kerr found
t year at Berkeley, this
ough. Alienated students
el against the built-in reg-
ion, mass scholasticism
ademic irrelevance. Fur-
New York is now find-

President: 1-50

Longshot

Michi tylan MAD
By ROBERT JOhNSTON
ing out, there aren't very many
Kerr's around to do the building
and hold the disparate elements
together.
With enrollments now doubling
in years rather than decades at
the undergraduate level, and in
the near future at the graduate
and professional level, we're going
to need a great many Kerrs and
Heyns. and there just aren't many.
Which brings me back to the be-
ginning.
Over the last decade Detroit
has mobilized a fantastic array
of talent, capital and organiza-
tional apparatus with which it has
managed to capture control of the
burgeoning world auto market.
But a half dozen outstanding uni-
versity presidents are hardly cap-
able of mobilizing such resources
on a similar scale to handle the
higher education market in this
country, let alone the world.
Just about any good psychology
professor in any of the better uni-
versities has better worldwide con-
tacts and sources of information
about developments in his disci-
pline than even a James Conant
does in the field of higher educa-
tion. This is reflective both of his-
tory and, again, of the state of
higher education leadership,- both
of which reinforce each other.
THE AMERICAN university es-
tablished early in its history the
tradition of the board of trustees
who were ultimately responsible
for the institution's well-being.
Leading alumni or civic leaders

made up the bulk of these board
apiointments.
This worked well in the private
institutions and still does. Su'i'
groups take a detached view of
the :niversity and rarely involve
then selves in its internal activi-
ties, since internal faculty Preroga-
tives are so ingrained into the
system. On the other hand, trus-
tees can be very good at raisin,-
money. (A recent Fortune article
cites the deep involvement of that
university's trustees in its vary
successful fund drive, after ki.k-
ing it off with over $7 million from
their own Pockets.)
Naturally enough the trustee
arran'roment was widely adapted
for Public universities as th-y b'-
zan to come into being in the
19th century. so that it is now
an almost universal means of over-
seeing all collegms and universiti-s.
As a i institutional arran'ement.
however. it is radically different
from its corporation counterpart.
the board of directors. A cornor-
ate board is pretty much made uu
of men that have come up through
management ranks over many
years, through company presiden-
cies and a series of financial and
corporate manipulations until they
are business barons that know
their industries inside out.
SUCH AN OPERATION cr'ates
an ongoing system of administra-
tion able to spot good men. move
them up through the ranks, ap-
point excellent top leadership and
back it up. Trustees, however, are
brought in from the outside, have
little or no working knowledge of
or interest in a university's oper-
ations, traditions, or goals.
At best trustees accept the lim-
ited role they are equipped to play
and let the university run itself
from within, which it is generally

quite capable of doing. with a lim-
ited number of men moving up
through the academic ranks to be-
come administrators.
It is to the trustees, however,
that the job of selecting a presi-
dent must fall. Uninvolved in the
real administration of a university.
the trustees' presidential selec-
tion process deteriorates into a
totally ineffectual syst-m for mo-
tivating and sorting out the best
rud-"ational leaders,
It is as though the University
vice-presidlents wrP to make all
professorial aunointments (which
they formally do to some extent,
but of course the real decisions
arp amon- the faculty at the de-
nArtmentallevel).
In many Ulan-'q the result has
been faculty control of the ap-
rointment. hich works to some
extent, though, naturally enough,
this is hiased much too h--vily to-
ward stron academicians rather
than toward real leaders.
GENERALLY the trend has
hlen that a whole notnourri of
iitrests come togethor in one
way or another bringing their
own lists of analifications and can-
liilgtes. alinni. stlt'ents. facul-
tv nminisfrtrs -10 nvon,< flag
--ith som' sort of interest in the
vniv-rsitv. So the xroepss be-
comes v-rv inefficient and often
silly with a. very slim channe that
it will produce a real educational
leader canable of providing a uni-
versity with the direction it needs
in a time of an avoroaching na-
tional crisis in higher education.
THIS IS the situation the Re-
gents here face in choosing a new
president to succeed H a r l a n
Hateher in 1967.
SATURDAY: Alternatives.

