Seventy-Sixth Year
EDITED AND MANAGED BY STUDENTS OF THE UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN
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Truth Will Prevail
Editorials printed in The Michigan Daily express the individual opinions of staff writers
or the editors. This must be noted in all reprints.
WEDNESDAY, DECEMBER 1, 1965 NIGHT EDITOR: LEONARD PRATT
Sino-Soviet Rupture Nears:
Challenge to U.S. Diplomacy
REPORTS OF AN IMMINENT, formal
diplomatic break between the Soviet
Union and Communist China are cur-
rently circulating in the United Nations,
at the State Department and in Eastern
European capitals.
At the same time, Defense Secretary
Robert McNamara, just returned from a
whirlwind visit to South Viet Nam, has
hinted that a major increase in the U.S.
commitment to the war there is likely.
It has been reported that the U.S.
troop commitment, currently at 170,000
men, may reach 300,000 within several
months. Bombings of North Viet Nam will
be greatly accelerated in an apparent at-
tempt to force the Hanoi regime to the
conference table.
Last summer, when President Johnson
announced the first massive increase of
U.S. forces in the war, some diplomats
feared that the increasing American ef-
fort would serve to unite Moscow and
Peking. These predictions have not been
borne out; instead, the ideological and
political gulf between the two main cen-
ters of Communist power has widened
and has probably passed the point of no
return.
THE'BREAK in the once united Commu-
nist monolith is probably the most im-
portant international political develop-
ment of the decade, and its ramifica-
tions on U.S. policy should not be over-
looked. Unfortunately, however, too many
policy planners still seem to believe that
the old-style Communist threat of the
late forties and fifties still exists.
In spite of the Viet Nam war, there
will apparently be no reconciliation be-
t ween Moscow and Peking. The day may
not be far off when Soviet leaders con-
sider increased Chinese prestige and in-
fluence as a greater threat than U.S.
actions. Perhaps, insofar as the Vie Nam
war is concerned, that day has already
arrived.
It has already been demonstrated that
Washington and Moscow can effectively
work together in the interests of peace.
They did so with fairly successful re-
sults during the India-Pakistan war two
months ago.
The United Nations was the scene of
a cooperative attempt to stave off a pro-
tracted conflict between two of the most
populous nations of the world, with pos-
sible Chinese intervention always to be
considered.
Russia has frequently demonstrated its
desire for a cessation of hostilities in
Viet Nam. Soviet leaders, as well as the
more astute U.S. officials, realize that
Editorial Staff
ROBERT JOHNSTON. Editor
LAUTPr'mN 'K TPRH13AUM gPO3FRT JTPPT FR
Managing Editor Editorial Director
JUDITH PIET i>> . Personnel Director
LAUREN BAHR Associate Managing Editor
JUDITH WARREN Assistant Managing Editor
c3AIL BL7MBERG . Magazine Editor
PETER SARASOHN.............Contributing Editor
JTI OTh IIRAF ..Acting nM fswe r
SHELDON DAVIS.......................Photo Editor
Business Staff
CY WELLMAN, Business Manager
ALAN GLUECKMAN .. . .. Advertising Manager
SUSAN CRAWFORD .Associate Business Manager
JOYCE FEINBERG .. Finance Manager
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the war is impairing wide areas of pos-
sible agreement, particularly on measures
toward control of nuclear proliferation.
Thus, the United States must step up
its efforts to work with the Soviets in
an effort to achieve preliminary nego-
tiations on a Viet Nam cease-fire. The So-
viets, in their role as leader of the now-
fragmented Communist world, have pro-
vided military aid to North Viet Nam,
including surface-to-air missiles. How-
ever, this does not mean that Moscow
would not be willing to cooperate with
the U.S. in actively seeking a truce.
UNTIL NOW, the main motivation for
stinging Soviet criticism of the Ameri-
can role in Viet Nam has been two-fold:
anger over U.S. efforts to bomb the North
Vietnamese into submission, and fear of
appearing to be weak in the face of Pe-
king's harsh denunciations and threats
(which have not been accompanied by
matching action, thus far).
If a final Soviet-Chinese break occurs,
however, one of the main stumbling
blocks to U.S.-Russian cooperation will
have been eliminated. The Soviet lead-
ership, in justifying a diplomatic break,
would cite all the reasons for Moscow's
refusal to follow the Peking line, includ-
ing the danger and futility of utilizing
military power to resolve political dis-
putes.
