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August 27, 1965 - Image 4

Resource type:
The Michigan Daily, 1965-08-27

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Seventty-Sixth Year

)iions Are le, 420 MAYNARD ST., ANN ARBOR,AficH.

NEwS PHONE: 764-0552

Editorials printed in The Michigan Daily express the individual opinions of staff writers
or the editors. This must be noted in all reprints.
VaP Smith Must Server as Both
An Administrator and a Creator

The characteristics of the new vice-
president for academic affairs will be
a major factor in setting the pace of
the University's development for the next
Although it is probable that the Uni-
versity would plod on under the guid-
ance of any reasonably competent ad-
ministrator, the question at hand is
whether the University will plod on or
assert a dynamic leadership in educa-
In his new position Allan Smith can
turn out to be a mere administrator or
become an effective educational innova-
tor. Smith proved 'that he is a very cap-
able administrator when he was dean of
the Law School, so the complex admin-
istrative functions of the vice-president
for academic affairs should be no prob-
lem. But a University does not become
great by administration alone.
The very vastness of the University is
its greatest asset and its greatest weak-
ness. A large school has the people and
the financial resources needed for edu-
cational experimentation, but it also has
the ugly potential of being an educa-
tional machine producing members of
the "lonely crowd" for a mass society.
It will be up to Smith to see which path
the University takes in the next few
SMITH AS ALREADY proven his abil-
ity in the past to be, ansinnovator on
at least ยข a limited scale. As dean of the
Law School, he was responsible for, a
large increase in the neglected field of
legal research and an increasing empha-
sis on international law.
But the complexities of dealing with
the University as a whole are very much
different than the innovative function of
a dean of a college.
For example as the OAA vice-president
Smith will encounter the built in con-
flict between the Office of Business and.
Finance and the OAA. The business office
is quite reluctant to take educational
gambles with the University's tight funds.
One of the prime measures of Smith's
effectiveness on his job will be his abil-
ity to loosen Vice-President for Busi-
ness and Finance Wilbur K. Pierpont's
financial fist.
MONG THE OTHER pressing prob-
lems faced by Smith will be:
S Pushing the residential college ex-
periment. The completion date of this
self-contained unit, planned with the
aid of University psychologists to mini-
mie the alienation of a student at the
University through close contact with a
limited number of fellow students and
faculty members, has been postponed be-
cause of problems in financing the proj-
ect, constructing the buildings and hir-
ing interested faculty.
A pet project of outgoing Vice-Presi-
dent for Academic Affairs Roger W.
Heyns, the residential college will be
completed even without an active en-
dorsement by Smith, but the real issue
is how many of the original education-
al innovations planned for the college
will be included in the completed proj-
Second class postage paid at Ann Arbor, Mich.
Published daily Tuesday through Sunday morning.

Smith must make sure that the college
is not financially trimmed to the point
that its experimental qualities are lost.
It is also important that Smith stress the
priority of the project.
* Exerting a stronger voice for the
Office of Academic Affairs when the
business office plans the construction
of new facilities. Buildings used for edu-
cation should be planned specifically un-
der the supervision of men of the aca-
demic world, within only general guide-
lines established by the business office.
* Maintaining a high percentage, of
out-of-state students. Because of pres-
sure from short-sighted legislators, the
fraction of non-Michigan residents at the
University has decreased from one-third
to one-quarter. The academic excellence
of the University depends not only on the
academic qualities of the out-of-staters
but also on their capability to offset the
latent parochialism of a state univer-
* Organizing the faculty promotions
system so that the "publish or perish"
adage is not an applicable description
of University policies.
the University which should be push-
ed by Smith are these:
* More interdisciplinary studies. It is
fairly apparent that on the undergradu-
ate level many of the confines of the de-
partments are quite artificial and stifle
the educational needs of students. The
University has recognized the interdisci-
plinary nature of student interests
through setting up programs such as
Asian studies, Pre-Law and American
Culture, but more such programs are
0 The establishment of an option plan
similar to the one which will be intro-
duced this year at Princeton through
which students have the choice of re-
ceiving a grade or a "pass or fail" desig-
nation for at least one course each semes-
The advantage of this system, accord-
ing to Princeton Dean J. Merrill Knapp,
is that it will let "students elect courses
which they might not otherwise take be-
cause of pressure of grades.", The need
for such a system in the highly competi-
tive, grade grubbing University is obvious.
The concept of eliminating grades is
not new to the academic world. The Cali-
fornia Institute of Technology gives no
grades in the freshman year while other
schools such as Sarah Lawrence give no
grades at all.
In addition the University of Califor-
nia at Berkeley has been toying with the
option idea, and so has the University's
Medical School.
make the, University a greater institu-
tion continues, but the common denomi--
nator essential for all meaningful chang-
es is creative ideas and successful ad-
ministrative implementation.
The burden for the progress for the
University must fall on Smith's shoulders,
and hopefully Smith will be enough of
an innovator to lift that load well.