14

Viet Nam: Opening a True Debate ...0

THE RETURN of Congress
marks the end of the period
in which, the President has had
the unquestioning support of some
60 to 70 per cent of the peoole.
It has always been remarkable,
as in law and public morals it has
been unseemly, that this country
should be committed to a war
which has never been explained
except in resouding generalities
and has never been debated ser-
iously. This surreptitious war has
been feasible because the people
are disposed to trust the President
and to assume that in a question
of war and peace in a distant con-
tinent he is in a position to know,
more than they do.
But now there is a new element
in the situation. His conduct of
the "war has been tested for a
year on the battlefields of South-
east Asia. What the public has
been told about the strategy and
the prospects of this war is now
being measured by the actual re-
sults, which the people are be-
ginning to find out about.
The crucial turning point has
come with the publication of the
report which contains the find-
ings of five senators, led by Sen.
Mike Mansfield and including

Senators Aiken, Muskie, Boggs
and Inouye. Here for the first
time we have a report on the
war which is responsible, informed
and trustworthy. Except for the
reports of a few enterprising and
independent newspapermen, the
American public has had to de-
pend on information made avail-
able in official briefings in Sai-
gon and Washington.
THE CONTRADICTIONS be-
tween the briefings and the facts,
as they have gradually become
visible, has undermined public
confidence. The grim truth is that
by conducting the war furtively
there has developed, as Ambas-
sador Arthur Goldberg confessed
only the other day, a crisis of
credibility.
People do not know what to
believe about what they hear from
the White House, the State De-
partment, the Pentagon and the
public relations officers in Sai-
gon. The only way to restore con-
fidence in the truthfulness of of-
ficials is by subjecting the exercise
to a thorough public debate. The
Mansfield report-which ought to
have very much wider publication
than it has yet had-supplies the

Today
By WALTER LIPPMANN

material for opening such a
bate.

de-

'The main proposition which
needs to be debated, and denied
by the administration if it can
deny it, is the findings of the
Mansfield report that:
"The large-scale introduction
of U.S. forces and their entry
into combat has blunted but not
turned back the drive of the
Viet Cong. The later have re-
sponded to the increased Ameri-
can role with a further
strengthening of their forces by
local recruitment in the South
and reinforcements from the
North and a general stepping up
of military activity. As a result
the lines remain drawn in South
Viet Nam in substantially the
same pattern as they were at'

the outset of the increased U.S.
commitment."
AFTER A YEAR of escalated
war, the results have brought the
senators to this reassertion of the
classical American doctrine about
Asian wars:
"If present trends continue,
there is no assurance as to what
ultimate increase in American
military commitment will be re-
quired before the conflict is
terminated. For the fact is that
under present terms of refer-
ence, and as the war has evolv-
ed, the question is not one of
applying increased U.S. pressure
to a defined military situation,
but rather of pressing against
a military situation which is, in
effect, open ended."
This is simply another state-
ment in the concrete terms of the
war in Southeast Asia, of the doc-
trine which has until recently been
American military doctrine-that
the United States should not en-
gage in a land war on the Asian
continent because such a war will
be, as the Mansfield report calls
it, "open ended." For there will

always be more Asians in Asia
than there can be Americans.
OUR PEOPLE are coming to
realize that the war is open ended,
that no matter how many troops
we put ashore there will always
be enough troops on the other side
to keep the war going.
Sinct this means that a nego-
tiated peace cannot be the kind
of dictated peace which Sen.
Everett Dirksen is still dreaming
about, the President is finding
himself under heavy pressure to
bomb and blockade Hanoi and
Haiphong and thus make a quick,
clean end of it. On the subject of
victory through air power, the
American people have been dan-
gerously misinformed.
I say dangerously because the
advocates of bigger bombing do
not seem to realize how vulnerable
are Saigon and the other ports to
reprisals. In the congested cities
and harbors which we hold there
are the makings of another Pearl
Harbor, and none of us would dis-
count the danger. There cannot
be much doubt that this is one
of the subjects that the Soviets'
Alexander Shelepin has been dis-
cussing in Hanoi.

