I 0 Atdrhigatt tly Seventy-Sixth Year EDITED AND MANAGED BY STUDENTS OF THE UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN UNDER AUTHORITY OF BOARD IN CONTROL OF STUDENT PUBLICATIONS ere Opinions Are Free, Truth Will PrevAil 420 MAYNARD ST., ANN ARBOR, MICH. NEWS PHONE: 764-0552 - -_, ., Editorials printed in The Michigan Daily express the individual opinions of staff writers or the editors. This must be noted in all reprints. FIDAY, MAY 19, 1967 NIGHT EDITOR: PAT O'DONOHUE Wallace and 'Little People' )E FACTO ALABAMA Governor George Wallace is again safely nestled in the osom of the Old Confederacy, following is recent foray into the North - un- oubtedly a harbinger of 1968., In its own peculiar way the Wallace henomenon is much more inexplicable ian the much-heralded rise of the rad- al activists and the Negro militants. or Wallace is disregarding the shams f conventional politics and appealing di- °ctly to the psyche. Ond the invariable orthern masses are responding. The racial undertones to the Wallace usade have blinded many to the paral- ls of Huey Long. It is often forgotten lat the 1935 assassination of the "King- sh" prevented him from embarking on n epic third-party presidential cam- aign. Long's appeal was more national, ian distinctively Southern. For Long was uthentically a "hick" and this back- ounds enabled him to speak the lan- uage of rural Americans. N MUCH THE SAME WAY, George Wal- lace is appealing directly to the forgot- mn "little people" of the '60's. Not the or or the Negroes, for their problems re too apparent and their potential for surrection too alarming to be ignored y the political system. Wallace's strength among those who have never been suc- °ssfully mobilized within the two party rstem. Wallace is talking directly to eople like steelworkers, telephone opera- irs, policemen and gas station attend- its. He's speaking to the eighth-genera- on unsuccessful American farmer. And the grandchildren of Polish, Italian ad Irish immigrants who still live in ght of the slums of their forebearers. These superficially diverse groups are ie real "alienated Americans." In an era hen education is increasingly taken for anted, they are the uneducated. In a ,nd focused on the problems of the af- uent and the impoverished, they fall in gat nether world between both extremes. z a society dominated by politics, they e apolitical. Under a government which ypocritically speaks of a "Great Socie- ," their lives are righlighted at best by ng evenings of addictive television and inking beer. And their uniqueness lies i their inability to understand why. The obvious reasons for being bypassed r society do not explain this group. bey are white; they are regular church- ping Christians; they share the beliefs ad mores of most of society; and they e distinctively American. Perhaps the est explanation for them is that they e the mediocre in a society built on iccess. They cannot explain their fail- res in terms of their own innate infer- rity, so they must look elsewhere. They are a group whose lack of edu- tion contrasts vividly with the complex- ies of American life. As a result they e deeply antagonistic to the group whom they perceive as running society-- the intellectuals. To them these college professors with their abstruse formula- tions are masterminding a land which has forgotten them. And they deeply re- sent it. THIS PARTIALLY EXPLAINS their hos- tility to the Negro and the attention his plight has received from the govern- ment. For they cannot understand why the Negroes deserve special treatment. They do not consider their own lives to be significantly better than the lives of the Negro. But unlike civil rights, their problems don ot seem to preoccupy Wash- ington. This serves to reinforce their prej- udice, economically and socially rooted, against the Negro. The "little people" are super-patriotic to the core. For by vicariously identifying with America's victories abroad, they can compensate for their own lack of power at home. Their patriotism provides them with another reason why they should not be neglected. And their lack of edu- cation, merely gives them a stronger dose of the narrow outlook toward foreign policy which typifies America. TO THESE NEEDS and feelings of the "little people" George Wallace is speak- ing. And he never forgets to remind them that he was once "little" like them. This anti-intellectualism, this super-patriot- ism, and the common-sense rapport among Wallace and his supporters are all manifest in his recent statement: "Those intellectual morons couldn't see Castro was a Communist, but a cab driv- er in Montgomery with just common sense could see that just by looking at his pic- ture. Now mind you, I'm not criticizing cab drivers, I used to be one myself." The "little people" have over the years vacillated between being unenthusiastic Democrats and apathetic Republicans. They are a group waiting to support a candidate who speaks for them, who speaks to them. This George Wallace does to perfection. And therefore they are the key to Wallace's campaign for the presidency. During his campaign, national atten- tion will be focused on Wallace himself and the nostrums he advocates, rather than on the needs and aspirations of his supporters. For Wallace while speak- ing to the "folks" plays on their hatreds and their fears. Wallace offers them little improvement in their life