The U.S., it should be remembered, has
been doing just that in Viet Nam. State
Department officials, in ,their typically
confused manner, like to assert that the
increasing U.S. military commitment to
Viet Nam is being undertaken in re-
sponse to increased infiltration and "ag-
gression" from North Viet Nam.
In fact, as the record will show, Ha-
<ois infiltration has actually followed
increased American commitments. Thus,
there was no appreciable infiltration of
North Vietnamese fmilitary advisers into
the south until 1961, after the U.S. in-
creased the number of its military "ad-
visers." Similarly, while North Viet Nam
may now be sending more than 2500
troops a month to the south, this infil-
tration has followed much larger Ameri-
can troop increases. Washington, in its
occasionally hysterical attempts to justi-
fy its Viet Nanr policy in the face of
worldwide criticism, has confused cause
with effect.
Until early this year, when President
Johnson decided to bomb North Viet Nam,
the conflict was essentially local, involv-
ing South Viet Nam army forces against
National Liberation Front (Viet Cong)
troops. Both President Kennedy and, un-
til early this year, President Johnson re-
peatedly asserted the essentially local
nature of the conflict.
PAST U.S. ERRORS should not obscure
the current possibilities of rectifying
them while working toward a cease-fire.
A halt in the U.S. bombing of the north,
for a longer period of time than the four-
day pause last spring, might help con-
vince Russia that the U.S. is sincere in its
desire for negotiations to end the war,
and might also serve as the first step to-
ward a concerted U.S.-Soviet diplomatic
offensive to move the conflict out of the
battlefield and to the conference table.
-CLARENCE FANTO
Arma
By PETER McDONOUGH
W E RADICALS on the pushy
left sometimes find it hard
keeping our sense of Goetter-
daemmerung at fever pitch. But
a recent tour through the politi-
cal pop art of the Ann Arbor
community revived my concerned
misanthropy. Injustice, conspira-
cies and overall out-of-whackiness
abound.
For the past week or so, there
has been an art exhibit on the
main floor of the Union entitled
"Faces of Freedom, A View of
The American Scene." It consists
of 40 original paintings, and is
sponsored by the John Hancock
Mutual Life Insurance Company
in cooperation with the Inter-
collegiate (Big Ten) conference. A
free brochure puts you in the
picture right away:.
"In the aftermath of World War
II, a subtle and disturbing in-
fluence threatened to dull our
national spirit."
Oh?
"While we had achieved victory
and secured peace, we seemed to
about the very values we had
be losing a sense of perspective
sacrificed so much to preserve ..."
Between vagueness and lumpi-
ness, platitude and hyperbole, pa-
triotic prose marches on, and on.
THE GALLERY itself includes
everybody from "Abe Lincoln" to
"The Wright Brothers." Also
shown are "The Boston Tea
Party," "The White Church," "Old
Ironsides" and the first "Thanks-
giving," with kindly Puritans and
enlightened Indians.-
What's intriguing about all this
histrionic nostalgia is (a) the
variety of styles, ranging from
the crudest to the more sofe-core,
toilet-paper jingoism, and (b) the
hard-sell captions whose sole
pitch seems to be "General Motors
Wants You!"
This is political pop art in its
truest form-as Sincereship. Sin-
cereship is censorship for the
millions. It is a compound of
schmaltz, schlock and mainstream
kitsch. Its message is all about
that aerodynamic constipation we
call success.
one style of Sincereship is Bar-
num Chauvinism, or Camp. "Min-
uteman," for example, is caption-
ed: "He answered the call at
midnight." It cries out to every
red-blooded American's, and every
Cinderella's, nocturnal fantasies.
THEN THERE'S the motif we
might call Chamber of Commerce
Rococo. For example, Henry Ford
"put the American idea on
wheels." As a byproduct, the con-
tinent has become a scenic
garage.
And Eli Whitney: "He made in-
dependence on an assembly line."
And George Washington : "He took
a new job and the world changed."
These are samples of Rotary
Club Gross. Another is "The Dec-
laration of Independence." It is
the sort of guff which schoolboys
scribble wise pornography under.
You see, in front, John Hancock
signing away like a megalomaniac.
