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January 29, 1966 - Image 4

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Publication:
The Michigan Daily, 1966-01-29

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Seventy-Sixth Year
EDITED AND MANAGED BY STUDENTS OF THE UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN
UNDER AUTHORITY OF BOARD IN CONTROL OF STUDENT PUBLICATIONS

Urban Problems Necessitate a

Tax Boost

here Opinions Are Free, 420 MAYNARD ST., ANN ABOR, MicH.
Troth Will Prevail 2 ANR T, N 13R IH

NEws PHONE: 764-0552

Editorials printed in The Michigan Daily express the individual opinions of staff writers
or the editors. Thismust be noted in all reprints.
SATURDAY, JANUARY 29, 1966 NIGHT EDITOR: JOHN MEREDITH

Co 's Poverty War:
The Poor Must Participate

THE FEDERAL budget is always
provisional in that it deals with
estimates of what the govern-
ment will spend and what itwill
take in during a period which
begins about six months from
now (July 1, 1966) and ends 18
months from now (June 30, 1967).
This year's budget is even more
provisional and tentative because
it involves an attempt to estimate
the financial effects of an un-
defined war in an unforeseeable
future. With the United States
engaged in a war which has no
fixed political and strategic limits,
which is, as the Mansfield report
calls it, "open-ended," no reliable
calculation can be made about
what the war will be like and
what it will cost in the next year
and a half.
As compared with the exuber-
ance of the State of the Union
message, the budget is much more
cautious. The message declared
that "this nation is mighty enough,
its society healthy enough, its
people are strong enough to, pursue
our goals in the rest of the world

while still building a Great So-
ciety at home."
BUT IN the budget message we
are brought nearer to earth. In
it the President declares that "even
a prosperous nation cannot meet
all its goals all at once. For this
reason the rate of advance in the
new programs has been held below
what might have been proposed
in less troubled times."
The figures in the budget show
that the big health and educa-
tional programs are to be expand-
ed more or less as originally
planned. There is a significant
slowdown in the intended advance
almost everywhere else.
This is conspicuous in the case
of the so-called warn on poverty.
But even more significantly, new
programs to meet the urgent ne-
cessities of the Great Society,
which reflect the growth of the
population and its urbanization,
are held down, often to the extent
-as is the case in Wednesday's
promising message on cities-of
asking now for only enough money
to plan how to plan.

TOday
and(
Tomorrow
By WALTER LIPPMANN
And yet even these modest bud-
get estimates are based on a
Micawber strategy that somehow
something will turn up to prevent
the war from becoming a big war.
THEdBASIC decisionson which
the budget has been constructed
are, first, that the costs of the
war must be met. This is indisput-'
able. The second decision is that
taxes should not be raised to make
any serious inroads on private
civilian consumption. The third
decision is that public expenditures
should be restricted to close the
budgetary deficit and reduce the
inflationary threat.
The underlying belief upon
which these decisions rest is that
civilian public expenditure is more

a ostponable and is less urgent
than a further increase in civilian
private expenditure. Insofar as
public money is paid out for relief,
it can, of course, be argued rather
coldly that the poor we shall
always have with us anyway.
But charity is not the essential
and urgent need of the new in-
dustrialized and urbanized Ameri-
can society, and it is not what
is cut back in this budget. The
urgent need of the great cities is
to be made habitable, and this can
be done only by replanning and
renewing them, which is a gigantic
engineering and administrative
task and will require great sums of
money which can be raised in no
other way than through the fed-
eral tax machinery.
TO OVERCOME successfully
the problems of urbanized Amer-
ica will require at least the work
of a generation, This work is not
postponable as being mere "but-
ter" which we can do without
while we make the "guns." There
are, as New York and Los Angeles
have learned, explosive urban

problemsunderneath our glitter-
ing. affluence,
These problems must>be dealt
wvith, and the choice before us,
since the country is so rich, is not
between guns and butter, but be-
ten raising taxes and neglecting
the future. The President should
nerve himself to raising taxes in
order to make as big an attack
as it is possible to make under
war conditions on the vital in-
ternal problems of the Great
Society.
In saying that the attack should
be as big as it is possible to make
t, I have it in mind that in an
escalating war the time soon
comes when no one can think of
anything else.
The really difficult problem is
not money, which can be found by
taxation. The crucial problem is
a growing shortage of skilled men
to make a Great Society and,
above all, a loss of popular interest
and support because a people can-
not think at one and the same
time about destruction abroad and
construction at home.
ic)a 1966, The Washington Post Co.

