Seventy -Sixth Year
EwuIrIr AN) MANA(A-D 8Y STUDE~IsI OF THEI-,,i UIRsrr)Y OFMIC HICAN
UNDER AUTHORITY OF BOARD IN CONTROL OF SIUDENT1 PUBLICAiT0'15
Viet Nam Obscures Arms
Tulk Crisis
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Editorials printed in The Michigan Daily ex press the individual opinions of staff writers
or the editors. This mus t be noted in all reprints.
THURSDAY, SEPTEMBER 2, 1965 NIGHT EDITOR: JOHN MEREDITH
SGC Must Assert Itself
To Gain More Power
VIRTUALLY from its inception, Student
Government Council has been bom-
barded by vicious criticism, and some-
times far-from-idle mockery. It has been
brutalized by what I truly wish I could
call slander. But, alas, it is all terribly,,
terribly true!
The latest SGC fiasco, the opening of a
Student Book Exchange for the fall term,
entered the happy millwork of platform
planks in the sky. Death was attributed
to a lack of sufficient capital, lack of a
manager who would, in effect, be respon-
sible for the success of the venture, the
absence of SGC authorities at the crucial
time, just prior to the fall term, and lack
of interest on the part of those SGC
members who could have been of help.
'In the face of such overwhelming odds,
however, the "dauntless three," the exec-
utive. committee in charge of the SBX,
assayed their obviously superior organi-
zational powers and set to the task of
organizing a fully stocked used-bookstore
by post and telephone, their being occu-
pied at the time with summer jobs out-
side Ann Arbor. The result was lack of,
coordination and, finally, a devastating
defeat. I hope, one way or another, that
this will be the last.
IN A SENSE, however, one might con-
sider the SBX-affair an unworthy cli-
max to the exhaustive history of SGC's
impotent blunderings. It's a close race,
indeed. Runners-up could include its re-
sponse to the housing problem, its ter-
ribly efficient botch-up of Rose Bowl
finances and accommodations, its divine
smothering, of the eager GROUP party's
good intentions and, perhaps most im-
pressive, its consistently abortive han-
dling of its own elections.
The true guilt for the impotence of
Student Government Council must cer-t
tainly lie with an inadequate allotment
of power to an institution whose very.
existence depends upon the extent of its
ability to effectively negotiate with those
of higher authority, while never failing
to maintain its position of authority with
regard to those it serves.
LACK OF POWER not only limits the ac-
tions and policies of a student gov-
ernment; it also severely prevents the
student administrator from knowing how
to use power if ever it is allotted to him.
One outstanding illustration comes to
mind.
Barry Bluestone, '65, speaking for the
then-president of SGC, Douglas Brook,
'65, related in one Daily article in Janu-
ary the general goals and areas of con-
centration of that administration. "If
SGC goes ahead and puts concentrated
effort into the two areas of student hous-
ing and general economic welfare, we
may just be able to ensure some progress
this semester for SGC and the student
body.
"If SGC cannot succeed in this at-
tempt, it might just fade away."
Understandable naivete in the use of
power combined with an equally rational
anxiety over the additional responsibility
and the projected result led to a brash
and completely unjustified attack on the
Off-Campus Housing Bureau on charges
of having sided unjustly with realtors in
certain housing questions. The books,
later examined, showed a marked student
benefit as compared to that of the real-
tor.
Such actions arise not only from inex-
perience, but also from a lack of politi-
cal assuredness, a quality matured only
by -relative freedom combined with a cer-
tain amount of individual authority and
group power-for support if not self-de-
fense. SGC members need more from
the administration than love. Their pup-
pet-like tractability and long-conditioned
conservative judgment pertaining to stu-
dent participation-probably an accurate
gauge of the affection felt for SGC mem-
bers by those high in the administration
-are most likely a partly conscious at-
tempt to avoid any confrontation with
authority. However, by their weaknesses,
fears and "shining sins," they betray the
people to whom they owe their allegiance
-their constituents, the student body.
I COULD NEVER in good conscience want
the only valid student legislative body
at, the University to float quietly into
oblivion without having helped to save
it or destroy it.
The only consideration in whether it
should live or die should be that there
must be some student recognition of and
reckoning with Council's political ineffec-
tuality, for this ineffectuality does not
simply keep students from exercising
power. It goes much farther and actually
increases students' feelings of apathy
and impotence, until finally no one will
have the emotional capacity to assert his
desires politically.
-J. RUSSELL GAINES
By MARK R. KILLINGSWORTH
Special To The Daily
WASHINGTON-As the war in
Viet Nam continues, it is in-
teresting to note not so much the
problems which it has illuminated
or exemplified-but those which
it has obscured. And as the semes-
ter commences with reports that
massive civil disobedience is being
planned in opposition to the war
there, it is particularly interesting
that a problem which could make
all others irrelevant, the problem
of nuclear proliferation, has gone
virtually unnoticed.
