Seventy -Sixth Year EwuIrIr AN) MANA(A-D 8Y STUDE~IsI OF THEI-,,i UIRsrr)Y OFMIC HICAN UNDER AUTHORITY OF BOARD IN CONTROL OF SIUDENT1 PUBLICAiT0'15 Viet Nam Obscures Arms Tulk Crisis re Opinion APE Free. 420 MAYNARD ST., ANN ARBOR, MICH. Truh Will Peva Niws PFIONEF: 764-0552 Editorials printed in The Michigan Daily ex press the individual opinions of staff writers or the editors. This mus t be noted in all reprints. THURSDAY, SEPTEMBER 2, 1965 NIGHT EDITOR: JOHN MEREDITH SGC Must Assert Itself To Gain More Power VIRTUALLY from its inception, Student Government Council has been bom- barded by vicious criticism, and some- times far-from-idle mockery. It has been brutalized by what I truly wish I could call slander. But, alas, it is all terribly,, terribly true! The latest SGC fiasco, the opening of a Student Book Exchange for the fall term, entered the happy millwork of platform planks in the sky. Death was attributed to a lack of sufficient capital, lack of a manager who would, in effect, be respon- sible for the success of the venture, the absence of SGC authorities at the crucial time, just prior to the fall term, and lack of interest on the part of those SGC members who could have been of help. 'In the face of such overwhelming odds, however, the "dauntless three," the exec- utive. committee in charge of the SBX, assayed their obviously superior organi- zational powers and set to the task of organizing a fully stocked used-bookstore by post and telephone, their being occu- pied at the time with summer jobs out- side Ann Arbor. The result was lack of, coordination and, finally, a devastating defeat. I hope, one way or another, that this will be the last. IN A SENSE, however, one might con- sider the SBX-affair an unworthy cli- max to the exhaustive history of SGC's impotent blunderings. It's a close race, indeed. Runners-up could include its re- sponse to the housing problem, its ter- ribly efficient botch-up of Rose Bowl finances and accommodations, its divine smothering, of the eager GROUP party's good intentions and, perhaps most im- pressive, its consistently abortive han- dling of its own elections. The true guilt for the impotence of Student Government Council must cer-t tainly lie with an inadequate allotment of power to an institution whose very. existence depends upon the extent of its ability to effectively negotiate with those of higher authority, while never failing to maintain its position of authority with regard to those it serves. LACK OF POWER not only limits the ac- tions and policies of a student gov- ernment; it also severely prevents the student administrator from knowing how to use power if ever it is allotted to him. One outstanding illustration comes to mind. Barry Bluestone, '65, speaking for the then-president of SGC, Douglas Brook, '65, related in one Daily article in Janu- ary the general goals and areas of con- centration of that administration. "If SGC goes ahead and puts concentrated effort into the two areas of student hous- ing and general economic welfare, we may just be able to ensure some progress this semester for SGC and the student body. "If SGC cannot succeed in this at- tempt, it might just fade away." Understandable naivete in the use of power combined with an equally rational anxiety over the additional responsibility and the projected result led to a brash and completely unjustified attack on the Off-Campus Housing Bureau on charges of having sided unjustly with realtors in certain housing questions. The books, later examined, showed a marked student benefit as compared to that of the real- tor. Such actions arise not only from inex- perience, but also from a lack of politi- cal assuredness, a quality matured only by -relative freedom combined with a cer- tain amount of individual authority and group power-for support if not self-de- fense. SGC members need more from the administration than love. Their pup- pet-like tractability and long-conditioned conservative judgment pertaining to stu- dent participation-probably an accurate gauge of the affection felt for SGC mem- bers by those high in the administration -are most likely a partly conscious at- tempt to avoid any confrontation with authority. However, by their weaknesses, fears and "shining sins," they betray the people to whom they owe their allegiance -their constituents, the student body. I COULD NEVER in good conscience want the only valid student legislative body at, the University to float quietly into oblivion without having helped to save it or destroy it. The only consideration in whether it should live or die should be that there must be some student recognition of and reckoning with Council's political ineffec- tuality, for this ineffectuality does not simply keep students from exercising power. It goes much farther and actually increases students' feelings of apathy and impotence, until finally no one will have the emotional capacity to assert his desires politically. -J. RUSSELL GAINES By MARK R. KILLINGSWORTH Special To The Daily WASHINGTON-As the war in Viet Nam continues, it is in- teresting to note not so much the problems which it has illuminated or exemplified-but those which it has obscured. And as the semes- ter commences with reports that massive civil disobedience is being planned in opposition to the war there, it is particularly interesting that a problem which could make all others irrelevant, the problem of nuclear proliferation, has gone virtually unnoticed. The problem is urgent. Within a few years, up to a dozen nations, from India to Israel to Sukarno's