AP

..And an Argument from History

Johnson and the Press

VRESIDiNTIAL Press Secretary Bill
Moyer's attitude toward the press may
cause many a newsman to lose a little
sleep knowing Lyndon Johnson is their
President.
In an interview published yesterday,
Moyers indicated that the administra-
tion believes news conferences are de-
signed to serve the "convenience of the
President, no the convenience of the
press."
The President has not held a news con -
ference since August 29 and Moyers ad-
mitted that he planted a number of ques-
tions at a conference on August 25.
Moyers said the President prefers to
communicate with the American people
through radio and television. "The Presi-
dent feels he is better served ... if he can
talk directly to the people through radio
and television than if the people have to
Editorial Staff
ROBERI JOHN8TON, Editor
LArRENCE KIRSHBAUM ROBERT HIPPI ER
Managing Editor Editorial Drector
JUDITH HEU,:.......'.... Person uei Director
LAUREN BAHR ....... Associate Maragtg Editor
JTH WARREN.N .... Assistant Managing Editor

decide what sone other human being in-
terprets as his intentions or policy."
MOYERS STATEMENTS raise questions
which President Johnson might try to
answer the next time he finds it con-
venient to hold another press conference.
-The convenience of the President may
be more important than the convenience
of the press, but what about the conven-
ience of the public? Does an uninformed
public insure a viable democracy? How
can there be a "Great Society" with a
populace kept in ignorance because of a
presidential whim?
-If the President prefers to com-
municate with the public firsthand
through radio and television, why has he
refused to hold a televised press confer-
ence in the past four and a half months?
Is it the nature of the question more than
the interpretation of the answers that
has kept the President away from news-
men?
-Does the President believe American
newsmen are incapable of clearly and ac-
curately interpreting his public remarks?
Or is he really complaining that recent
news stories have been too clear and too
accurate?

By DAN SPITZER
THE HISTORY of the Viet-
namese conflict does much to
shed light upon answers to vital
questions concerning U.S. involv-
ment there. Is U.S. military in-
tervention justified? Has the Unit-
ed States done its utmost to nego-
tiate a peaceful settlement?
Following the bitter eight-year
struggle for independence led by
Ho Chi Minh against the French,
the Geneva Accords of 1954 di-
vided Viet Nam in half, to be sub-
sequently reunified through free
elections in 1956. The leadership
in the North was taken by Ho Chi
Minh and in the South by U.S.
backed Ngo Dinh Diem,
Ho Chi Minh was, of course, a
national hero. He eagerly awaited
the 1956 reunification elections,
confident of victory. Both the
United States and Diem realized
the likelihood of this result. Diem,
therefore, broke the Geneva Ac-
cords and refused elections. The
U.S. silently backed him whole-
heartedly.
THE UNITED STATES, the
"tower of democratic strength,"
continued to back Diem even after
he abolished the sole form of
democracy in South Vietnam, that
of the elected village councils by
1956. Diem allowed no opposition
of any nature in his rising dic-
tatorial regime and had political
opponents thrown into detention
camps.
The conflict in Viet Nam was
not precipitated by aggression from
the north. Two politico-religious
sects that Diem had partially
crushed in 1955, the Caodai and
Hoa Hao, regrouped their forces
in 1957 and took up arms in an
insurrection not for the imposi-

there were only about 300 North
Vietnamese military personnel in
South Viet Nam.
The United States foolishly
stood behind Diem until just prior
to his downfall, which was finally
triggered by tremendous Buddhist
pressure. Since Diem's fall, the
government has been in an almost
continual state of chaos, with the
U.S. backing one leader after an-
other. The government, instead
of representing the people, has
represented the military and many
of the urban middle class who
have gained profit from the war.
Is this the "choice" of govern-
ment the United States is offering
the Vietnamese as an alternative
to Communism?
HAS THE United States done
all it can to negotiate peace? As
much as Washington hesitates to
admit it, in 1964 at U Thant's
suggestion, Hanoi agreed to nego-
tiate in Rangoon. The United
States refused. In May of 1964,
during a five-day bombing lull,
the North Vietnamese desired that
talks in regard to a possible peace-
ful settlement be conducted
through the French government.
Again the United States refused
to negotiate..
Two reasons were given for this
refusal. The first was that the
North Vietnamese wanted an NLF-
dominated coalition government.
But if the United States was really
sincere in a desire to end the
conflict, why wasn't an attempt
made to negotiate on this de-
mand? The second was that the
U:S. had already resumed bomb-
ing and couldn't get the North
Vietnamese to iterate their offer.
But why didn't the U.S., there-
fore, temporarily halt the bomb-
inbs again?