Michigan MAD
IN THE DAILY'S preview edition
of 1960, Editor Tom Hayden
wrote of the development of a
new confrontation in university
life, one between the student and
his society. Five years ago the
idea was revolutionary. Exhorta-
tions to students to sit-in, to
demonstrate or to generally tink-
er a little with their university
and their world were, at best,
regarded as scandalous.
They aren't now-quite-for
students have sat-in, demonstrat-
ed and picketed until it's almost
respectable. Even Harlan Hatcher
has come to semi-acknowledge the
importance and validity of student
involvement. At last spring's stu-
dent convocation he praised the
"concern" of students at Yale.
But then added, ."There must be
public order without which liber-
ty itself would be lost. There
should be no conflict with prop-
erly drawn statutes and ordi-
The voice of the Establishment.
For five years the students have
worked within and without the
universities. Here and at Berke-
ley even the faculty have
been known to become involved
in some of the issues. Hayden
himself was instrumental in lead-
ing an assault upon this Univer-
sity. In many if not most of the
issues that he and his fellow
senior editors raised, the imme-
diate objectives have been accom-
The Office of Student Affairs,
one of their favorite targets, now
has a leader anxious to do more
/there and willing to let the stu-
dents do more than even Hayden
would have dared dream; though
he isn't in a position to implement
all his philosophies. Elsewhere the
ear of the administration is well-
tuned to the expressed wants and
needs of the faculty and is pretty
adept at finding the resources or
the procedures to satisfy them.
Detached academic awareness
has been in many ways replaced
by student and faculty social ac-
tion in the last five years. New

dimensions of political and social
action such as Hayden spoke of
are more in evidence in many
Faculty members speak out on
Viet Nam, and several thousand
students take up the issue. Stu-
dents march and demonstrate in
and the malaise runs deep. What
does President Hatcher, the Uni-
versity's leader, say? "We are
searching for what to do about
these things. Some rush to the
scene, and we respect this."
Our President might try a little
rushing himself. He might join
George Romney and Jerome Cav-
anagh in civil rights marches in
Detroit, for instance.
Another issue.r
Students have long been aware
that an organized curriculum is
non-existent in most schools here
and that most of what is taught
is backed more by traditions of
what has always been taught
than thought-through concepts of
what ought to be learned in an
age where knowledge is expanding
exponentially. In an effort to in-
troduce discussion and debate in-
to the academic community of
these and related issues students
last spring produced a course
evaluation booklet. There was
deathly silence as some professors
quietly changed a syllabus or two
and others gloated over sour rat-
ings given to disliked colleagues
or rival departments.
A university exists physically as
an accumulation of buildings and
people, roughly divided into stu-
dents, faculty and administrators.
Hopefully it exists as something
more than that. Hopefully it is
not an- accumulation of men and
machines that is good for no more
than what Clark Kerr refers to as
its "uses."
If in fact we are no longer able
to conceive of a university in any
terms except what it is useful- for,
then the game is close to up.
Isn't it proper, after all, that a,
university should exist as a so-
cial and political leader as well as
a scientific one? Isn't it important