i

THE WAR ON POVERTY in Ann Arbor
is still a War About Poverty. "Repre-
sentation of the poor," an issue that is
prominent in such Areas as Chicago and
Newark, has now come to the county.
The Washtenaw County Citizens Commit-
tee for Economic Opportunity has decid-
ed to reconsider its proposed Legal Aid,
Society governing board, which, under a
plan it approved in January, would be
composed of five local attorneys, a Uni-
versity lav professor and two citizens-at-
large.
An area Legal Aid Society clinic, man-
ned by University law students, has been
in operation since August. -Last month,
the county committee, which clears all
requests for federal anti-poverty money
in the area, voted to approve the clinic's
request for federal funds and the pro-
posed eight-man governing board..
But then the law students, led by
George Newman, president of the Law
School Legal Aid Association, and poor
people fron the area asked, that poor
people be represented on the new board.
The county committee's vote Thursday
doesn't change anything, but at least it
offers a chance for change.
THE MEMBERS of the local bar associa-
tion, who helped form the Legal Aid
Society-and who got five of the eight
board seats under the plan now to be
reconsidered-are said tO be irked by the
insistence of the law students and the
poor themselves that poor people be in-
cluded on the clinic's board of directors
in addition to a 10-man "advisory com-
mittee." Says one pro-bar observer, "I
think they're all a . little sore about the
poor biting the hand that feeds them."
In this sudden and inadvertent com-
ment, is revealed much about' the nature
of the way the War on Poverty is being
fought-merely as an extension of tihe
present welfare industry. It has become
increasingly evident that the traditional
welfare approach toward the poor, be-
cause it is indeed "the hand that feeds
them," is unavoidably paternalistic;
hencethe particularly apt name of "wel-
fare colonialism."

However benevolent in intent, this sort
of approach has been disastrous in appli-
cation, for it strips the poor of their
dignity-the "individual initiative" and
"private enterprise" of conservatives -
and reduces them to utter dependency.
Under such circumstances poverty is not
ended, but perpetuated.
t For this reason, the Economic Oppor-
tunity Act of 1964 stipulated that com-
munity action programs-like those of the
Washtenaw County committee - miust
provide for "maximum feasible partici-
pation" of the poor. For the new ap-
proach to poverty, in fact, the only feas-
ible one, is one which is not for the poor,
but with the poor.
THE IDEA that poor people should have
a voice and a vote in their own des-
tiny is, of course, as old as the Consti-
tution. But some of the county bar's
membership evidently prefer to continue,
in that picturesque phrase, to be "the
hand that feeds them." This is tragic.
The poor people of the area are adult
human beings; they are citizens who pay
taxes which sustain the poverty program
just as Ann Arbor's lawyers do; and they,,
and they alone, know best their own
needs and problems.
The issue has become clouded by
charges that the poor want to tell the
lawyers of the Legal Aid Clinic how
to practice law, which is untrue, and that
they trusted the bar and did not appear
in January when the Legal Aid Society
Board was voted on;, which is true and
which also isn't going to happen again,
particularly if the poor are denied any
representatives on the board.
But the issue is still fairly clear. "I
don't see where it will hurt the local bar
to add two poor people to the legal aid
board," H. C. Curry, one of their spokes-
men, says. "If the money allocated for the
pdor doesn't go for the poor, then Wash-
ington will hear from the poor." Whether
or not that will happen will depend on
the county committee's decision, and
probably also on a chiange of mind from
the local bar.
-MARK R. KILLINGSWORTI

1

Letters: Vice-PresidentDenies Daily Quotes

To the Editor:.
IT HAS BEEN my practice not
to write to The Michigan Daily
with respect 'to statements made
by it which I know to be in-
accurate. However, The Michigan
Daily in its Sunday edition at-
tributed two statements to me,
both in quotation marks.
Neither statement was ever
made by me.
-Wilbur K. Pierpont
Vice-President for Business
and Finance
EDITOR'S NOTE: Daily reporter
Alice Bloch says that the first
statement on the residential college
was made to her in a telephone
interview Monday, January 17. The
other statement was a paraphrase of
statements made to several Daily
reporters about a year ago, and
was erroneously given as a direct
quote.
-R.J.
The Dodd Report
To the Editor:
BECAUSE the matter they con-
cern is of genuine interest to
the University community, I sub-
mit the following two letters for
publication in The Daily.,I would
add only this thought: the United
States senator to whom the first
letter is directed, and from whom
the second letter comes, is one
in whom the citizens of Michigan
may take considerable and right-
ful pride.
-Prof. Carl Cohen
Philosophy Department
EDITOR'S NOTE: The texts of
Professor Cohen's letter totSenator
Hart and his reply follow.
Dear Senator Hart:
I WRITE to call your attention to
some recent unsavory practices
of the Senate internal security
subcommittee, to express the in-
tense dissatisfaction with the con-
duct of that subcommittee felt by
myself and a great many Ameri-
cans of every political persuasion,
and to request your vigorous ac-
tion in bringing such practices to
a halt.
In a recent report entitled, "The
Anti-Viet Nam Agitation and the
Teach-In Movement: The Prob-
lem of Communist Infiltration and
Exploitation," lengthy efforts are
made by that subcommittee to