styles. And it is the barrenness of the American life style which is at the heart of their dis- satisfaction. The significance of the Wallace cam- paign is that it will signal the alienation of the "little people." And the tragedy of the Wallace campaign lies in its inabil- ity to cure this alienation. -WALTER SHAPIRO Newspaper Censorship in South Vietnam: Some of the News That's Fit to Print the dilettante .. . by Stephen firshein In the Broom Closet "A University by its very na- ture is never static. It must at all times maintain an open mind as it grows in experience and or- ganization. The University helps initiate and prepare for those changes. Itemust reflect, it must weigh and consider and it must act. It must be certain to act in accord with the fullent knowl- edge and best wisdom and coun- sel available to it .... There is a proven and orderly way for us to do this calmly and with good judgment, in keeping with the nature of an academic commu- nity. It certainly does not pro- ceed under ultimatum or by co- ercive actions...." Thus runs the prologue of Pres- ident Hatcher's placebo to the masses-his authorization in the midst of the student power move- ment for the establishment of the Presidential Commissions on the "students and decision-making," and the draft. The Commission on the Selec- tive Service has already reported. its findings, and has recommend- ed continuing the present policy of submitting class rankings to draft boards. One down. THE INTEREST at this point is revolving around the decision- making commission, which is cur- rently holding hearings, ostensi- bly to find a way to bring stu- dents into the University as mean- ingful participants. Unfortunately this still remains the great .un- finished task, despite all the well- reasoned out and virtually in- effectual reports in the last few years - the Reed Report and Knauss Report being most promi- nent-and The Movement which may, unhappily, go down as a fu- tile exercise that led to another widely cited but mostly ignored report. Enter Robben Fleming, presi- dent-designate, at this point, and the plot thickens. The present chancellor of Wisconsin encount- ered a not-too-nice reception when he last appeared in Ann Arbor. having to fend off a hostile audi- ence at the infamous press con- ference. The Detroit papers were horri- fied and ran page one exposes on the "shameful" conduct of the hecklers. But from a perspective of time, it becomes easier to under- stand theunease that Fleming's appointment has caused. For Fleming is a disciple of guru Clark Kerr, the prophet of the multiver- sity that relegates students to the broom closets in administrative structures. Fleming like Kerr, views the University as a servant of society and can thereby ra- tionalize secret war studies, over- emphasis on professional schools and research and de facto neglect of undergraduates who have nasty habits of disturbing the harmony and bliss. Add to the lame duck nature of Hatcher's final semester the rela- tive inexperience of Fleming with the University and you have a built-in mechanism for suffocat- ing even a remotely progressive commission report, not to men- tion a revolutionary one. Fleming, who may believe' in "the right to dissent," does not necessarily believe in permitting that dissent to bring about tan- gible results. IDEALLY, Hatcher should take the initiative-after all it's his commission-in convincing the Re- gents to accept and in implement- ing the findings of the commis- sion. The report should be issued near the beginning of the term -say a month afterwards-to per- mit the freshman to settle down into their new way of life and to permit campus reaction to coalesce in the ensuing weeks. Past experience dictates this as an unlikely case. Hatcher will, as always, try to stifle any findings, the Regents will probably fail to approve it, and Fleming will start another study of the problem. And the students will have to force another confrontation. .TRAN VAN DINH--- .From Pacification To Colonization On May 11, the newly appointed U.S. ambassador to South Viet- nam, Ellsworth Bunker announced in Saigon that U.S. participation to the pacification program has been transferred from civilian to military control and placed under the direction of General William C. Westmoreland. Pacification, defined by Washington, is the "pro- gram to develop allegiance among the people in the countryside for the government in Saigon." To the peasants of South Vietnam, pacification is as old a scheme as the country's history of resistance against foreign domination. Ac- cording to Joseph Buttinger in "The Smaller Dragon": After the repression (by Imperial China) of the Trieu Au rev- olution (in 248 A.D.) the name of An Nam appeared for the first time in reference to the country of Vietnam. It was originally the title of a Chinese marshal who pacified Vietnam. The word, used for. the first time around 264 means 'Pacifier of the South,' and was later transferred from the marshal to the country. 