Seventty-Sixth Year EDITED AND MANAGED BY STUDENTS OF THE UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN UNDER AUTHORITY OF BOARD IN CONTROL OF STUDENT PUBLICATIONS )iions Are le, 420 MAYNARD ST., ANN ARBOR,AficH. NEwS PHONE: 764-0552 Editorials printed in The Michigan Daily express the individual opinions of staff writers or the editors. This must be noted in all reprints. FRIDAY, AUGUST 27, 1965 NIGHT EDITOR: ROBERT MOORE VaP Smith Must Server as Both An Administrator and a Creator r IS ALLAN SMITH? The characteristics of the new vice- president for academic affairs will be a major factor in setting the pace of the University's development for the next decade. Although it is probable that the Uni- versity would plod on under the guid- ance of any reasonably competent ad- ministrator, the question at hand is whether the University will plod on or assert a dynamic leadership in educa- tion. In his new position Allan Smith can turn out to be a mere administrator or become an effective educational innova- tor. Smith proved 'that he is a very cap- able administrator when he was dean of the Law School, so the complex admin- istrative functions of the vice-president for academic affairs should be no prob- lem. But a University does not become great by administration alone. The very vastness of the University is its greatest asset and its greatest weak- ness. A large school has the people and the financial resources needed for edu- cational experimentation, but it also has the ugly potential of being an educa- tional machine producing members of the "lonely crowd" for a mass society. It will be up to Smith to see which path the University takes in the next few years. SMITH AS ALREADY proven his abil- ity in the past to be, ansinnovator on at least ยข a limited scale. As dean of the Law School, he was responsible for, a large increase in the neglected field of legal research and an increasing empha- sis on international law. But the complexities of dealing with the University as a whole are very much different than the innovative function of a dean of a college. For example as the OAA vice-president Smith will encounter the built in con- flict between the Office of Business and. Finance and the OAA. The business office is quite reluctant to take educational gambles with the University's tight funds. One of the prime measures of Smith's effectiveness on his job will be his abil- ity to loosen Vice-President for Busi- ness and Finance Wilbur K. Pierpont's financial fist. MONG THE OTHER pressing prob- lems faced by Smith will be: S Pushing the residential college ex- periment. The completion date of this self-contained unit, planned with the aid of University psychologists to mini- mie the alienation of a student at the University through close contact with a limited number of fellow students and faculty members, has been postponed be- cause of problems in financing the proj- ect, constructing the buildings and hir- ing interested faculty. A pet project of outgoing Vice-Presi- dent for Academic Affairs Roger W. Heyns, the residential college will be completed even without an active en- dorsement by Smith, but the real issue is how many of the original education- al innovations planned for the college will be included in the completed proj- ect. Second class postage paid at Ann Arbor, Mich. Published daily Tuesday through Sunday morning. Smith must make sure that the college is not financially trimmed to the point that its experimental qualities are lost. It is also important that Smith stress the priority of the project. * Exerting a stronger voice for the Office of Academic Affairs when the business office plans the construction of new facilities. Buildings used for edu- cation should be planned specifically un- der the supervision of men of the aca- demic world, within only general guide- lines established by the business office. * Maintaining a high percentage, of out-of-state students. Because of pres- sure from short-sighted legislators, the fraction of non-Michigan residents at the University has decreased from one-third to one-quarter. The academic excellence of the University depends not only on the academic qualities of the out-of-staters but also on their capability to offset the latent parochialism of a state univer- sity. * Organizing the faculty promotions system so that the "publish or perish" adage is not an applicable description of University policies. AMONG THE INNOVATIONS needed at the University which should be push- ed by Smith are these: * More interdisciplinary studies. It is fairly apparent that on the undergradu- ate level many of the confines of the de- partments are quite artificial and stifle the educational needs of students. The University has recognized the interdisci- plinary nature of student interests through setting up programs such as Asian studies, Pre-Law and American Culture, but more such programs are needed. 