establish the "Communist affilia-
tions and sympathies" of certain
University of Michigan faculty
members, largely because the
teach-in movement began here.
Some of the techniques used by
the Senate subcommittee in this
report are shocking, dishonest,
and genuinely subversive. They
subvert the guaranteed freedom
of Americans to defend openly
what they believe and to criticize
those in authority.
HERE ARE some examples:
a) As evidence of his Com-
munist affiliation or sympathy,,
one man is cited as having been
"active in a faculty meeting held
June 15, 1952 at the.University of
Michigan which adopted a resolu-
tion protesting the policy of the
University in barring Communist
speakers." The implications of this
citation are dreadful. Is one not
to protest rulings one believes to
be improper for fear of a later
report by a Senate subcommittee?
Hundreds of University faculty
members objected to that policy,
and their protest bore no relation
to their affiliations or sympathies,
except their sympathy for the
First? Amendiment to the United
States Constitution guaranteeing
the freedom of speech, without
qualification. Thankfully, the Uni-
versity rule thus protested was
changed, to everyone's relief. List-
ing one's activity in support of
that change as apparent evidence
of his Communist affiliation or
sympathy is despicable, as I am
sure you will agree.
b) As evidence of their "Com-
munist affiliations or sympathies"
at least two men are cited as
having signed petitions protesting
the death sentence of Ethel and
Julius Rosenberg, who were con-
victed and executed as spies. .But
the possible reasons for signing
such a petition are unlimited. They
may have believed justice to have
miscarried in that case; they may
have objected to capital punish-
ment in principle, quite apart
from the question of guilt.pBut
whatever one's reason for signing
that petition, such signing can-
not reasonably or justly be used
as evidence of Communist 'affilia-
tion or sympathy ...
c) The Senate subcommittee's
report intimates that the teach-

in movement in general was af.
filiated or sympathetic to Com
munism. This intimation is false
The chief support for it seems tc
be that "there is nothing in the
public record to suggest" that the
movement's leaders demarcatec
their position from the Com-
munist one, or repudiated Com
munist support, etc. This reason-
ing is backhanded and vicious
First, ,"there is nothing in the
public record to suggest" lots of
things which happen to be true
and the absence of evidencerdoes
not convict, either in a court of
law or before a just and honest
committee.
SECOND, the leaders of the
teach-in movement didn't have A
position on Viet Nam, they hat
many and often disagreed with
one another. They agreed only ir.
being deeply concerned about gov-
ernment heolicy and in being an-
xious to have it openly discussed
Third, the claim (even if true)
that one agrees with the Com-
munist position on some matter,
-say, racial integration-prove
nothing about his affiliations of
sympathies. Fourth, it was one
deliberate aim of the teach-in
movement to encourage debate in
which there might be participation
fromall quarters, the extremes o:
political left and right included
No point of viev, was refuseda
hearing, or condemned prior tc
representation and criticism.' Such
fully open discussions are what
universities are for, and the free-
dom to participate in such dis-
cussions is our national pride.
Indirect accusation and deroga.
tion pf character of the kind ap-
pearing in this report are inexcus-
able. They are particularly shame-
ful when practiced by a subcom-
mittee of the United States Senate
a body in which the principle of
full and open discussion has been
traditionally honored. I urge you
out of your rightful concern for
the reputation of the Senate, and
because of your obligation to de-
f end the fundamental right of all
Americans to speak freely, with-
out fear of later reprisal by their
government.
I look forward to your response,
and send my very good wishes.
Sincerely,
Carl Cohen