'Pacifying' of course then had the same meaning as 1600 years later, when Admiral Bonard 'pacified' Cochinchina for the French in 1863." According to recorded Vietnamese history, the Imperial China dynasty of T'ang transformed Vietnam into an An Nam Do Ho Phu (General Protectorate of the Pacified South) in 679. In 1884, when the French succeeded by force to impose their rule on the Vietnamese people, Vietnam was divided into three administrative areas: Tonkin (North Vietnam), An Nam (Central Vietnam) and Cochinchina (South Vietnam). During the French colonial regime, it was an act of patriotism for the Vietnamese to call themselves by what they are: Vietnamese. The French referred to the Vietnamese as "Annamite" (the Pacified). The word An Nam was abolished with the success of the 1945 August Revolution which established the Democratic Re- public of Vietnam. PACIFICATION, U.S. STYLE, became official with the 1961 Staley-Taylor Plan (Eugene Staley was a professor at Stanford, General Maxwell D. Taylor, a consultant to the White House) which resulted in the set up of "strategic hamlets." The strategic hamlets were barbed wire fenced hamlets where Vietnamese peasants were herded in by force to practice "democracy" at grass roots level. The "strategic hamlets" evaporated with the fall of the late President Ngo Dinh Diem in 1963, and were renamed "new life hamlets." After 1963, several pacification plans were tried and all failed miserably. In 1966, a new concept was adopted called "Revolutionary Development." "RD" cadres-about 50,000 now-were trained at a center atVung Tau and the school was and is openly financed by the CIA. The aim is to train Vietnamese to bring "revolution" from Saigon to the countryside, to make the peasants love General Nguyen Cao Ky. The 600,000 strong ARVN (Army Republic of Viet Nam) was demoted from the role of fighting to the babysitting role of pacifica- tion and protection of RD cadres. The "other war," the war over the hearts and the minds of the Vietnamese peasants became the order and the fashion of the day. President Johnson often mentioned it, U.S. scholars, thinkers, politicians, experts scrutinized and studied it. Hun- dreds of American civilians were assigned to assist the Vietnamese of- ficials to develop "revolution," and they were under the Office of Civil Operations of the U.S Embassy (OCO). °However, little progress has been made. Ambassador Bunker gave two basic explanations underlying the change which put the OCO out of business: "In the first place, the indispensable first stage of pacification is providing continuous local security, a function primarily of the Vietnamese armed forces in which the American Military Assistance Command performs a sup- porting role. In the second place, the greater part of the U.S. advisory and logistic assests involved in support of Revolutionary Development belongs to the military command." Translated in simpler terms, this means: 1) The ARVN cannot either fight the war or pacify the coun- try and that both phases of the war are now American undertak- ings. 2) After so many years and so much money, pacification is still in the first stage and that no progress has been made, con- trary to all optimistic statements of the past. THE REACTION to this change-which should not have surprised anyone who has followed the situation in Vietnam and who knows the nature of the war-was "amazement" by the American civilian offi- cials in Saigon. According to correspondent Ward Just of the "Wash- ington Post" (May 12): "Critics say that the military compulsion is to paint rosy pictures and give optimistic appraisals whether or not they are warranted. These critics contend that officers who are criti- cal of either the American or the South Vietnamese effort are chided by superiors for being 'negative' and 'not in the team.' "This reminds me of a statement by Admiral Harry D. Felt, com- mander in chief, U.S. forces in the Pacific (now retired), in Wash- ington on January 30, 1963: "The South Vietnamese should achieve victory in three years." The same admiral, visiting the late President Ngo Dinh Diem in the morning of November 1, 1963, at 11 a.m., de- clared after the visit that "we are winning the war." At 3 p.m. the same day, President Diem's army fired into the room where President Diem had received the admiral four hours earlier. Early next day, President Diem and his brother Nhu were murdered by his own officers. The reaction of the Vietnamese in Saigon? "There was surpris- ingly little comment today from South Vietnamese who have seen so many efforts of pacification and so many efforts of Americans to or- ganize or reorganize themselves," wrote correspondent Just on May 12. The Vietnamese peasants who know the history of their country bet- ter than the intellectuals in Saigon, know by now how right the Viet Cong analysis of the situation in Vietnam has been all along: the pacification has become colonization by force of arms and by military occupation. And one does not need to be equipped with the formal education of a PhD from an Ivy League college to predict what their reaction would be. GOVERNOR GEORGE ROMNEY echoed the Vietnamese peasants feeling when he declared that "putting General Westmoreland in charge of pacification program could transform South Vietnam into an American colony." 