The problem is urgent. Within
a few years, up to a dozen nations,
from India to Israel to Sukarno's
Indonesia, could develop a potent
nuclear capability-some could do
so in only a few months, should
they so decide. The complications
and dangers which such develop-
ments would bring to the world
are simply terrifying. For example,
it hardly requires much creativity
to imagine what might ensue
should India and Pakistan, or
Israel and the United Arab Re-
public, develop nuclear arsenals.
The 1963 nuclear test ban treaty
was a memorable achievement, but
it was, in the words of President
Kennedy, only the first step on a
journey of a thousand miles.
While time is running out, the
Geneva conference on nuclear dis-
armament appears hopelessly
stalemated. It is remarkable that
this impasse seems to have alto-
gether escaped the attention of
early everyone. This hardly makes
a discouraging situation more'en-
couraging.
STILL LESS encouraging has
been the official United States
position at these talks. The Amer-
ican position has always been one
of strong support for any treaty
which would forbid nuclear na-
tions giving nuclear weapons to
we suppose, in ironic contradiction
of our own beginnings as a nation,
that bullets-or nuclear weaponry
-can stop the march of ideas.
That is something only better
ideas can do. and the Atlantic
Alliance, rather than clinging to
its police-force view of diplomacy,
might find itself radically improv-
ed if it instead concentrated on
formulating some better ideas and
helping underdeveloped countries
improve themselves.
Senator Robert F. Kennedy has
urged that the United States
abandon its MLF plans should the
Soviets seem willing to make a
similar concession, and a minority
within the Arms Control and Dis-
armament Agency is known to
favor this idea strongly.
But it is only a small minority
-and, as The Daily reported yes-
terday, not a single Agency of-
ficial has yet seen a copy of the
top-secret Gilpatric report, which
is known to have urged that a
disarmament treaty be given a
much higher priority than a MLF.
THE SITUATION in Viet Nam
merits grave concern, as, indeed,
do a number of other world prob-
lems. But while the problem of
nuclear proliferation threatens to
make all the others irrelevant, and
very possibly non-existent, there
has been little support within the
government for realistic American
steps to reach agreement with the
Soviets within the government--
and almost none outside it.
President Kennedy once observ-
ed that this generation has the
power to make itself the best in
history-or the last. As the plans
for civil disobedience over Viet
Nam are formulated, it is ironic
that the issue of nuclear dis-
armament, perhaps less emotional
but scarcely less important-and
far more urgent-has been almost
completely ignored.
ABOVE IS A PICTURE of the first atomic bomb exploded by the Chinese People's Republic-October
16, 1964. If current arms talks fail, many other nations-from Israel and Egypt to Indonesia and Pak-
istan-may get the bomb, adding further to the nuclear dangers that confront the world.
,t
non-nuclear nations-and strong
opposition to any treaty which
would forbid a multilateral nu-
clear force (MLF).
The Soviet Union, not surpris-
ingly, has insisted that any dis-
armament treaty must prohibit
both nuclear "gifts" and an MLF.
While the West German insistence
that any disarmament treaty must
keep the proposed Atlantic Al-
liance MLF legal is interesting,
the Soviet denunciations of West
German "revenge-seeking mil-
tarism" are hackneyed and stale.
The Soviets are more convinc-
ing, however, when they accuse
the United States of insincerity in
the field of nuclear disarmament.
True; the United States' most re-
cent proposed disarmament treaty
did prohibit non-nuclear nations
from developing nuclear weapons
or acquiring them from nuclear
powers.
But a loophole in the treaty al-
lowed both an MLF in which a
nuclear power (presumably mean-
ing the United States) would hold
a veto over nuclear deployment.
and-a surprising innovation--an
MLF of non-nuclear nations which
could form a communal nuclear
force in which, no one country
could control deployment.
THIS SECOND part of the loop-
hole has been interpreted as per-
mitting some sort of exclusively
European nuclear force; United
States disarmament negotiators
say the loophole would permit
such a force, although it's forma-
tion is "highly unlikely." Per-
haps the idea might not seem so
remote to the Arab League or the
Organization of African Unity.
But at any rate, U.S. arguments
that this loophole would not con-
stitute nuclear proliferation areso
ingenuous and so false it is hardly
surprising that the Soviet Union
has denounced us for insincerity
-and for deliberately putting
forth a proposal which we knew in
advance was unacceptable to them.