0
e
e
if
t
e
a
d
h
n
1.
s
s
r
1.
t

Dear Professor Cohen:
I HAVE DELAYED replying to
your letter because I had hoped
to obtain an original copy of the'
internal security subcommittee re-
port. to which you referred, Un-
believable as it may seem,I have
found that the permanent record
copy in the Senate Library is still
at the binders and the subcom-
mittee is absolutely out of copies.
The subcommittee staff has in-
formed me that there are some
substantial revisions being made in
the report prior to another print-
ing of it.
While I am not a member of
the subcommittee, I have become
increasingly aware of a number
of instances of errors or sub-
stantial misinterpretations of fact
appearing in materials published
by the staf or in official subcom-
mittee documents. In* some of
these instances f have called the
errors to the attention of Senator
Dodd, who in recent years has,
been the "acting" chairman of the
subcommittee. In at least one
instance, corrections were made.
What else one can do in this
situation I do not know, but even
at this late date I did want you
to know that basically I am in
agreement with the points made in
your letter and will continue to do
what I can.
With best wishes,
Sincerely,
Philip Hart

The Degree Grind
To the Editor:
IT USED TO BE that a college
degree and 10 cents could get
you a cup of coffee. Now with the
price of coffee up to 15 cents in
most Ann Arbor restaurants, It
can't even get you that,
-Sanford Roth, '67
Aid the NLF
To the Editor:
I WOULD LIKE to commend the
Young Socialist Alliance for
distributing buttons in the fish-
bowl labeled "Peace in Viet Nam,
Support the National Liberation
Front." All mankind craves peace,
and what better way to end -this
ugly war than to aid the NLP
and thereby its dedicated action
committee, the Viet Cong? How
silly are the U.S. capitalists who
say, "Let's achieve peace by going
to the negotiating table.' The
NLF has a far better idea which
we hear in their spirited cry,
"We'll win this war if it takes
20 years!" By aiding the NLF we
can help, kifl more .Americans,
South Vietnamese, South Koreans
and Australians in a shorter period
of time, thus accomplishing the
NLF goal more quickly and bring-
ing peace to Viet Nam. A big
bouquet of pink roses should 'be
sent to this wonderful group, the
Young Socialist Alliance.
-Dennis Thompson, Grad

0
4

The New left: Cause in
Search of a Movement:

Students Should
Ap~r1eit 'U ferings

s
4,

ANUARY 11, the distinguished scholar
from Yale, Robert O. Tilman, spoke
on "Political and Social Change in Ma-
laysia." Contemporary' conditions being
as critical as they .are in Southeast Asia,
a moderate contingent of undergradu-
ates might be expected to attend. Yet the
turnout was the same as that for many
fine speakers last semester-a mere hand-
fu. of undergraduates came.,
This is indicative of the lack of appre-
ciation University students render for
what the school provides. Few universi-

Editorial Staff
ROBERT JOHNSTON, Editor
LAURENCE KIRSHBAUM, Managing Editor
JUDITH FIELDS , ..... ..... .... Personnel Director.
LAUREN BAHR ......... Associate' Managing Editor
JUDITH WARREN.........Assistant Managing Editor
,SAIL BLUTMBERGO................... Magazine Editor
TOM WEINBERG.................Sports Editor
LLOYD GRAFF .......... Associate Sports Editor
PETER SARASOHN ....... Contributing Editor
NIGHT EDITORS: Robert Carney, larence Fanto,
Mark Killingswnrth, John Meredith, Leonard Pratt,
Harvey Wasserman, Bruce Wasserstein, Charlotte
Wolter.
DAY EDITORS: Babette Cohn, Michael Heffer, Merle
Jacob, Robert Moore, Roger Rapoport, Dick Wing-
field.
ASSISTANT NIGHT EDITORS: Alice Bloch, Deborah
Blum, Neal Bruss, Gail Jorgenson, Robert Kfivans,
Laurence Medow, Neil Shister, Joyce Winslow.
ASSISTANT DAY EEDITORS: Richard Charin, Jane
Dreyfuss, Susan Elan, Shirley Rosick, Robert Shiner,
Alan valusek.
SPORTS NIGHT EDITORS: Rick Feferman, Jim La-
Sovage, Bob McFarland, Gil Samberg, Dale Sielaff,
Rick Stern, Jim Tindall, Chuck Vetzner.
Published daily Tuesday through Sunday morning.
$usiness Staff
CY WELLMAN, Business Manager
ALAN GLUECKMAN............Advertising Manager
SUSAN CRAWFORD ..... Associate Business Manager
JOYCE FEINBERGA... ss........ BFinance Manager
MANAGERS: Harry Bloch, Bruce Hillman, Marline
ILuelthau, Jeffrey Leeds, Gail Levin, Susan Perl-
stadt, vic Ptasznik, Elizabeth Rhein, Ruth Segall,
Jill Tozer, Elizabeth WirEman.