In the background sits Ben Frank-
lin, who somehow comes off look-
ing like a swishy Andy Devine.
Finally we have Late Eisen-
hower Cheesecake. The best ex-
ample is Bernard Fuchs' pastel
rendering of our assassinated
President. Mr. Fuchs is a talent of
sorts. Not everyone can make
John Kennedy look like Doris Day.
The Russians have their Social-
ist, we our Sanitary Realism.
When Calvin Coolige put on that
redskin frightwig and stood there
looking like a rejected child who
went to summer camp and
straightened himself out, some-
thing Awful Nice crystallized in the
American soul.
THIS SPECTACLE has been
awarded that masterpiece pf taut-
ology in triplicate-the "Honor
Medal Award"- by the Freedoms'
Foundation of Valley Forge. The
Freedoms' Foundation people are
the Gee Whiz kids of Sincereship.
For example, tune in WJKB. A
Superman-Gangbusters voice in-
troduces the ineffable J. Edgar,
and finishes, before the muzak
resumes, with "Defend your faith!
NAME'
Virumque Cano Skoobeedoo
Ushe this Manual as your Of iciat
Training9 Guide to prepare G. i.
J t~ for Combet,
MANUAL
PRO~PERTY
or
*
*
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*
4
*
RANK
SERIAL O.
Part of the GI's Handbook
stairs there's a stockpile of tnese
ha tefetishcs. I quote from the
0~.I. Joe Army Manual":
America's Movable Fighting
Man. Made of durable plastic,
G.T. Jo( has been specifically
designed so that he can assume
positions that a real life soldier
can."
Mothers, keep you five-year old
in fighting trim! Rest and recrea-
tion for jaded preschoolers!
We read further: "Combat Areas
You Can Build for G.I. Joe Action
Soldier. Dig 8l/ inches deep by
4 inches wide, it says, and you
have yourself a "backyard, fox-
hole." Personally, I favor barn-
yard bestiality. In the long run,
it's healthier.
WHAT'S REALLY hard to fig-
ure is thedownright sissiness of all
this. They are dolls, after all. In
my day. we had tin soldiers, cap
guns, a little sibling rivalry. But
dolls??? What barf.
They come in four basic types:
0.I. Action Soldier, Sailor, Marine
and Pilot. Each prefab corpse
goes for $4, together with under-
wear and instructions.
Corresponding to these are en-
sembles and impedimenta for a
variety of occasions. For the G.I.
Action Marine, you can get the
"Beachhead," the "Paratrooper,"
the "Communications," and the
"Dress Parade" outfits. The
"Beachhead" kit is priceless: they
have tossed in a flamethrower.
Another bargain is the G.I. Joe
machine gun, with bonus car-
tridge case: a steal at a $1.20,
plus tax.
Think of the excitement unde
the tree on Christmas morning.
Look behind that cradle! Braaaap!
Another V.C., cleverly disguised as
a shepherd, bites the dust.
And those magi-you can never
tell what they're thinking. Va-
room! God is on our side. You
better believe it.
LIKE THE PROSTITUTE in the
Arrid ad who works closely with
people says: "What this country
needs is a potent deodorant."
*r
r
Fortify your freedom!" Commer-
cial courtesy of the Freedoms'
Foundation.
Or send away for the catalogue
of the Industrial College of the
Armed Forces-one of our less
well-known centers of Goldbrick-
waterism located at Fort Lesley
J. McNair, Washington, D.C.
20315. The college offers, for tired
businessmen and the like, a cor-
respondence course in something
called "The Economics of National
Security" and "National Security
Management."
Last year the college won the
"George Washington Honor Medal
Award." In 1963 it won the "Prin-
cipal Award in the James Madison
Category." And so on, courtesy of
the Freedoms' Foundation.
So, nonetheless, what? Why get
worked up about something which
anyone with a micromillemeter of
commonsense can see is a put on?
Because:
a) Many of us don't see through
it. And those who do, tend to be
taken in by it anyway. It's the
Yahoo-Puritanical Feedback: you
get what you like and like what
you get.
Political symbols are not in-
nocuous fads. You can bargain
with an economic imperialist. But
just try knocking "Buffalo Bill"
or "The Pioneer Woman" or "The
White Church." Or the national
honor.
b) It comes out of your taxes.