The University in Search of a Conscience


that university leadership should
exist in these social and political
fields as well as in scientific ones?
But look at what has happened.
Individuals and groups, operating
outside of any except the physi-
cal context of the universities,
have discussed and protested and
agitated. The Viet Nam teach-in
is a beautiful example. The fac-
ulty were explicitly barred from
the official University involvement
that would have resulted from an
acceptance of the class cancella-
tion plan. Interestingly enough,
University officials did cancel
classes several months later in
order to produce a big-crowd for
the honoring of astronauts Mc-
Divitt and White.
IT JS THUS that a new con-
frontation is needed. Some stu-
dents have confronted society,
some faculty have worked in sim-
ilar veins. Even Vice-President
Cutler managed to send up a trial
balloon for SNCC (it was shot at
but not shot down). But the Uni-
versity, whatever that is, needs
to have a confrontation with its
conscience. The question is wheth-
er or not that institution exists as
an inanimate body unto itself-
lines on a chart, desks to be filled,
public relations statements ground
out of a systematized, standardiz-
ed office-or exists in terms of the
students, faculty and administra-
tors here, themselves the Univer-
sity, not bodies to fill slots.-
Does the University have a col-
lective conscience? Can the people
that make it up speak up and do
things as part of the University or
must they go outside the institu-
tional framework? What has hap-
pened has been a massive abdica-
tion of responsibility.
Faculty are content to meet
the demands of this institutional
framework. They are well-paid,
their laboratories are well-hous-
ed, their research is well-support-
ed and their graduate students are
let alone. In return they quietly
fill their slots. They continue to
work for the University instead of
demanding acknowledgement of
the fact that they are the Uni-
versity. If they have something

to say or do they step outside
the framework, rather than de-,
mand the right to act explicitly
as University leaders so that the
University can act in turn as a
social leader rather than a social
The student's position is even
worse. His rights within the Uni-
versity have been acknowledged
only perfunctorily, and few stu-
dents ever bother to raise the is-
sue. The assigned slots are con-
siderably more confining than
those given to faculty. To the
undergraduate, the University is
an anarchic environment. There
is no context to nurture mature
responsibility. The University sets
up no examples or precepts. Its
standards are grades, which are
relevant only to a small fraction
of the student's development.
The students' four years at a
university are crucial to his fin-
al shape as a human being -
his values, his attitudes and his
skills. Yet what is done by the
University to guide and direct this
process to produce social leaders
and innovators rather than social
slot-fillers, even if highly compe-
tent and well-trained?
WHAT, INDEED. When a state-
ment by the vice-president for
student affairs commending SNCC
on its birthday is unprecedent-
ed? When the University's presi-
dent worries in his speeches about
public order rather than about the
tone and social meaning of Uni-
versity education, and worries pri-
vately about the great demands of
students on his time?
But the students, like the fac'-
ulty, have their vested interests--
a $600,000, lifetime income, for
instance, virtually guaranteed for
talented and well-trained slot-
fillers. And that's still pretty im-
portant. It's often as much as six
times what the high school drop-
out, receiving a social investment
perhaps one-tenth that of his
richer brethren, through no fault
of his own, will ever see.
Finally there are the adminis-
trators. Officially, they speak for
the University. Their power to do
so, both inside and outside, has

grown by slow subversion of the
traditional faculty role of shap-
ing their institution. And as the
University's involvement in socie-
ty has increased over the past
five years, so has it been frag-
mented, structured and circum-
scribed to the point where the
only face the University turns on
the world is the public relations-
constructed banalities of the well-
organized bureaucracy.
The voice of the University
would have the outside world be-
lieve that news releases and PR
speeches constitute that univer-
sity, period. Anything else is out-
side the "proper" (to use one of
Hatcher's favorite words) frame-
work. When a journalism student
writing press releases is the voice
of the University, it is time for
something to be done.
IT'S TIME for another confron-
tation. There is a social role to be
played by the University. It's time
for those alleged leaders of the
University to stand up and say
something about where we are and
where we are going and for fac-
ulty and students to say some-
thing in\answer and demand that
what they say be listened to.,
It's not a question of who has
what power, of who really runs
the University, of who really
speaks for the University. It's a
question of what the University is
here for, of what its public ideals
and standards are, of what the
University as a community means
and can do, of finding leaders
within that community to estab-
lish some answers to some of these
questions, and of restoring some
meaning to the concept of a uni-
It's a confrontation with con-
science, a confrontation of the
University with itself. Since the
University is the faculty, students
and administrators, that are here,
they ought to be concerned about
the fact that were this confronta-
tion with the University that sup-
posedly exists to occur, they would
find nothing there to confront.
Find, in fact that they don't, as
a university, exist.