Indonesia, could develop a potent nuclear capability-some could do so in only a few months, should they so decide. The complications and dangers which such develop- ments would bring to the world are simply terrifying. For example, it hardly requires much creativity to imagine what might ensue should India and Pakistan, or Israel and the United Arab Re- public, develop nuclear arsenals. The 1963 nuclear test ban treaty was a memorable achievement, but it was, in the words of President Kennedy, only the first step on a journey of a thousand miles. While time is running out, the Geneva conference on nuclear dis- armament appears hopelessly stalemated. It is remarkable that this impasse seems to have alto- gether escaped the attention of early everyone. This hardly makes a discouraging situation more'en- couraging. STILL LESS encouraging has been the official United States position at these talks. The Amer- ican position has always been one of strong support for any treaty which would forbid nuclear na- tions giving nuclear weapons to we suppose, in ironic contradiction of our own beginnings as a nation, that bullets-or nuclear weaponry -can stop the march of ideas. That is something only better ideas can do. and the Atlantic Alliance, rather than clinging to its police-force view of diplomacy, might find itself radically improv- ed if it instead concentrated on formulating some better ideas and helping underdeveloped countries improve themselves. Senator Robert F. Kennedy has urged that the United States abandon its MLF plans should the Soviets seem willing to make a similar concession, and a minority within the Arms Control and Dis- armament Agency is known to favor this idea strongly. But it is only a small minority -and, as The Daily reported yes- terday, not a single Agency of- ficial has yet seen a copy of the top-secret Gilpatric report, which is known to have urged that a disarmament treaty be given a much higher priority than a MLF. THE SITUATION in Viet Nam merits grave concern, as, indeed, do a number of other world prob- lems. But while the problem of nuclear proliferation threatens to make all the others irrelevant, and very possibly non-existent, there has been little support within the government for realistic American steps to reach agreement with the Soviets within the government-- and almost none outside it. President Kennedy once observ- ed that this generation has the power to make itself the best in history-or the last. As the plans for civil disobedience over Viet Nam are formulated, it is ironic that the issue of nuclear dis- armament, perhaps less emotional but scarcely less important-and far more urgent-has been almost completely ignored. ABOVE IS A PICTURE of the first atomic bomb exploded by the Chinese People's Republic-October 16, 1964. If current arms talks fail, many other nations-from Israel and Egypt to Indonesia and Pak- istan-may get the bomb, adding further to the nuclear dangers that confront the world. ,t non-nuclear nations-and strong opposition to any treaty which would forbid a multilateral nu- clear force (MLF). The Soviet Union, not surpris- ingly, has insisted that any dis- armament treaty must prohibit both nuclear "gifts" and an MLF. While the West German insistence that any disarmament treaty must keep the proposed Atlantic Al- liance MLF legal is interesting, the Soviet denunciations of West German "revenge-seeking mil- tarism" are hackneyed and stale. The Soviets are more convinc- ing, however, when they accuse the United States of insincerity in the field of nuclear disarmament. True; the United States' most re- cent proposed disarmament treaty did prohibit non-nuclear nations from developing nuclear weapons or acquiring them from nuclear powers. But a loophole in the treaty al- lowed both an MLF in which a nuclear power (presumably mean- ing the United States) would hold a veto over nuclear deployment. and-a surprising innovation--an MLF of non-nuclear nations which could form a communal nuclear force in which, no one country could control deployment. THIS SECOND part of the loop- hole has been interpreted as per- mitting some sort of exclusively European nuclear force; United States disarmament negotiators say the loophole would permit such a force, although it's forma- tion is "highly unlikely." Per- haps the idea might not seem so remote to the Arab League or the Organization of African Unity. But at any rate, U.S. arguments that this loophole would not con- stitute nuclear proliferation areso ingenuous and so false it is hardly surprising that the Soviet Union has denounced us for insincerity -and for deliberately putting forth a proposal which we knew in advance was unacceptable to them. The United States must be pre- pared to offer to abandon its plans for MLF. The State Depart- ment and the Defense Department, for pressing reasons of diplomatic and military strategy known only to them, have insisted on the MLF. But in the days of the war of liberation and oppression and mass misery, it seems strange that Berkeley Needs Negotiation, not Conflict To the Editor: J EFFREY GOODMAN'S Wednes- day column takes no construc- tive step toward his own goals of a free and intellectually stimulat- ing university-either here or at Berkeley. It is rather a call to activists, frustrated by the pace of reform, to destroy the Uni- versity of California. If the call is heeded, the rebels will find their great institution falling on their heads as well as on everyone else's. This call comes from a knowl- edgeable student who should be aware of what