The Military-Industrial Complex,
as exemplified by the Industrial
College of the Armed Forces, is
ludicrous, but it is no joke. It is
infamously expensive.
c) It gets at the kids.
A STATE STREET bookstore-
one of our leading campus follow-
ers-is cashing in on this last
phenomenon. For Christmas, the
bookstore has opened a second
front in its holding action against
light-fingered students and dead-
beat professors. It's called the
Children's Shop.
In the front window are dis-
played "G.I. Action Soldiers." Up-
A isop: Protest for What?
Letters:A Request
To Rep. Ford
A
By JOSEPH ALSOP
W ASHINGTON -One of the
President's most cherished
aims is to lead a decisively suc-
cessful assault on racial discrim-
ination in America. Yet within
the Johnson administration there
is acute and rising anxiety about
the next stage of the civil rights
movement.
The immediate cause of the
anxiety was the White House con-
ference on civil rights. At this
rally the highvadministration of-
ficials who were most eager to
aid the civil rights movement
found themselves hardly talking
the same language as the move-
ment's leaders.
The first shock was the recep-
tion given to the Moynihan Report
-the real basis of the President's
deservedly famous speech at Ho-
ward University. The report de-
scribes and proposes remedies for
the grave weaknesses in Negro
family patterns in the Northern
urban ghettos. It is both, wholly
sympathetic and wholly factual,
and it was denounced as "racist."
THE SECOND SHOCK was the
kind of answer the administration
conferees got, or rather did not
get, when they asked the civil
rights leaders: "Well, if you don't
want action based on the Moyni-
han Report, what precisely do.
you want?" Thee civil rightslead-
ers. had no practicable program to
offer in reply..
There was hardly any answer,
indeed, beyond a vague but angry
demand by A. Philip Randolph
and his idea man, Bayard Rustin,
that the government "spend $100
billion" to raise the Negroes' eco-
nomic standing. And how this was
to be done, and where the money
was to come from, were emphati-
cally not indicated.
reporter and, his brother, Stewart
reporter and his brothere, Stewart
Alsop, recently had just the same
sort of experience when they went,
respectively, to Boston and .Chi-
cago to have a first-hand look at
the urgent problem of the Negro
ghetto schools. Both were and are
passionately convinced of the jus-
tification for the Negro protests
against poor schooling for Negro
children. Both asked the protest
leaders:
"What exactly do you want
done? What is the right solution?"
One got the remarkable answer
that "the solution isn't the prob-
lem"-meaning, apparently, that
getting something done was much
less important than increasing
the volume of protest. The other
was somewhat astonished to find
that a request for a specific, prac-
tical program of remedies and re-
forms was treated as downright
insulting, indeed, as being a.symp-
tom of sneaking prejudice.
THESE MAJOR and minor bits
of evidence suggest the nature of
every friend of the civil rights
the anxiety that is now felt by
movement in this administration,
which has done more for civil
rights than has ever been done
since the Emancipation Proclama-
tion.
Briefly, the civil rights gains
that can be easily accomplished
by legislation have all been put
on the statute books.
The statutes remain to be fully
applied, to be sure, but time and
hard work are needed for that. In
the meantime, nothing is to be
gained by passing a second Negro
voting act.
Thus, in the present phase the
main need is a hard, practical and
continuing effort to solve the
grave and deep-rooted social prob-
lems of America's Negro minority.
And this effort cannot succeed
unless the Negro leaders recognize
there are such problems, as set
forth in the Moynihan Report, for
instance, and unless they also
share actively in the effort to
solve these problems.
TO ILLUSTRATE, this report-
er's brother found a predominant-
ly Negro Chicago school _ about
equally divided between the,
"Brookses" and the Gowsters"-
the "Brook es" being hard-work-
ing and ambitious Negro boys and
girls, good citizens in every sense
of the word, and the "Gowsters"
being the exact opposite. The
"Gowsters" were also indulging in
fairly brutal racial persecution of
some members of the school's
white minority.
Here was a situation obviously
calculated to strengthen the hands
of the prejudiced whitebpeople,
who want nothing done about the
Negro school problem in Chicago.
IMere, therefore, was a situation
calling for stern action by the
Negro protest-leader, Albert A.
Raby, who has done nothing. Here,
too, was a situation deeply threat-
ening to the "Brookses."