New York's Candidates: Lindsay 's the Best

AS THE MOST serious water
crisis in recent history con-
tinues to plague the Northeast,
New York City is in the midst
of a heated- mayoralty contest
between the bright young star of
the Republican Party, John Lind-
say (also endorsed by New York's
Liberal Party) and a yet-to-be-
named Democratic nominee. Al-
ready, the campaign has caused
frayed tempers and an increase
in the city's normally high rate
of political mud-slinging.
On September 14, Democratic
voters will choose their candidates
in. a five-way race which princi-
pally revolves around the two
leading contenders.
One is Paul Screvane, 50, en-
dorsed by the still politically pow-
erful outgoing mayor, Robert
Wagner. Screvane, who has held
several high posts in Wagner's 12-
year tenure at -City Hall, has en-
joyed wide exposure through the
mass media and has attained a
certain degree of popularity.
SCREVANE has emphasized sev-
eral major issues while saying rel-
atively little about the worsen-
ing water situation. Political boss-
ism-the domination of Demo-
cratic party politics, and thus of
the city, by essentially corrupt
professional politicians-has been
on the decline in recent years as
a result of increasingly strong
reform movement, originally spur-
red by the late Eleanor Roose-
velt and the late Gov. Herbert
Lehman. This year, two of the
most prominent bosses of the past,
Charles Buckley and Carmine de
Sapio, are attempting a come-
back., Both were soundly defeat-
ed in elections two years ago.
Screvane has made a point of

vigorously opposing a re-birth of
bossism in city politics.
Screvane's leading opponent is
Controller Abraham Beame, the
leading vote-getter in the 1961
Wagner-Screvane-Beame ticket.
Beame is highly knowledgeable
about city finances, a prime qual-
ification for a mayoral contender,
and he has also managed to avoid
acquiring the unpopular image of
the typical New York party-ma-
chine politician.
However, Beame has failed to
oppose the revival of political
bossism-he has, in fact, welcom-
ed the support of men like Buck-
ley, de Sapio, and Harlem's con-
troversial' representative, Adam
Clayton Powell. Beame has con-
centrated his campaign on the
issue of city finances. New York
City has perpetual financial dif-
ficulties because of the failure of
the upstate-dominated state Leg-
islature to appropriate sufficient
Beame says that, by redistribut-
ing the tax burden among eco-
nomic groups, he can improve the
city's financial position without
increasing overall taxes. This
would involve a shift from reli-
ance on sales taxes to the more
egalitarian graduated income tax.
Yet, he has failed to indicate how
he plans to cope with a recalci-
trant Legislature and. a Republi-
can governor in Albany.
Lindsay, on the other hand, is
awaiting Athe Democratic primary
before issuing his position on the
city's financial problems.
THE STEADILY rising crime
rate is another issue of vital
concern to New Yorkers. A wave
of rapes and homicides in the
Queens section of the city has
brought calls for a drastic step-
up in the police force. Screvane

has recommended a 5000-man in-
crease in the force plus the use of
federal funds in an all-out effort
to combat crime. Beame has not
as yet offered his program, al-
though he has strongly deplored
the recent trends in crime statis-
Other contenders for the Dem-
ocratic nomination include Repre-
sentative William F. Ryan, 43, who
is popular among liberal Demo-
crats but not among party lead-
ers for his relatively iconoclastic
statements about his political op-
sonents; Councilman Paul O'-
Dwyer, 57, who is rated as hav-
ing very little chance of winning
the nomination because of his ob-
scurity; and Harlem rent strike
leader Jesse Gray, who is unpop-
ular not only among whites but
also among most Negroes in the
Harlem and Bedford-Stuyvesant
ghettoes. Gray, one of the most
radical Harlem leaders, attempted
to fan the flames of last sum-
mer's rioting in Harlem, and thus
earned for himself the disrespect
of most of the Negro community.
Actually, there is very little
difference among the leading
Democratic candidates. By fail-
ing to offer any new, constructive
ideas toward solution of most of
the city's multitude of serious
problems, they offer little new
to New York politics. New York
is plagued by air and water pol-
lution, unbelievably congested
traffic, racial unrest in the na-
tion's worst Negro ghettoes and,
of course, the water emergency.
THE FOUR-YEAR drought is
by far the most important issue in
the campaign. Caused by a shift
in upper-air winds which have
carried normal precipitation away
from the city, and exacerbated by
gross mismanagement and what
Interior Secretary Stewart Udall
has justifiably called "the leakiest
water system in the nation," the
situation threatens to grow stead-
ily more serious this winter.
The day may well come, some-
time in early spring or next sum-
mer, when New York's reservoir
supplies, currently only 40 per
cent of capacity, may run dry.
The emergency federal programs
already announced by President
Lyndon B. Johnson may help
avert an immediate crisis this
winter but do little to solve the
The 12-year administration of
Mayor Wagner must be held re-
sponsible for the water crisis to
a large degree. Los Angeles, for
example, receives much less rain-
fall than does New York, but it
pipes in its water from sources
hundreds of miles away and has
no water shortage. New York City
has failed to take advantage of
potential water sources in the
Adirondack Mountains, 300 miles
north of the city, and has been
.m teo -rin wrk n a x a ~ra