0 The establishment of an option plan similar to the one which will be intro- duced this year at Princeton through which students have the choice of re- ceiving a grade or a "pass or fail" desig- nation for at least one course each semes- ter. The advantage of this system, accord- ing to Princeton Dean J. Merrill Knapp, is that it will let "students elect courses which they might not otherwise take be- cause of pressure of grades.", The need for such a system in the highly competi- tive, grade grubbing University is obvious. The concept of eliminating grades is not new to the academic world. The Cali- fornia Institute of Technology gives no grades in the freshman year while other schools such as Sarah Lawrence give no grades at all. In addition the University of Califor- nia at Berkeley has been toying with the option idea, and so has the University's Medical School. THE LIST OF REFORMS which would make the, University a greater institu- tion continues, but the common denomi-- nator essential for all meaningful chang- es is creative ideas and successful ad- ministrative implementation. The burden for the progress for the University must fall on Smith's shoulders, and hopefully Smith will be enough of an innovator to lift that load well. -BRUCE WASSERSTEIN Michigan MAD By ROBERT JOHNSTON IN THE DAILY'S preview edition of 1960, Editor Tom Hayden wrote of the development of a new confrontation in university life, one between the student and his society. Five years ago the idea was revolutionary. Exhorta- tions to students to sit-in, to demonstrate or to generally tink- er a little with their university and their world were, at best, regarded as scandalous. They aren't now-quite-for students have sat-in, demonstrat- ed and picketed until it's almost respectable. Even Harlan Hatcher has come to semi-acknowledge the importance and validity of student involvement. At last spring's stu- dent convocation he praised the "concern" of students at Yale. But then added, ."There must be public order without which liber- ty itself would be lost. There should be no conflict with prop- erly drawn statutes and ordi- nances." The voice of the Establishment. For five years the students have worked within and without the universities. Here and at Berke- ley even the faculty have been known to become involved in some of the issues. Hayden himself was instrumental in lead- ing an assault upon this Univer- sity. In many if not most of the issues that he and his fellow senior editors raised, the imme- diate objectives have been accom- plished. The Office of Student Affairs, one of their favorite targets, now has a leader anxious to do more /there and willing to let the stu- dents do more than even Hayden would have dared dream; though he isn't in a position to implement all his philosophies. Elsewhere the ear of the administration is well- tuned to the expressed wants and needs of the faculty and is pretty adept at finding the resources or the procedures to satisfy them. Detached academic awareness has been in many ways replaced by student and faculty social ac- tion in the last five years. New dimensions of political and social action such as Hayden spoke of are more in evidence in many quarters. Faculty members speak out on Viet Nam, and several thousand students take up the issue. Stu- dents march and demonstrate in Alabama. YET SOMETHING is wrong, and the malaise runs deep. What does President Hatcher, the Uni- versity's leader, say? "We are searching for what to do about these things. Some rush to the scene, and we respect this." Our President might try a little rushing himself. He might join George Romney and Jerome Cav- anagh in civil rights marches in Detroit, for instance. Another issue.r Students have long been aware that an organized curriculum is non-existent in most schools here and that most of what is taught is backed more by traditions of what has always been taught than thought-through concepts of what ought to be learned in an age where knowledge is expanding exponentially. In an effort to in- troduce discussion and debate in- to the academic community of these and related issues students last spring produced a course evaluation booklet. There was deathly silence as some professors quietly changed a syllabus or two and others gloated over sour rat- ings given to disliked colleagues or rival departments. A university exists physically as an accumulation of buildings and people, roughly divided into stu- dents, faculty and administrators. Hopefully it exists as something more than that. Hopefully it is not an- accumulation of men and machines that is good for no more than what Clark Kerr refers to as its "uses." If in fact we are no longer able to conceive of a university in any terms except what it is useful- for, then the game is close to up. Isn't it proper, after all, that a, university should exist as a so- cial and political leader as well as a scientific one? Isn't it important The University in Search of a Conscience 4p that university leadership should exist in these social and political fields as well as in scientific ones? But look at what has happened. Individuals and groups, operating outside of any except the physi- cal context of the universities, have discussed and protested and agitated. The Viet Nam teach-in is a beautiful example. The fac- ulty were explicitly barred from the official University involvement that would have resulted from an acceptance of the class cancella- tion plan. Interestingly enough, University officials did cancel classes several months later in order to produce a big-crowd for the honoring of astronauts Mc- Divitt and White. IT JS THUS that a new con- frontation is needed. Some stu- dents have confronted society, some faculty have worked in sim- ilar veins. Even Vice-President Cutler managed to send up a trial balloon for SNCC (it was shot at but not shot down). But the Uni- versity, whatever that is, needs to have a confrontation with its conscience. The question is wheth- er or not that institution exists as an inanimate body unto itself- lines on a chart, desks to be filled, public relations statements ground out of a systematized, standardiz- ed office-or exists in terms of the students, faculty and administra- tors here, themselves the Univer- sity, not bodies to fill slots.