The United States must be pre-
pared to offer to abandon its
plans for MLF. The State Depart-
ment and the Defense Department,
for pressing reasons of diplomatic
and military strategy known only
to them, have insisted on the
MLF. But in the days of the war
of liberation and oppression and
mass misery, it seems strange that
Berkeley Needs Negotiation, not Conflict
To the Editor:
J EFFREY GOODMAN'S Wednes-
day column takes no construc-
tive step toward his own goals of
a free and intellectually stimulat-
ing university-either here or at
Berkeley. It is rather a call to
activists, frustrated by the pace
of reform, to destroy the Uni-
versity of California. If the call
is heeded, the rebels will find their
great institution falling on their
heads as well as on everyone else's.
This call comes from a knowl-
edgeable student who should be
aware of what the University of
Michigan in the 1960's owes Roger
Heyns. But Goodman will be lis-
tened to on the West coast.
Goodman, overlooking the great-
ness of both the University of
Michigan and California, has
chosen to call for their destruction
in his intense crusade to remove
their evils.
In furthering his cause, he is
placing an unfair burden on
Heyns. The column,. when read on
the coast, will undoubtedly en-
courage students who would like
to greet Heyns next month with
a demonstration without even
knowing what his policies will be.
HEYNS, through such things as
his sponsorship of the residential
college and the Center for Re-
search on Learning and Teaching,
his unflagging emphasis on teach-
ing over research and his efforts
to listen to and understand all
segments of the University com-
munity, has done more to advance
the University toward Goodman's
own goals than any single person.
But now Goodman is encourag-
ing University of California stu-
dents to prejudge Heyns before he
even arrives there and to cripple
whatever effectiveness he may
possess.
This slash at Heyns is only a
lesser evil of the column. Good-
man is condemning the reform
movement at Berkeley to ultimate
failure through his rejection of
negotiation. Continued demonstra-
tions take a toll of any institution.
They serve a purpose when they
forcibly point up discontents that
must be dealt with or- open com-
munication channels that have
been closed.
Eventually, demonstrations aim-
ed at the vitals of the institution
cause it to collapse, taking the
good as well as the bad with it.
All that the demonstrators have
left is rubble and empty dreams.
THIS FATE threatens the Uni-
versity of California if demonstra-
tions continue without giving
Heyns a chance to take charge.
Demonstrations will not allow him
to promote his creating influence
or to exercise his- skills at pro-
moting ' progress without disrup-
tion.
There is much worth saving at
the University of California. It}is
one of the world's great intellec-
tual centers and sustains a wide
range of top-flight intellectual en-
deavors-both on the campus and
in its satellite shadow community..
An unsettled climate could lead
many of Berkeley's top professors
to flee elsewhere. Or it could re-
sult in stringent outside state
action, leaving the university to
the tender mercies of California
legislators and far rightists.
Goodman rejects his best allies.
"The work of liberal administra-
tors like Roger Heyns is essen-
tially dangerous," he says because
they block the way to total de-
struction of the university and
its reconstruction in the activists'
image.
BUT THESE liberal administra-
tors are best able to blend the
best of the old with needed re-
form. Goodman need just look at
this campus to see that with the
faculty aid diplomacy proved a
surer way to university reform
than picket lines or flaming edi-
torials.
To be sure these methods point-
ed up the need and put on pres-
sure for change, but it fwas fac-
ulty influence that led to Office
of Student Affairs reform or Uni-
versity support of a fair-housing
ordinance. There is a time for
demonstrations and a time for
negotiations and standard politics.
The effective reformer, realizes
the proper moment for each and
uses his arsenal subtly and skill-
fully.
Goodman would use, a blunder-
buss against the whole structure
and alienate his potential allies.
A "constructive and creative" edu-
cation cannot be obtained in an
unsettled and intolerant environ-
ment.
-Philip Sutin, Grad
41
Today's' Universities: Toward What End?
IQC-Experience Needed
INTERQUADRANGLE COUNCIL is being'
paralyzed.
Its usefulness as a student organization
will decrease to nil if a group of dissident
constituents, East Quadrangle Council,
wins a judiciary case now before Joint
Judiciary Council.
These people seek to prevent Lee Horn-
berger, vice-president of IQC, from as-
cending to. the presidency of that august
body to fill the vacancy created by for-
mer IQC President John Eadie'sfdeparture
from that post. If they succeed they will
destroy what was once a quadrangle
forum for complaints, demands, and ac-
tion.
Many legal technicalities make the sit-
uation confusing.. The plaintiffs claim
that the tenure of Eadie as IQC president
ended the same time his residence hall
contract expired in the spring. A clause
in the IQC constitution states that if a
vacancy occurs in the office of president,
in the first semester following the elec-
tion in January, then an election of house
presidents must be held to fill it.