as part of the emergency actions
taken last week,
Screvane and Beame, as mem-
bers of the Wagner administra-
tion, have naturally found it dif-
ficult to criticize Wagner for his
lack of action during the past
four years, and have thus re-
mained noticeably silent about the
water crisis. On the other hand,
John Lindsay, the Republican-
Liberal candidate, has spoken out
strongly for the dismissal of Wa-
ter Commissioner Armand d'An-
gelo and for stronger measures to
conserve water. These measures
include a proposal for the instal-
lation of water meters in the city,
to help cut down on excess con-
sumption. At present, New York's
water is not metered individually,
and such a proposal is opposed
by Beame and Screvane.
IN THE MIDST of the mount-
ing frustration and tensions en-
gendered'by the water crisis, Lind-
say emerges like ,a shining light
in the city's morass of corruption
and political entanglements. His
youthful style reminds many of
the late President Kennedy, al-
though he lacks Kennedy's wit
and intellectual ability. However,
as last year's senatorial contest
demonstrated, the evocation of an
image as powerful as that sur-
runding the late President can
swing an election. (It is generally'
conceded' that much of Robert
Kennedy's victory over Kenneth
Keating can be attributed to the
power of the JFK image.)
Because he, lacks actual experi-,
ence in city government, Lindsay
has yet to demonstrate that he
has the political ability to govern
a city as unmanageable as New
York and to provide the much-
needed dedication and persever-
ance needed to begin working on
the' city's most critical problems.
Yet, in his campaign so far, Lind-
say has demonstrated any imagi-
nation and intellectual vigor un-
matched by the other candidates.
Unhampered by commitments to
the Democratic party machine or
close links with the previous ad-
ministration, Lindsay has had
more freedom to criticize past ef-
forts and propose new directions.
Much of his program is still
unrevealed (he is waiting for the
results of the Democratic primary
before stepping up .his campaign
effort), but Lindsay seems to pos-'
sess a dedication and fervor which
could help form the basis for all-
out efforts to alleviate some of the
-city's woxst problems. He has
spent more time and effort cam-
paigning than any other candi-
date; he has willingly made him-
self available for numerous press
interviews and television programs
(unlike Beame and, to a lesser
extent, Screvane); he has formed
numerous task-force committees
to come up with reports on a va-
riety of city problems for use

A Lindsay victory would be the
first New York Republican may-
oral victory in the last 30 years
and would certainly bring about
a major realignment in city poli-
tics, not to speak of the national
repercussions for the Republican
party.' Lindsay seems to be a new
breed of politician, less partisan
than most, more "liberal" than,
most political figures in the city
regardless of their party affilia-
IT IS EVIDENT that the New
York mayoralty race is developing
into a competition among person-
alities, with most issues hovering
in the background (with the single
exception of the water crisis,
which is front and center in the
minds of the voters). The expected
deterioration in the water situa-
tion, coupled with 'a desire for
change after Democratic Mayor
Wagner's 12-year administration,
may well throw the election to
Lindsay by a narrow margin.
LAn unexpressed yet powerful de-
sire to "get the city moving again"
seems to be uppermost in the
minds of many city voters. Dy-
namic action Is what Lindsay
seems to be offering, and the
most that can be done in the best
interests of the city is to take
him at his {word and give him a
chance. This sentiment is grow-
ing among Republicans, Demo-
crats,. Liberals, Negroes, Jews and
the city's other large minority
groups, and this support, based
more on emotional intangibles
than on an intellectual grasp of
the candidate's abilities, may be
enough to defeat New York's pow-
erful Democratic machine.
Lindsay may not have much ex-
perience in city government, but
he is youthful, vigorous and sin-
cere, and perhaps this is the type
of mayor New York City needs
now in its time of crisis and dis-
rThe Essence
Of Leanin
who propose new economies
in higher education, constant,
vigorous interaction, between
minds is not consistent with mass
instruction. Like TV or movies,
lectures can communicate a great
deal of knowledge to vast audi-
ences. But lectures are no sub-
stitute for the expansive process
of helping the individual student
hammer out an analysis of values,
relationships, judgments and
proofs in his own mind. This is
true education. It is an essential
element in the development of the
creative teacher-scholar, and some
institutions must assure its avail-
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