- Does the University have a col- lective conscience? Can the people that make it up speak up and do things as part of the University or must they go outside the institu- tional framework? What has hap- pened has been a massive abdica- tion of responsibility. Faculty are content to meet the demands of this institutional framework. They are well-paid, their laboratories are well-hous- ed, their research is well-support- ed and their graduate students are let alone. In return they quietly fill their slots. They continue to work for the University instead of demanding acknowledgement of the fact that they are the Uni- versity. If they have something to say or do they step outside the framework, rather than de-, mand the right to act explicitly as University leaders so that the University can act in turn as a social leader rather than a social tool. The student's position is even worse. His rights within the Uni- versity have been acknowledged only perfunctorily, and few stu- dents ever bother to raise the is- sue. The assigned slots are con- siderably more confining than those given to faculty. To the undergraduate, the University is an anarchic environment. There is no context to nurture mature responsibility. The University sets up no examples or precepts. Its standards are grades, which are relevant only to a small fraction of the student's development. The students' four years at a university are crucial to his fin- al shape as a human being - his values, his attitudes and his skills. Yet what is done by the University to guide and direct this process to produce social leaders and innovators rather than social slot-fillers, even if highly compe- tent and well-trained? WHAT, INDEED. When a state- ment by the vice-president for student affairs commending SNCC on its birthday is unprecedent- ed? When the University's presi- dent worries in his speeches about public order rather than about the tone and social meaning of Uni- versity education, and worries pri- vately about the great demands of students on his time? But the students, like the fac'- ulty, have their vested interests-- a $600,000, lifetime income, for instance, virtually guaranteed for talented and well-trained slot- fillers. And that's still pretty im- portant. It's often as much as six times what the high school drop- out, receiving a social investment perhaps one-tenth that of his richer brethren, through no fault of his own, will ever see. Finally there are the adminis- trators. Officially, they speak for the University. Their power to do so, both inside and outside, has grown by slow subversion of the traditional faculty role of shap- ing their institution. And as the University's involvement in socie- ty has increased over the past five years, so has it been frag- mented, structured and circum- scribed to the point where the only face the University turns on the world is the public relations- constructed banalities of the well- organized bureaucracy. The voice of the University would have the outside world be- lieve that news releases and PR speeches constitute that univer- sity, period. Anything else is out- side the "proper" (to use one of Hatcher's favorite words) frame- work. When a journalism student writing press releases is the voice of the University, it is time for something to be done. IT'S TIME for another confron- tation. There is a social role to be played by the University. It's time for those alleged leaders of the University to stand up and say something about where we are and where we are going and for fac- ulty and students to say some- thing in\answer and demand that what they say be listened to., It's not a question of who has what power, of who really runs the University, of who really speaks for the University. It's a question of what the University is here for, of what its public ideals and standards are, of what the University as a community means and can do, of finding leaders within that community to estab- lish some answers to some of these questions, and of restoring some meaning to the concept of a uni- versity. It's a confrontation with con- science, a confrontation of the University with itself. Since the University is the faculty, students and administrators, that are here, they ought to be concerned about the fact that were this confronta- tion with the University that sup- posedly exists to occur, they would find nothing there to confront. Find, in fact that they don't, as a university, exist. * K New York's Candidates: Lindsay 's the Best By CLARENCE FANTO AS THE MOST serious water crisis in recent