Nationally as well as loca ly, the
difficulty is the same. Still stick-
ing to the school problem, the
local protest leaders offer no de-
tailed solutions. In addition, it is
all but impossible to find a single
national civil rights leader, or a
single militantwwhitesliberal for
that matter, who has ever dis-
cussed the direly urgent school
problem of the great urban ghettos
in terms of the hard, harsh, in-
tractable facts.
INJUSTICE is the theme, not
what can be done about it. When
Whitney Young of the Urban
League calls for "a mass march
to the PTAI meetings instead of
the protest meetings," he is all but
unique. Yet the road Young in-
dicates is going to have to be
followed if we are ever to .attain
the grand aim of true integration
of the Negro community into the
larger American community.
(C), 1965, The Washington Post Co.
Lasch on
Lip pmannt
For Walter Lippmann, the de-
humanization of American cities
and the brutalizing of the Negro
remain technical rather than
moral problems which can be
solved by central planning; and
his main worry is not that any
solution would necessarily disturb
vested interests but that the
planners themselves will have
neither the time nor the imagina-
tion for the task.
Open Letter to Congressman Ford:
I HEARD YOU SPEAK at the
Lawyers Club of the University
of Michigan Law School on a
recent evening. I wanted very
much to ask you a question but I
was unable to get your attention.
My question was as follows: Last
April President Johnson, in a spe-
cial TV broadcast to the nation,
told us that we had been requested
to send troops to the Dominican
Republicto protect American lives
that were in danger because of the
revolt in that country. It soon
became apparent, however, that
the real reason we intervened was
to prevent a Communist takeover.
At best, President Johnson's
original statement showed that he
had little understanding of the
situation he was being pulled into:
at worst, he was deliberately at-
tempting to mislead the American
people. To. the best of my knowl-
edge, the leaders of the opposition
party said nothing.
Recently, it was disclosed that
our government actually solicited
a request from the Reid Cabral
government to intervene in the
Dominican Republic. Again lead-
ers of the opposition party were
absolutely silent.
FINALLY, last week Eric Sev-
areid revealed that a North Viet-
namese offer to negotiate, made
through U Thant, was turned
down by our government. Secre-
tary McNamara said this story was
a complete fabrication; the State
Department indicated that it
would not dignify' the statement
with a comment. A couple of days
later, however, the State Depart-
ment admitted that there- was
such an approach and that it had
been turned down.
At the same time the State De-
partmentsadmitted that, in spite
of their constant allegations that
Hanoi showed no interest in ne-
gotiations during the five day lull
in the bombings last summer, two
days after this lull Hanoi did make
an approach to our government
through the good- offices of
France.
I realize, Congressman Ford,
that you did say that you were
shocked with the news of U
Thant's offer being rejected. But
except for this statement at the
University of Michigan, the leaders
of the opposition have again been
silent.
How long do you intend to con-
tinue Ato place foreign affairs off
bounds for criticism, thereby leav-
ing President Johnson without any
effective congressional opposition
in this vital area?
If you feel that 'nocriticism is
necessary in this area, what do
you believe the true role of an
opposition party should be in our
American system of government.
-Thomas E. Towe, '68L
A
4
Schutze's Corner:
A New Departure
4
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THE DAILY has received an un-
precedented volume of mail
urging that Schutze's Corner be
devoted to a program of public
information. Both letters suggested
that lessons in political science
would be appropriate material for
this column to treat.
My roommate, Walt Livingston,
had two basic reasons for writing
these letters. He felt that Paul
Goodman's column on this page
and, in particular, Goodman's
comments on the new left were
highly inadequate and wanted
clarification by a more mature
commentator like myself; and he
realized that I would never return
his super ball to him until he
expressed these views in letters to
The Daily.
A Way
A meric(
IN COMPLIANCE with the pres-
sure exerted on me by my entire
reading audience, I will devote
the next three Corners to a de-
tailed analysis of the psychology
of the new left.
The need for education in this
area is all to evident: how can
this nation's universities hope to
educate their students in the lore
of the left when not one American
university has even bothered to
establish a department of unpoli-
tical science? Wheree the univer-
cities have failed, Schutze shall
excel.
My roommate is correct in de-
manding that- Schutze's Corner
fill the information gap described
above. I urge my reading public
not to miss these installments: if
he does miss them, I'll take his
super ball away for good.
To Savee
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