THE HORNBERGER faction argues that
this is not the case, that is, Eadie re-
mained president until he resigned this
fall. In this case, Hornberger, as vice-
president, succeeds Eadie. The constitu-
tion, they argue, gives only two methods
by which the president leaves office: by
impe'achment, or by resignation. There is
nothing about the eventuality where the
president loses his residency requirement
for IQC membership. Ergo, they say, Eadie
was president until he resigned.
plaintiffs, an election by house presi-
dents must take place. However, it is
questionable whether a quorum of house
presidents has returned this fall. If not,
will the IQC election be stopped to wait
for enough house presidents to be elect-
ed, or will two-thirds of the available
presidents be sufficient?
EAST QUADRANGLE COUNCIL should
withdraw its case.
If EQC wins its case the consequences
will be disastrous to IQC. The simple
fact is that though Hornberger is no
prize, he is the best man available for the
office of president of IQC. Other candi-
dates must come from the quadrangle
governments or IQC itself. One able can-
didate is under doctors orders to abstain
from IQC. Another is on academic pro-
bation. Three officers of East Quad did
not return this year. The pickings are
lean, and Hornberger is the best in sight.
Should EQC win its case, and another
president be elected, he would serve only
until the regular elections in January.
Nobody except Hornberger could keep
the organization thfat Eadie built into IQC
going until that election. As Eadie's vice-
president, Hornberger has become more
qualified to be president than any other
person evident on campus.
During his tenure as president, Eadie
organized IQC as well as he could, de-
spite some stiff opposition from persons
"in power" in East Quad. He brought
Bursley Hall to an actuality after the
University had scrapped the idea of any
more large dorms in the near future. Ead-
ie has created, in IQC, a means for the
THE UNIVERSITY is the place
where people begin seriously to
question the conditions of their
existence and raise the issue of
whether they can be committed to
the society they have been born
into. After a long period of apathy
during the fifties, students have
begun not only to question but,
having arrived at answers, to act
on these answers. This is part of
a gi wing understanding among
many people in America that his-
tory has not ended, that a better
society is po.i5:b1e, and that it is
worth dying for .. - ,
One conception of the univer-
sity, suggested by a classical
Christian formulation, is that it
be in the world but not of the
world. The conception of Clark
Kerr by contrast is that the uni-
versity is part and parcel of this
particular stage in the history of
American society; it stands to
serve the need of American in-
dustry; it is a factory that turns
out a certain product needed by
industry or government. Because
speech does often have consequen-
ces which might alter this per-
version of higher education, the
university must put itself in a l
position of censorship.
It can permit two kinds of
speech, speech which encourages
continuation of the status quo,
and speech which advocates
changes in it so radical as to be
irrelevant .in the foreseeable fu-
ture. Someone may advocate ra-
dical change in all aspects of
American society, and this I am
sure he can do with impunity. But
if someone advocates sit-ins to
bring about changes in discrimina-
tory hiring practices, this cannot
be permitted because it goes
against the status quo of which
the university is a part.
The administration of the
Berkeley campus has admitted
that external, extra-legal groups
have pressured the university not
to permit students on campus to
organize picket lines, not to per-r
mit on campus any speech with
consequences. And the bureau-
cracy went along. Speech with
consequences,- speech in the area
of civil rights, speech which some
might regard as illegal, must stop.
Many students here at the uni-
versity, many people in society,
are wandering aimlessly about.
Strangers in their own lives, there
Is no place for them. They are
people who have not learned to
come zomise, who for example have
come to the university, to learn to
question, to grow, to learn - all
the standard things that sound
like clches because no one takes
them seriously..
And they find at one point or
other that for them' to become
part of society, to become lawyers,
ministers, businessmen, people in
government, that very often they
must compronise those principles
which were most dear to them.
They must suppress the most crea-
tive impulses that they have; this
is a prior conditio' for being part
of the system.
THE UNIVERSITY is well
structured, well tooled, to turn
out people with all the sharp edges
worn off, the well-rounded per-
son. The university is well equip-
ped to produce that sort of per-
son, and this means that the best
among the people who enter musi
tor four years wander aimlessly,
much of the time questioning why
they are on campus at all, doubt-
ing whether there is any point in
what they are doing, and looking
toward a very bleak existence aft-
erward in a game in which all of
the rules have been made up,
which one cannot really amend.
It is a bleak scene, but it is all
a lot of us have to look forward
to. Society provides no challenge.
American society in the standard
conception it has of itself is simply
no longer exciting. The most ex-
citing things going on in Amer-
ica today are movements to change
America; America is becoming ever
more the utopia of sterilized, auto-
mated contentment. The "futures"
and "careers" for which American
students now prepare are for the
most part intellectual and moral
wastelands. This chrome-plated
consumers' paradise would have
us grow up to be well-behaved
children.
BUT AN IMPORTAlNT minority
of men and women coming to the
front today have shown that they
will die rather than be standard-
ized, replaceable and irrelevant.
-Mario Savio, from an article
written during last Deember's
sit-in by student demonstra-
tors at the University of Cali-
fornia-Berkeley
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