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May 19, 1967 - Image 4

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Michigan Daily, 1967-05-19

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I

0 Atdrhigatt tly
Seventy-Sixth Year
EDITED AND MANAGED BY STUDENTS OF THE UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN
UNDER AUTHORITY OF BOARD IN CONTROL OF STUDENT PUBLICATIONS

ere Opinions Are Free,
Truth Will PrevAil

420 MAYNARD ST., ANN ARBOR, MICH.

NEWS PHONE: 764-0552

- -_, .,

Editorials printed in The Michigan Daily express the individual opinions of staff writers
or the editors. This must be noted in all reprints.

FIDAY, MAY 19, 1967 NIGHT EDITOR: PAT O'DONOHUE
Wallace and 'Little People'

)E FACTO ALABAMA Governor George
Wallace is again safely nestled in the
osom of the Old Confederacy, following
is recent foray into the North - un-
oubtedly a harbinger of 1968.,
In its own peculiar way the Wallace
henomenon is much more inexplicable
ian the much-heralded rise of the rad-
al activists and the Negro militants.
or Wallace is disregarding the shams
f conventional politics and appealing di-
°ctly to the psyche. Ond the invariable
orthern masses are responding.
The racial undertones to the Wallace
usade have blinded many to the paral-
ls of Huey Long. It is often forgotten
lat the 1935 assassination of the "King-
sh" prevented him from embarking on
n epic third-party presidential cam-
aign. Long's appeal was more national,
ian distinctively Southern. For Long was
uthentically a "hick" and this back-
ounds enabled him to speak the lan-
uage of rural Americans.
N MUCH THE SAME WAY, George Wal-
lace is appealing directly to the forgot-
mn "little people" of the '60's. Not the
or or the Negroes, for their problems
re too apparent and their potential for
surrection too alarming to be ignored
y the political system. Wallace's strength
among those who have never been suc-
°ssfully mobilized within the two party
rstem. Wallace is talking directly to
eople like steelworkers, telephone opera-
irs, policemen and gas station attend-
its. He's speaking to the eighth-genera-
on unsuccessful American farmer. And
the grandchildren of Polish, Italian
ad Irish immigrants who still live in
ght of the slums of their forebearers.
These superficially diverse groups are
ie real "alienated Americans." In an era
hen education is increasingly taken for
anted, they are the uneducated. In a
,nd focused on the problems of the af-
uent and the impoverished, they fall in
gat nether world between both extremes.
z a society dominated by politics, they
e apolitical. Under a government which
ypocritically speaks of a "Great Socie-
," their lives are righlighted at best by
ng evenings of addictive television and
inking beer. And their uniqueness lies
i their inability to understand why.
The obvious reasons for being bypassed
r society do not explain this group.
bey are white; they are regular church-
ping Christians; they share the beliefs
ad mores of most of society; and they
e distinctively American. Perhaps the
est explanation for them is that they
e the mediocre in a society built on
iccess. They cannot explain their fail-
res in terms of their own innate infer-
rity, so they must look elsewhere.
They are a group whose lack of edu-
tion contrasts vividly with the complex-
ies of American life. As a result they
e deeply antagonistic to the group