ties in the country attract such a num-
erous and diverse quantity of speakers.
Yet very few students in proportion to
the enrollment of the University take ad-
vantage of these lectures.
Why? Because, unfortunately, the es-
sence of "higher education" for most
seems to lie in the next exam or party.
The ,grade-point is exalted and deified.
Courses which might prove meaningful
and interesting aren't even considered
because they might be relatively rigorous.
The typical student's attitude is exem-
plified by this remark, "My recitation
professor is wonderful. When it comes to
grades, she's cake. She never says any-
thing in class and has assigned no term
papers."
O BE SURE, there is some degree of
justification for not attending vari-
ous lectures or enrolling in certain "rele-
vant" courses stemming from too much
"Michigan pressure" or total lack of in-
terest in the subject matter. However,
the primary reasons lie in the fact that
most students are merely using their
four years at the University as a means
to an end-either as a springboard to
graduate school, an "MRS. degree" or
both. It is only too easy here to succumb
to the social pressures which can precipi-
tate an almost total involvement with
these ends alone.
There is nothing wrong with the afore-
mentioned goals, but to make them the
one and only function of college is a
mistake. Surely there appears on this
campus one lecturer, at least every other
week, speaking on a topic that should
hold some interest for each individual.
Having attended for two years a small
school which was prohibited by a dearth
of funds from providing a variety of
speakers, I find it exceedingly difficult
to comprehend the relative apathy of

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By ROGER EBERT
Collegiate Press Service
JRVING KRISTOL, himself an
elder statesman of; American
Liberalism, was asked to report on
the teach-ins and the New Left
last summer for Encounter maga-
zine, and found he just didn't
know what in hell the students
were up to.
"Itis a strange experience,,"
wrote Kristol, "to see a radical
movement in search of a radical
cause." The young American rad-
icals, he explained, "are in the
historically unique position of not
being able to demand a single
piece of legislation from their gov-
ernment."
So there you have it. Radical
causes cannot exist apart from
legislation. The task of radicals
is to demand such legislation from
the government. The New Left is
not playing the game of Republi-
can and Democrat.
Well, strictly speaking this is
not true. The student left woul
welcome a congressional review ,of
the war in Viet Nam, for exam-
ple. But what Kristol and lib-
erals of this generation are look.,
ing for is a radical program, a
list of legislative goals, a faith
in legislation as a means to solve
the problems of society.
BUT STUDENTS are concerned
more with style of life than leg-
islation, more with direct partici-
pation of citizens within their
communities than with political
manipulations in Washington.
Many of the members of Students
for a Democratic Society, for ex-
ample, are genuinely afraid of.
power; workers in the SDS na-
tional office complain they're los-
ing touch with the roots. By con-
trast, it is now Young Americans
for Freedom which is supporting
conservative congressional cam-
paigns. The political spectrum has
gone topsy-turvy in the past five
years, at least at the student ley-
el. Student radicals are now clos-
er to classical liberalism than ever
before, while conservatives have
been won to a belief in centraliza-
tion, organization, big business
and hizo vernmnent

al and social)?
Surely we are, but the message
which the New Left brings is that
the demands of human initiative
and self-determination require
dimovement in almost the opposite
direction: away from centralism
and toward community denocra-
cy. It is the New Left, not the lib-
eral establishment or the conserv-
ative revolt, which has taken as
its motto, "Let the people decide."
KRISTOL does not' find the is-
-sues behind this new movement
because he looks for them through,
glasses tinted. with the New Deal-
liberal socialist definition of what
an issue is. The conservatives miss
the issue because they define the
New Left in cliches left 'over from
the thirties. The fact is that the
New Left ideology has itsaroots in
classical 'libertarianism and an-
archism.
This is indeed a NEW Left, with
new approaches worked out ex-
perimentally in the South and
with ideas about the structure of
society that reach back to Proud-
hon and Kropotkin among classi-
cal anarchist thinkers, and in
America to Jefferson, Thoreau and
the original elements of Popul-
ism. The modern philosopher of
this position is Paul Goodman.
It jis hard for the establishment
to understand that there can be
a Left which finds Marxism ir-
relevant and uninteresting. It is
no coincidence that the, Spanish
Civil War, having disillusioned a
generation of Marxists with its
political in-fighting and hair-
splitting, is now attracting the at-
tention of a new radical genera-
tion primarily because of the an-
archist societies which were set up
and flourished in Aragon and oth-
er places before being wiped out
by Communists.
The theme of this lesson from
history is "self-determination," a
word which has equal meaning for
student radicals whjen applied to
Viet Nam, the south and the urb-
an ghettoes. As Goodman explains
in his recent book, "People or
Personnel" "Mere 'consent' or
'participation 'is not enough;
there must be a measure of real

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