history con- tinues to plague the Northeast, New York City is in the midst of a heated- mayoralty contest between the bright young star of the Republican Party, John Lind- say (also endorsed by New York's Liberal Party) and a yet-to-be- named Democratic nominee. Al- ready, the campaign has caused frayed tempers and an increase in the city's normally high rate of political mud-slinging. On September 14, Democratic voters will choose their candidates in. a five-way race which princi- pally revolves around the two leading contenders. One is Paul Screvane, 50, en- dorsed by the still politically pow- erful outgoing mayor, Robert Wagner. Screvane, who has held several high posts in Wagner's 12- year tenure at -City Hall, has en- joyed wide exposure through the mass media and has attained a certain degree of popularity. SCREVANE has emphasized sev- eral major issues while saying rel- atively little about the worsen- ing water situation. Political boss- ism-the domination of Demo- cratic party politics, and thus of the city, by essentially corrupt professional politicians-has been on the decline in recent years as a result of increasingly strong reform movement, originally spur- red by the late Eleanor Roose- velt and the late Gov. Herbert Lehman. This year, two of the most prominent bosses of the past, Charles Buckley and Carmine de Sapio, are attempting a come- back., Both were soundly defeat- ed in elections two years ago. Screvane has made a point of vigorously opposing a re-birth of bossism in city politics. Screvane's leading opponent is Controller Abraham Beame, the leading vote-getter in the 1961 Wagner-Screvane-Beame ticket. Beame is highly knowledgeable about city finances, a prime qual- ification for a mayoral contender, and he has also managed to avoid acquiring the unpopular image of the typical New York party-ma- chine politician. However, Beame has failed to oppose the revival of political bossism-he has, in fact, welcom- ed the support of men like Buck- ley, de Sapio, and Harlem's con- troversial' representative, Adam Clayton Powell. Beame has con- centrated his campaign on the issue of city finances. New York City has perpetual financial dif- ficulties because of the failure of the upstate-dominated state Leg- islature to appropriate sufficient funds. Beame says that, by redistribut- ing the tax burden among eco- nomic groups, he can improve the city's financial position without increasing overall taxes. This would involve a shift from reli- ance on sales taxes to the more egalitarian graduated income tax. Yet, he has failed to indicate how he plans to cope with a recalci- trant Legislature and. a Republi- can governor in Albany. Lindsay, on the other hand, is awaiting Athe Democratic primary before issuing his position on the city's financial problems. THE STEADILY rising crime rate is another issue of vital concern to New Yorkers. A wave of rapes and homicides in the Queens section of the city has brought calls for a drastic step- up in the police force. Screvane has recommended a 5000-man in- crease in the force plus the use of federal funds in an all-out effort to combat crime. Beame has not as yet offered his program, al- though he has strongly deplored the recent trends in crime statis- tics. Other contenders for the Dem- ocratic nomination include Repre- sentative William F. Ryan, 43, who is popular among liberal Demo- crats but not among party lead- ers for his relatively iconoclastic statements about his political op- sonents; Councilman Paul O'- Dwyer, 57, who is rated as hav- ing very little chance of winning the nomination because of his ob- scurity; and Harlem rent strike leader Jesse Gray, who is unpop- ular not only among whites but also among most Negroes in the Harlem and Bedford-Stuyvesant ghettoes. Gray, one of the most radical Harlem leaders, attempted to fan the flames of last sum- mer's rioting in Harlem, and thus earned for himself the disrespect of most of the Negro community. Actually, there is very little difference among the leading Democratic candidates. By fail- ing to offer any new, constructive ideas toward solution of most of the city's multitude of serious problems, they offer little new to New York politics. New York is plagued by air and water pol- lution, unbelievably congested traffic, racial unrest in the na- tion's worst Negro ghettoes and, of course, the water emergency. THE FOUR-YEAR drought is by far the most important issue in the campaign. Caused by a shift in upper-air winds which have carried normal precipitation away from the city, and exacerbated by gross mismanagement and what Interior Secretary Stewart Udall has justifiably called "the leakiest water system in the nation," the situation threatens to grow stead- ily more serious this winter. The day may well come, some- time in early spring or next sum- mer, when New York's reservoir supplies, currently only 40 per cent of capacity, may run dry. The emergency federal programs already announced by President Lyndon B. Johnson may help avert an immediate crisis this winter but do little to solve the long-term.problem. The 12-year administration of Mayor Wagner must be held re- sponsible for the water crisis to a large degree. Los Angeles, for example, receives much less rain- fall