whom they perceive as running society--
the intellectuals. To them these college
professors with their abstruse formula-
tions are masterminding a land which
has forgotten them. And they deeply re-
sent it.
THIS PARTIALLY EXPLAINS their hos-
tility to the Negro and the attention
his plight has received from the govern-
ment. For they cannot understand why
the Negroes deserve special treatment.
They do not consider their own lives to
be significantly better than the lives of
the Negro. But unlike civil rights, their
problems don ot seem to preoccupy Wash-
ington. This serves to reinforce their prej-
udice, economically and socially rooted,
against the Negro.
The "little people" are super-patriotic
to the core. For by vicariously identifying
with America's victories abroad, they can
compensate for their own lack of power
at home. Their patriotism provides them
with another reason why they should
not be neglected. And their lack of edu-
cation, merely gives them a stronger dose
of the narrow outlook toward foreign
policy which typifies America.
TO THESE NEEDS and feelings of the
"little people" George Wallace is speak-
ing. And he never forgets to remind them
that he was once "little" like them. This
anti-intellectualism, this super-patriot-
ism, and the common-sense rapport
among Wallace and his supporters are
all manifest in his recent statement:
"Those intellectual morons couldn't see
Castro was a Communist, but a cab driv-
er in Montgomery with just common sense
could see that just by looking at his pic-
ture. Now mind you, I'm not criticizing
cab drivers, I used to be one myself."
The "little people" have over the years
vacillated between being unenthusiastic
Democrats and apathetic Republicans.
They are a group waiting to support a
candidate who speaks for them, who
speaks to them. This George Wallace does
to perfection. And therefore they are
the key to Wallace's campaign for the
presidency.
During his campaign, national atten-
tion will be focused on Wallace himself
and the nostrums he advocates, rather
than on the needs and aspirations of
his supporters. For Wallace while speak-
ing to the "folks" plays on their hatreds
and their fears. Wallace offers them little
improvement in their life styles. And it
is the barrenness of the American life
style which is at the heart of their dis-
satisfaction.
The significance of the Wallace cam-
paign is that it will signal the alienation
of the "little people." And the tragedy of
the Wallace campaign lies in its inabil-
ity to cure this alienation.
-WALTER SHAPIRO

Newspaper Censorship in South Vietnam:
Some of the News That's Fit to Print

the dilettante .. . by Stephen firshein
In the Broom Closet

"A University by its very na-
ture is never static. It must at
all times maintain an open mind
as it grows in experience and or-
ganization. The University helps
initiate and prepare for those
changes. Itemust reflect, it must
weigh and consider and it must
act. It must be certain to act
in accord with the fullent knowl-
edge and best wisdom and coun-
sel available to it .... There is a
proven and orderly way for us
to do this calmly and with good
judgment, in keeping with the
nature of an academic commu-
nity. It certainly does not pro-
ceed under ultimatum or by co-
ercive actions...."
Thus runs the prologue of Pres-
ident Hatcher's placebo to the
masses-his authorization in the
midst of the student power move-
ment for the establishment of the
Presidential Commissions on the
"students and decision-making,"
and the draft.
The Commission on the Selec-
tive Service has already reported.
its findings, and has recommend-
ed continuing the present policy
of submitting class rankings to
draft boards. One down.
THE INTEREST at this point
is revolving around the decision-
making commission, which is cur-
rently holding hearings, ostensi-

bly to find a way to bring stu-
dents into the University as mean-
ingful participants. Unfortunately
this still remains the great .un-
finished task, despite all the well-
reasoned out and virtually in-
effectual reports in the last few
years - the Reed Report and
Knauss Report being most promi-
nent-and The Movement which
may, unhappily, go down as a fu-
tile exercise that led to another
widely cited but mostly ignored
report.
Enter Robben Fleming, presi-
dent-designate, at this point, and
the plot thickens. The present
chancellor of Wisconsin encount-
ered a not-too-nice reception when
he last appeared in Ann Arbor.
having to fend off a hostile audi-
ence at the infamous press con-
ference.
The Detroit papers were horri-
fied and ran page one exposes on
the "shameful" conduct of the
hecklers. But from a perspective of
time, it becomes easier to under-
stand theunease that Fleming's
appointment has caused. For
Fleming is a disciple of guru Clark
Kerr, the prophet of the multiver-
sity that relegates students to the
broom closets in administrative
structures. Fleming like Kerr,
views the University as a servant
of society and can thereby ra-
tionalize secret war studies, over-
emphasis on professional schools