the University of Michigan in the 1960's owes Roger Heyns. But Goodman will be lis- tened to on the West coast. Goodman, overlooking the great- ness of both the University of Michigan and California, has chosen to call for their destruction in his intense crusade to remove their evils. In furthering his cause, he is placing an unfair burden on Heyns. The column,. when read on the coast, will undoubtedly en- courage students who would like to greet Heyns next month with a demonstration without even knowing what his policies will be. HEYNS, through such things as his sponsorship of the residential college and the Center for Re- search on Learning and Teaching, his unflagging emphasis on teach- ing over research and his efforts to listen to and understand all segments of the University com- munity, has done more to advance the University toward Goodman's own goals than any single person. But now Goodman is encourag- ing University of California stu- dents to prejudge Heyns before he even arrives there and to cripple whatever effectiveness he may possess. This slash at Heyns is only a lesser evil of the column. Good- man is condemning the reform movement at Berkeley to ultimate failure through his rejection of negotiation. Continued demonstra- tions take a toll of any institution. They serve a purpose when they forcibly point up discontents that must be dealt with or- open com- munication channels that have been closed. Eventually, demonstrations aim- ed at the vitals of the institution cause it to collapse, taking the good as well as the bad with it. All that the demonstrators have left is rubble and empty dreams. THIS FATE threatens the Uni- versity of California if demonstra- tions continue without giving Heyns a chance to take charge. Demonstrations will not allow him to promote his creating influence or to exercise his- skills at pro- moting ' progress without disrup- tion. There is much worth saving at the University of California. It}is one of the world's great intellec- tual centers and sustains a wide range of top-flight intellectual en- deavors-both on the campus and in its satellite shadow community.. An unsettled climate could lead many of Berkeley's top professors to flee elsewhere. Or it could re- sult in stringent outside state action, leaving the university to the tender mercies of California legislators and far rightists. Goodman rejects his best allies. "The work of liberal administra- tors like Roger Heyns is essen- tially dangerous," he says because they block the way to total de- struction of the university and its reconstruction in the activists' image. BUT THESE liberal administra- tors are best able to blend the best of the old with needed re- form. Goodman need just look at this campus to see that with the faculty aid diplomacy proved a surer way to university reform than picket lines or flaming edi- torials. To be sure these methods point- ed up the need and put on pres- sure for change, but it fwas fac- ulty influence that led to Office of Student Affairs reform or Uni- versity support of a fair-housing ordinance. There is a time for demonstrations and a time for negotiations and standard politics. The effective reformer, realizes the proper moment for each and uses his arsenal subtly and skill- fully. Goodman would use, a blunder- buss against the whole structure and alienate his potential allies. A "constructive and creative" edu- cation cannot be obtained in an unsettled and intolerant environ- ment. -Philip Sutin, Grad 41 Today's' Universities: Toward What End? IQC-Experience Needed INTERQUADRANGLE COUNCIL is being' paralyzed. Its usefulness as a student organization will decrease to nil if a group of dissident constituents, East Quadrangle Council, wins a judiciary case now before Joint Judiciary Council. These people seek to prevent Lee Horn- berger, vice-president of IQC, from as- cending to. the presidency of that august body to fill the vacancy created by for- mer IQC President John Eadie'sfdeparture from that post. If they succeed they will destroy what was once a quadrangle forum for complaints, demands, and ac- tion. Many legal technicalities make the sit- uation confusing.. The plaintiffs claim that the tenure of Eadie as IQC president ended the same time his residence hall contract expired in the spring. A clause in the IQC constitution states that if a vacancy occurs in the office of president, in the first semester following the elec- tion in January, then an election of house presidents must be held to fill it. THE HORNBERGER faction argues that this is not the case, that is, Eadie re- mained president until he resigned this fall. In this case, Hornberger, as vice- president, succeeds Eadie. The constitu- tion, they argue, gives only two methods by which the president leaves office: by impe'achment, or by resignation. There is nothing about the eventuality where the president loses his residency requirement for IQC membership. Ergo, they say, Eadie was president until he resigned. plaintiffs, an election by house presi- dents must take place. However, it is questionable whether a quorum of house presidents has returned this fall. If not, will the IQC election be stopped to wait for enough house presidents to be elect- ed, or will two-thirds of the available presidents be sufficient? EAST QUADRANGLE COUNCIL should withdraw its case. If EQC wins its case the consequences will be disastrous to IQC. The simple fact is that though Hornberger is no prize, he is the best man available for the office of president of IQC. Other candi- dates must come from