0 i 41 4 4 The View From Here By Robert Klivans I Negro Fury is 'Unbelievable' Tales of the Green Berets BURIED DEEP in the back pages (12) of the New York Times yesterday was the very interesting bit of news that a mili- tary court has opened the court-martial of Captain Howard Levy to evidence of war crimes. Levy is an Army doctor who has re- fused to teach Green Berets how to treat skin diseases. He based his refusal to teach the Berets certain skills on his con- tention that the Green Berets are "mur- derers of women and children" and "kill- ers of peasants" and that the skills he taught them would be used to promote genocidal acts. The fact that the military court ruled Levy's lawyer would be allowed to prove his case on those terms quite expectedly astonished him. That the Levy defense may have a tough time offering substan- tial proof was immediately clear as the first witness, Col. Roger A. Juel, denied cj;r rt iant Batty The Daily is a member of the Associated Press and Collegiate Press Service Summer subscription rate: $2.00 per term by car- rier; ($2.50 by mail) $4.00 for entire summer ($4.50 by mail). Levy's charges and defended the Special Forces as best he could. There will e more like him; there will be few Green Berets who will denounce their past, prob- ably none still in the service who will jeopardize their skins to free a rebellious doctor. BUT THERE CAN BE little doubt that at least some substantial evidence about the activities of the Sadler boys will come to light, and that, if the trial is kept open, at least the government will be placed in a position of denying or defend- ing the activities of its much-glamorized gestapo. Who knows? Perhaps even the New York Times will move the story up to page 11. -HARVEY WASSERMAN Slow Boat To China RIGHT WING WIT William Buckley, Jr. was worried after the New York Anti-War March that the heavy partici- pation of Negro leaders meant that the YOUNGSTOWN, Ohio - Black power has begun the fatal disinte- gration from a plan of achieve- ment to an excuse for violence. The violence will swell from the same source that is symbolic of the tragic Negro dilemma - two centuries of slavery, overt or oth- erwise, and a vicious internal re- cycling of chronic problems: shat- tered family units, retarded edu- cation, self-consciousness and jeal- ousy. But as one stands on the brink of Youngstown's sweltering sum- mer, the leading question is not the classical one-do the means of violence justify the ends of equal- ity and improved conditions?-but rather, whether the violence which is brewing just below the surface in this troubled town will be at- tached at all to a set of logical demands. There is little public talk about the prospects of racial warfare. There was a juvenile riot at the local amusement park. In nearby Cleveland, rumors abounded that a solar eclipse would trigger a black nationalist outbreak; and on a more concrete level, the leader of a distinguished interracial arts theatre had his home bombed in suburban Cleveland Heights. But all of this seems far away, partic- ularly when the eye is not search- ing and the ear is not listening. Nevertheless, the example of a riot like Cleveland's last summer is not easily forgotten. Black pow- er-for all its philosophical justifi- And that occurs when they lose sigt of perspective, of goals, of reality, of decency. And all these ingredients are painfully lacking in the explosive situation develop- ing in the cities. For exampleu: *A 19-year-old Negro youth, arrested for inciting a riot at an amusement park, is hauled before the municipal court judge. Police- men testify that the youths were yelling "Kill the policeman," "black power" while chanting "We shall overcome." "Who did you mean to over- come-the police?" asks the judge. 'No one, judge, really," replies the youth. "That's the song we sing when we get together for our rights." "It is people like you are set- ting the civil rights movement back," admonishes the judge an- grily. "You will not achieve your rights through violence-but only through law and order." The judge may be right, but the important thing is that he is irrelevant. It seems too late to bring a halt to violence which is long overdue. A truck rolling down hill has too much momentum. f The dropouts from high school gather on the streets in the afternoon. As the students walk by, they are jeered. Going to school has become a symbol of the Es- tablishment-the White Establish- ment. A symptom of black power? Whatever the origins, the mani- festations are ominous. The young turned," threatens one, "two Ne- gro cars will be destroyed." And the talk is not all bluff, for re- ports of arms buildups are begin- ning to sprout. "THIS TOWN is a tinderbox," admits one police official. And the reasons are painfully clear: the influx of poor Negroes from the South is increasing, the wel- fare programs are not attacking the root of the problem,,employ- ment is down. And the defeat of an emergency school levy will force the elimination next fall of high school athletics, a valuable outlet for teenage aggression, and kindergarten, thereby extending the perceptual lag of the poor still another 12 months. For every step forward - Operation Head- start, the Poverty Program, Com- munity Action Projects-the cities take an inevitable two steps back- wards. Exploding populations and lengthening lists of displaced workers are, fueling latent discon- tent. Up till now, scenes of destruc- tion in Watts, Harlem and Hough have been far-off indications of a tragic situation. With the rum- blings of disaster so close, the new fear is that the tragedy is no longer only the classic Negro di- lemma but that the paths for correction are disintegrating into meaningless exercies. CONRAD LYNN, a Harlem law- yer and violent revolutionary, warns that "it may be hard for I J I - - F ,,, - .... I