and research and de facto neglect
of undergraduates who have nasty
habits of disturbing the harmony
and bliss.
Add to the lame duck nature of
Hatcher's final semester the rela-
tive inexperience of Fleming with
the University and you have a
built-in mechanism for suffocat-
ing even a remotely progressive
commission report, not to men-
tion a revolutionary one.
Fleming, who may believe' in
"the right to dissent," does not
necessarily believe in permitting
that dissent to bring about tan-
gible results.
IDEALLY, Hatcher should take
the initiative-after all it's his
commission-in convincing the Re-
gents to accept and in implement-
ing the findings of the commis-
sion. The report should be issued
near the beginning of the term
-say a month afterwards-to per-
mit the freshman to settle down
into their new way of life and to
permit campus reaction to coalesce
in the ensuing weeks.
Past experience dictates this as
an unlikely case. Hatcher will, as
always, try to stifle any findings,
the Regents will probably fail to
approve it, and Fleming will start
another study of the problem.
And the students will have to
force another confrontation.

.TRAN VAN DINH---
.From Pacification
To Colonization
On May 11, the newly appointed U.S. ambassador to South Viet-
nam, Ellsworth Bunker announced in Saigon that U.S. participation
to the pacification program has been transferred from civilian to
military control and placed under the direction of General William
C. Westmoreland. Pacification, defined by Washington, is the "pro-
gram to develop allegiance among the people in the countryside for
the government in Saigon."
To the peasants of South Vietnam, pacification is as old a scheme
as the country's history of resistance against foreign domination. Ac-
cording to Joseph Buttinger in "The Smaller Dragon":
After the repression (by Imperial China) of the Trieu Au rev-
olution (in 248 A.D.) the name of An Nam appeared for the first
time in reference to the country of Vietnam. It was originally the
title of a Chinese marshal who pacified Vietnam. The word, used
for. the first time around 264 means 'Pacifier of the South,' and was
later transferred from the marshal to the country. 'Pacifying' of
course then had the same meaning as 1600 years later, when
Admiral Bonard 'pacified' Cochinchina for the French in 1863."
According to recorded Vietnamese history, the Imperial China
dynasty of T'ang transformed Vietnam into an An Nam Do Ho Phu
(General Protectorate of the Pacified South) in 679. In 1884, when
the French succeeded by force to impose their rule on the Vietnamese
people, Vietnam was divided into three administrative areas: Tonkin
(North Vietnam), An Nam (Central Vietnam) and Cochinchina (South
Vietnam). During the French colonial regime, it was an act of
patriotism for the Vietnamese to call themselves by what they are:
Vietnamese. The French referred to the Vietnamese as "Annamite"
(the Pacified). The word An Nam was abolished with the success of
the 1945 August Revolution which established the Democratic Re-
public of Vietnam.
PACIFICATION, U.S. STYLE, became official with the 1961
Staley-Taylor Plan (Eugene Staley was a professor at Stanford,
General Maxwell D. Taylor, a consultant to the White House) which
resulted in the set up of "strategic hamlets." The strategic hamlets were
barbed wire fenced hamlets where Vietnamese peasants were herded
in by force to practice "democracy" at grass roots level. The "strategic
hamlets" evaporated with the fall of the late President Ngo Dinh
Diem in 1963, and were renamed "new life hamlets."
After 1963, several pacification plans were tried and all failed
miserably. In 1966, a new concept was adopted called "Revolutionary
Development." "RD" cadres-about 50,000 now-were trained at a
center atVung Tau and the school was and is openly financed by the
CIA. The aim is to train Vietnamese to bring "revolution" from Saigon
to the countryside, to make the peasants love General Nguyen Cao
Ky. The 600,000 strong ARVN (Army Republic of Viet Nam) was
demoted from the role of fighting to the babysitting role of pacifica-
tion and protection of RD cadres. The "other war," the war over the
hearts and the minds of the Vietnamese peasants became the order
and the fashion of the day. President Johnson often mentioned it, U.S.
scholars, thinkers, politicians, experts scrutinized and studied it. Hun-
dreds of American civilians were assigned to assist the Vietnamese of-
ficials to develop "revolution," and they were under the Office of Civil
Operations of the U.S Embassy (OCO). °However, little progress has
been made.
Ambassador Bunker gave two basic explanations underlying the
change which put the OCO out of business: "In the first place, the
indispensable first stage of pacification is providing continuous local
security, a function primarily of the Vietnamese armed forces in
which the American Military Assistance Command performs a sup-
porting role. In the second place, the greater part of the U.S. advisory
and logistic assests involved in support of Revolutionary Development
belongs to the military command."
Translated in simpler terms, this means:
1) The ARVN cannot either fight the war or pacify the coun-
try and that both phases of the war are now American undertak-
ings.
2) After so many years and so much money, pacification is
still in the first stage and that no progress has been made, con-
trary to all optimistic statements of the past.
THE REACTION to this change-which should not have surprised
anyone who has followed the situation in Vietnam and who knows the
nature of the war-was "amazement" by the American civilian offi-
cials in Saigon. According to correspondent Ward Just of the "Wash-
ington Post" (May 12): "Critics say that the military compulsion is
to paint rosy pictures and give optimistic appraisals whether or not
they are warranted. These critics contend that officers who are criti-
cal of either the American or the South Vietnamese effort are chided
by superiors for being 'negative' and 'not in the team.'
"This reminds me of a statement by Admiral Harry D. Felt, com-
mander in chief, U.S. forces in the Pacific (now retired), in Wash-
ington on January 30, 1963: "The South Vietnamese should achieve
victory in three years." The same admiral, visiting the late President
Ngo Dinh Diem in the morning of November 1, 1963, at 11 a.m., de-
clared after the visit that "we are winning the war." At 3 p.m. the
same day, President Diem's army fired into the room where President