the quadrangle governments or IQC itself. One able can- didate is under doctors orders to abstain from IQC. Another is on academic pro- bation. Three officers of East Quad did not return this year. The pickings are lean, and Hornberger is the best in sight. Should EQC win its case, and another president be elected, he would serve only until the regular elections in January. Nobody except Hornberger could keep the organization thfat Eadie built into IQC going until that election. As Eadie's vice- president, Hornberger has become more qualified to be president than any other person evident on campus. During his tenure as president, Eadie organized IQC as well as he could, de- spite some stiff opposition from persons "in power" in East Quad. He brought Bursley Hall to an actuality after the University had scrapped the idea of any more large dorms in the near future. Ead- ie has created, in IQC, a means for the THE UNIVERSITY is the place where people begin seriously to question the conditions of their existence and raise the issue of whether they can be committed to the society they have been born into. After a long period of apathy during the fifties, students have begun not only to question but, having arrived at answers, to act on these answers. This is part of a gi wing understanding among many people in America that his- tory has not ended, that a better society is po.i5:b1e, and that it is worth dying for .. - , One conception of the univer- sity, suggested by a classical Christian formulation, is that it be in the world but not of the world. The conception of Clark Kerr by contrast is that the uni- versity is part and parcel of this particular stage in the history of American society; it stands to serve the need of American in- dustry; it is a factory that turns out a certain product needed by industry or government. Because speech does often have consequen- ces which might alter this per- version of higher education, the university must put itself in a l position of censorship. It can permit two kinds of speech, speech which encourages continuation of the status quo, and speech which advocates changes in it so radical as to be irrelevant .in the foreseeable fu- ture. Someone may advocate ra- dical change in all aspects of American society, and this I am sure he can do with impunity. But if someone advocates sit-ins to bring about changes in discrimina- tory hiring practices, this cannot be permitted because it goes against the status quo of which the university is a part. The administration of the Berkeley campus has admitted that external, extra-legal groups have pressured the university not to permit students on campus to organize picket lines, not to per-r mit on campus any speech with consequences. And the bureau- cracy went along. Speech with consequences,- speech in the area of civil rights, speech which some might regard as illegal, must stop. Many students here at the uni- versity, many people in society, are wandering aimlessly about. Strangers in their own lives, there Is no place for them. They are people who have not learned to come zomise, who for example have come to the university, to learn to question, to grow, to learn - all the standard things that sound like clches because no one takes them seriously.. And they find at one point or other that for them' to become part of society, to become lawyers, ministers, businessmen, people in government, that very often they must compronise those principles which were most dear to them. They must suppress the most crea- tive impulses that they have; this is a prior conditio' for being part of the system. THE UNIVERSITY is well structured, well tooled, to turn out people with all the sharp edges worn off, the well-rounded per- son. The university is well equip- ped to produce that sort of per- son, and this means that the best among the people who enter musi tor four years wander aimlessly, much of the time questioning why they are on campus at all, doubt- ing whether there is any point in what they are doing, and looking toward a very bleak existence aft- erward in a game in which all of the rules have been made up, which one cannot really amend. It is a bleak scene, but it is all a lot of us have to look forward to. Society provides no challenge. American society in the standard conception it has of itself is simply no longer exciting. The most ex- citing things going on in Amer- ica today are movements to change America; America is becoming ever more the utopia of sterilized, auto- mated contentment. The "futures" and "careers" for which American students now prepare are for the most part intellectual and moral wastelands. This chrome-plated consumers' paradise would have us grow up to be well-behaved children. BUT AN IMPORTAlNT minority of men and women coming to the front today have shown that they will die rather than be standard- ized, replaceable and irrelevant. -Mario Savio, from an article written during last Deember's sit-in by student demonstra- tors at the University of Cali- fornia-Berkeley F A FEIFFER WAT 90DUAIo L00'& I'VE TPAJ0U0 '~rieii ora~ es COHA 76e _ 7K 5AY A CUSTOME. COMES ifs WITH SOME P A(2HE'AT, O M&- ME~ THAT-FaR$T WOK AT 71f C05T0&~e '9LiE YOU r IT~ THAT5 s 1'( T 5R) THEM UP. THEM.I A'SK: "WHAT PkY 4cov &Y'MuG" "Yi7E-sGY! .f 8OL6Hr IT (YSTQ9AY!" SAV HT,- A C RAVT6P. TH cot IF CTS {ILK 15 AV , ~ATCfW9 OUT." 7THAT IU SAC- ITVC CVT5 WM5 oc-HAP A 6i'4S? Ok ITr. WI TNCt2 eCOSM s CV'.2TO-ER\NGC SI OMY 1 Q'p L WOC 6 WIU AJe W( 7HCL i U E'l Z_. CHPLAtIO ! WE"V, 9,AADT6L Ce U TOt 6VCP, O au-iVS I7eH."