than does New York, but it pipes in its water from sources hundreds of miles away and has no water shortage. New York City has failed to take advantage of potential water sources in the Adirondack Mountains, 300 miles north of the city, and has been .m teo -rin wrk n a x a ~ra as part of the emergency actions taken last week, Screvane and Beame, as mem- bers of the Wagner administra- tion, have naturally found it dif- ficult to criticize Wagner for his lack of action during the past four years, and have thus re- mained noticeably silent about the water crisis. On the other hand, John Lindsay, the Republican- Liberal candidate, has spoken out strongly for the dismissal of Wa- ter Commissioner Armand d'An- gelo and for stronger measures to conserve water. These measures include a proposal for the instal- lation of water meters in the city, to help cut down on excess con- sumption. At present, New York's water is not metered individually, and such a proposal is opposed by Beame and Screvane. IN THE MIDST of the mount- ing frustration and tensions en- gendered'by the water crisis, Lind- say emerges like ,a shining light in the city's morass of corruption and political entanglements. His youthful style reminds many of the late President Kennedy, al- though he lacks Kennedy's wit and intellectual ability. However, as last year's senatorial contest demonstrated, the evocation of an image as powerful as that sur- runding the late President can swing an election. (It is generally' conceded' that much of Robert Kennedy's victory over Kenneth Keating can be attributed to the power of the JFK image.) Because he, lacks actual experi-, ence in city government, Lindsay has yet to demonstrate that he has the political ability to govern a city as unmanageable as New York and to provide the much- needed dedication and persever- ance needed to begin working on the' city's most critical problems. Yet, in his campaign so far, Lind- say has demonstrated any imagi- nation and intellectual vigor un- matched by the other candidates. Unhampered by commitments to the Democratic party machine or close links with the previous ad- ministration, Lindsay has had more freedom to criticize past ef- forts and propose new directions. Much of his program is still unrevealed (he is waiting for the results of the Democratic primary before stepping up .his campaign effort), but Lindsay seems to pos-' sess a dedication and fervor which could help form the basis for all- out efforts to alleviate some of the -city's woxst problems. He has spent more time and effort cam- paigning than any other candi- date; he has willingly made him- self available for numerous press interviews and television programs (unlike Beame and, to a lesser extent, Screvane); he has formed numerous task-force committees to come up with reports on a va- riety of city problems for use A Lindsay victory would be the first New York Republican may- oral victory in the last 30 years and would certainly bring about a major realignment in city poli- tics, not to speak of the national repercussions for the Republican party.' Lindsay seems to be a new breed of politician, less partisan than most, more "liberal" than, most political figures in the city regardless of their party affilia- tion. IT IS EVIDENT that the New York mayoralty race is developing into a competition among person- alities, with most issues hovering in the background (with the single exception of the water crisis, which is front and center in the minds of the voters). The expected deterioration in the water situa- tion, coupled with 'a desire for change after Democratic Mayor Wagner's 12-year administration, may well throw the election to Lindsay by a narrow margin. LAn unexpressed yet powerful de- sire to "get the city moving again" seems to be uppermost in the minds of many city voters. Dy- namic action Is what Lindsay seems to be offering, and the most that can be done in the best interests of the city is to take him at his {word and give him a chance. This sentiment is grow- ing among Republicans, Demo- crats,. Liberals, Negroes, Jews and the city's other large minority groups, and this support, based more on emotional intangibles than on an intellectual grasp of the candidate's abilities, may be enough to defeat New York's pow- erful Democratic machine. Lindsay may not have much ex- perience in city government, but he is youthful, vigorous and sin- cere, and perhaps this is the type of mayor New York City needs now in its time of crisis and dis- content. rThe Essence Of Leanin UNFORTUNATELY for those who propose new economies in higher education, constant, vigorous interaction, between minds is not consistent with mass instruction. Like TV or movies, lectures can communicate a great deal of knowledge to vast audi- ences. But lectures are no sub- stitute for the expansive process of helping the individual student hammer out an analysis of values, relationships, judgments and proofs in his own mind. This is true education. It is an essential element in the development of the creative teacher-scholar, and some institutions must assure its avail- fnhli .n, -mn -t fa hm .n.-r..na AIA o, t & so- M ZY S -TO3 H O. 4. TWPAY~ tT4I 'I THWKJt MY ELPAK-. 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