Diem had received the admiral four hours earlier. Early next day,
President Diem and his brother Nhu were murdered by his own officers.
The reaction of the Vietnamese in Saigon? "There was surpris-
ingly little comment today from South Vietnamese who have seen so
many efforts of pacification and so many efforts of Americans to or-
ganize or reorganize themselves," wrote correspondent Just on May 12.
The Vietnamese peasants who know the history of their country bet-
ter than the intellectuals in Saigon, know by now how right the Viet
Cong analysis of the situation in Vietnam has been all along: the
pacification has become colonization by force of arms and by military
occupation. And one does not need to be equipped with the formal
education of a PhD from an Ivy League college to predict what their
reaction would be.
GOVERNOR GEORGE ROMNEY echoed the Vietnamese peasants
feeling when he declared that "putting General Westmoreland in
charge of pacification program could transform South Vietnam into
an American colony."

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41

4

4

The View From Here

By Robert Klivans

I

Negro Fury is 'Unbelievable'

Tales of the Green Berets

BURIED DEEP in the back pages (12) of
the New York Times yesterday was the
very interesting bit of news that a mili-
tary court has opened the court-martial
of Captain Howard Levy to evidence of
war crimes.
Levy is an Army doctor who has re-
fused to teach Green Berets how to treat
skin diseases. He based his refusal to
teach the Berets certain skills on his con-
tention that the Green Berets are "mur-
derers of women and children" and "kill-
ers of peasants" and that the skills he
taught them would be used to promote
genocidal acts.
The fact that the military court ruled
Levy's lawyer would be allowed to prove
his case on those terms quite expectedly
astonished him. That the Levy defense
may have a tough time offering substan-
tial proof was immediately clear as the
first witness, Col. Roger A. Juel, denied
cj;r rt iant Batty
The Daily is a member of the Associated Press and
Collegiate Press Service
Summer subscription rate: $2.00 per term by car-
rier; ($2.50 by mail) $4.00 for entire summer ($4.50
by mail).