ants advocate? Most likely, the
essence of their belief lies in liv-
ing from one day to the next,
ideologies be damned. Now they
are pawns in bloodshed affecting
their very homes and families.
Now they are involved in a war
that would have never come about
had the 1954 Geneva Accords
been complied with, a war that
might have ended had the United
States been willing to negotiate
earlier.

United States pulls out of Viet
Nam now, it will look foolish. But
when one makes a mistake, one
should make every attempt to
rectify it, even if it causes one to
look "foolish" in so doing.
Many who support the admin-
istration's Vietnamese policy do
so on the seemingly patriotic but
actually detrimental philosophy of
"My country, right or wrong."
They rubber stamp every admin-,
istration move in this manner.

Yet history shows the falatious-
ness of their outlook. They support
the perpetuation of an error which
can only hurt their country in
.the long run.
THOSE WHO advocate "My
country, right or wrong" had bet-
ter wake up. The blood of men,
women and children is being
spilled in a needless war. To cor-
rect an error is never a fool-
hardy move.

Cubans Carve Niche in Miami

By BETSY COHN
Second in a Series
S MICHIGAN lies safely snug-
gled between her midwestern
neighbors, the majority of its in-
habitants remain uninformed.
misinformed or oblivious to an
international turmoil occuring in
this country. Miami, Florida
dangles from the southern tip of
the United States, suspended
tauntingly in front of theyRed
Face of Cuba, 90 miles away.
In Miami there are thousands
of Cuban refugees who have spent
the past seven years resettling
in homes, finding new occupations
and working to free their families
from Cuba.
However, like any alien culture,
the Cubans met with difficulties
when they fi'st began to come to
the United States; thus, they
stayed in close proximity to each
other as well as to their home-
land with hopes of soon return-
ing. As a result, Miamians have
spent the past few yeads sharing
two cultures with their new Cu-
ban neighbors. Sections of the

try, the Cuban exiles do not rep-
resent one faction which had to
take its particular beliefs and
doctrines elsewhere, but rather, a
cross section of ideals, philosophies
and customs. In Cuba they varied
from low and middle class to
aristocracy. In the U.S., ex-
senators run amusement parks.
ex-mayors are grocers and former
members of the Cabinet are bank-
ers.
In Miami, they have divided
among themselves into exile
groups of laborers, professionals
and proprietors, all working to-
ward the same aim; to return
once again to Cuba.
Nevertheless, while the Cubans
remain in Miami, they will be
welcomed as a boost to the econ-
omy. Statistics show a large de-
crease in unemployment since
1958; apartments and hotels
which remained vacant through -
out the winter are now full all
ycatr long. The federal government
has welcomed the Cubans as ad-
ditional tax payers, as well as
major contributors to the inflow
of r.cnital anr1 a simnnrtant far-

vana, member of the House of
Representatives, Minister of Com-
merce and past Senator. "The
blame cannot be put into one
place," he explained, "it is a
strange feeling of resentment; the
Cubans sometimes resent Ameri-,
cans, and Americans at times re-
sent Cubano, nevertheless, we are
grateful for' h ju cubans have been
received and in tuiis Aucticalis
are grateful to Cubans for eco-
nomic reasons. Now they want
Americans to be informed."
To keep theUnited States well
informed is also the aim of Al-
fredo Gonzalez, a law student at
the University of Miami, a mem-
ber of the Bay of Pigs invasion,
and past president of the Brigade
2506, an exile group in, Miami.:
"The American government moves
by public opinion, as is evident by
the influential Gallop Poll. It is
important for the Cuban people
to have the assistance of Ameri-
cVn awareness and action."
There is no doubt that Miami is
living in a revolutionary age; this
is obvious in its schools (where
clasces are being taught in Span-

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