Levy's charges and defended the Special
Forces as best he could. There will e
more like him; there will be few Green
Berets who will denounce their past, prob-
ably none still in the service who will
jeopardize their skins to free a rebellious
doctor.
BUT THERE CAN BE little doubt that at
least some substantial evidence about
the activities of the Sadler boys will come
to light, and that, if the trial is kept
open, at least the government will be
placed in a position of denying or defend-
ing the activities of its much-glamorized
gestapo.
Who knows? Perhaps even the New
York Times will move the story up to page
11.
-HARVEY WASSERMAN
Slow Boat
To China
RIGHT WING WIT William Buckley,
Jr. was worried after the New York
Anti-War March that the heavy partici-
pation of Negro leaders meant that the

YOUNGSTOWN, Ohio - Black
power has begun the fatal disinte-
gration from a plan of achieve-
ment to an excuse for violence.
The violence will swell from the
same source that is symbolic of
the tragic Negro dilemma - two
centuries of slavery, overt or oth-
erwise, and a vicious internal re-
cycling of chronic problems: shat-
tered family units, retarded edu-
cation, self-consciousness and jeal-
ousy.
But as one stands on the brink
of Youngstown's sweltering sum-
mer, the leading question is not
the classical one-do the means of
violence justify the ends of equal-
ity and improved conditions?-but
rather, whether the violence which
is brewing just below the surface
in this troubled town will be at-
tached at all to a set of logical
demands.
There is little public talk about
the prospects of racial warfare.
There was a juvenile riot at the
local amusement park. In nearby
Cleveland, rumors abounded that
a solar eclipse would trigger a
black nationalist outbreak; and on
a more concrete level, the leader
of a distinguished interracial arts
theatre had his home bombed in
suburban Cleveland Heights. But
all of this seems far away, partic-
ularly when the eye is not search-
ing and the ear is not listening.
Nevertheless, the example of a
riot like Cleveland's last summer
is not easily forgotten. Black pow-
er-for all its philosophical justifi-

And that occurs when they lose
sigt of perspective, of goals, of
reality, of decency. And all these
ingredients are painfully lacking
in the explosive situation develop-
ing in the cities. For exampleu:
*A 19-year-old Negro youth,
arrested for inciting a riot at an
amusement park, is hauled before
the municipal court judge. Police-
men testify that the youths were
yelling "Kill the policeman,"
"black power" while chanting "We
shall overcome."
"Who did you mean to over-
come-the police?" asks the judge.
'No one, judge, really," replies
the youth. "That's the song we
sing when we get together for our
rights."
"It is people like you are set-
ting the civil rights movement
back," admonishes the judge an-
grily. "You will not achieve your
rights through violence-but only
through law and order."
The judge may be right, but
the important thing is that he is
irrelevant. It seems too late to
bring a halt to violence which is
long overdue. A truck rolling down
hill has too much momentum.
f The dropouts from high
school gather on the streets in the
afternoon. As the students walk by,
they are jeered. Going to school
has become a symbol of the Es-
tablishment-the White Establish-
ment. A symptom of black power?
Whatever the origins, the mani-
festations are ominous. The young

turned," threatens one, "two Ne-
gro cars will be destroyed." And
the talk is not all bluff, for re-
ports of arms buildups are begin-
ning to sprout.
"THIS TOWN is a tinderbox,"
admits one police official. And
the reasons are painfully clear:
the influx of poor Negroes from
the South is increasing, the wel-
fare programs are not attacking
the root of the problem,,employ-
ment is down. And the defeat of
an emergency school levy will
force the elimination next fall of
high school athletics, a valuable
outlet for teenage aggression, and
kindergarten, thereby extending
the perceptual lag of the poor
still another 12 months. For every
step forward - Operation Head-
start, the Poverty Program, Com-
munity Action Projects-the cities
take an inevitable two steps back-
wards. Exploding populations and
lengthening lists of displaced
workers are, fueling latent discon-
tent.
Up till now, scenes of destruc-
tion in Watts, Harlem and Hough
have been far-off indications of a
tragic situation. With the rum-
blings of disaster so close, the new
fear is that the tragedy is no
longer only the classic Negro di-
lemma but that the paths for
correction are disintegrating into
meaningless exercies.
CONRAD LYNN, a Harlem law-
yer and violent revolutionary,
warns that "it may be hard for

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