100%

Scanned image of the page. Keyboard directions: use + to zoom in, - to zoom out, arrow keys to pan inside the viewer.

Page Options

Download this Issue

Share

Something wrong?

Something wrong with this page? Report problem.

Rights / Permissions

This collection, digitized in collaboration with the Michigan Daily and the Board for Student Publications, contains materials that are protected by copyright law. Access to these materials is provided for non-profit educational and research purposes. If you use an item from this collection, it is your responsibility to consider the work's copyright status and obtain any required permission.

May 16, 1967 - Image 4

Resource type:
Text
Publication:
Michigan Daily, 1967-05-16

Disclaimer: Computer generated plain text may have errors. Read more about this.

i

O a t D ally
Seventy-Sixth Year
EDITED AND MANAGED BY STUDENTS OF THE UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN
UNDER AUTHORITY OF BOARD IN CONTROL OF STUDENT PUBLICATIONS

The City is People'

Where Opinions Are Pree,
Truth Will Prevail

420 MAYNARD ST., ANN ARBOR, MICH.

NEws PHONE: 764-0552

Editorials printed in The Michigan Daily express the individual opinions of staff writers
or the editors. This must be noted in all reprints.

s

JESDAY, MAY 16, 1967

NIGHT EDITOR: AVIVA KEMPNER

{

Kirk's Crime Crusade:

Disneyland Comes to Florida

FHE NON-CONTROVERSIAL issue is the
bedrock of American politics. Guber-
atorial elections provide vivid exam-
les of the precept that a successful cam-
aign requires continual stress of a po-
ent theme guaranteed to antagonize no
ne. The classic example of this genre is
be Ribicoff - Connecticut's former
Traffic-Safety Governor."
Claude Kirk became Florida's first Re-
ublicar governor sin'e Reconstruction
hrough the use of a similar strategy. He
on by promising the voters a "crusade
gainst crime." And who could be in
avor of crime?
Once elected the crusading conseva-
ve announced the battleplans for his
ar on crime. The businessman-turned-
overnor was going to fight crime the
merican way--with private investigators
nanced by private enterprise. For Kirk
new that the police were merely another
nwarranted usurpation of individual ihi-
ative by the public sector. And Kirk
ppointed his good friend George R.
Vackenhut to head what some unrepetent
)llectivists deemed "Kirk's private, ar-
ay." Wackenhut had the background
ecessary to direct such a massive opera-
.on; after all, he had parlayed his vast
xperience with the FBI (he was a physi-
al education instructor) - into the third
,rgest private detective business in the
ountry. His agency proudly collected a
igantic slew of dossiers on subversives,
itellectuals, and other "pinkos."
FTER FOUR MONTHS of operation the
crusades results are strikingly unim-
ressive. The most notorious success of
he campaign has been the indictment of
county superintendent of schools on the
barge that he had purchased a washer-
ryer with school funds. It was more than
oincidental that the superintendent was
lso a Democratic member of the Uni-
ersity of Florida Board of Regents whose
lbsequent firing moved the body more
i line with Kirk's conservative leanings.
urthermore, Florida's Democratic secre-
ary of state recently charged that he and
ther state officials were being constant-'
y followed by Kirk's gumshoes.
The climax of the governor's private
rime campaign came when he was forced
) ruefully announce that the total con-
ributions received from private sources

amounted to a little over $8000-enough
to carry on the glorious fight for a'week,
or so.
THE FAILURE of Kirk's ballyhooed
crime crusade is merely another symp-
tom of America's schizophrenic attitude
toward crime. On one hand crime is vig-
orously opposed by all good citigens. De-
troit Councilwoman Mary Beck is trying
to get the recall of Mayor Jerry Cavanagh
because he is "coddling criminals";
George Wallace's national appeal is bas-
ed, in part, on similar cries. As a fearless
battler against crime, J. Edgar Hoover
became a sacrosanct American institu-
tion. Even Bobby Kennedy got his legal
experience and his first best-seller from
his no-holds-barred fight against Jimmy
Hoffa for Senator McClelland in the late
'50's.
All the frightened and detailed ex-
poses on organized crime and that cur-
rent favorite, the Cosa Nostra, ignore one
salient fact: organized crime is the larg-
est American consumer industry, with
$50 billion a year in business. It provides
Americans with goods and services they
cannot get elsewhere--gambling, prostitu-
tion and narcotics. Our peculiar native
custom of declaring illegal many popular
pleasures tempts us to partake of "for-
bidden fruit," and has resulted in orga-
nized crime's virtual monopoly on vice.
Yet all local, state and national crime
commissions have been too entranced
with wiretapping and other toys to notice
the ultimate weapon against organized
crime: the legalization of vice.
AS WE ALL KNOW, "crime in the
streets" is a byproduct of slums, infer-
ior education and a hopeless future. Yet
the same people who are urging that the
government stop muzzling the local po-
lice, are those same people who decry any
action to alleviate the conditions of the
poor and the despairing.
The collapse of Kirk's anti-crime cir-
cus graphically illustrates the pathetic
inadequacy of mis-aimed attacks on the
symptoms of crime. Until America drops
her mask of pseudo-naivete and realist-
ically faces the causes of crime, "crime
in the streets" will remain a powerful
political platitude and a totally insoluble
problem.
--WALTER SHAPIRO

nt"n
^ .
1K;)'(x;
:L
.' AI ,
se .
l, y', .: .
p J; ".
; .

'IF ) 13F.CcME A bcV~2 MU~f 1

&: t16 CA-LA . UMT S~
6IVE VI' BATH)N&~"

the crystal

paI ace

CIA:* The Super Duper

This is the final part of the
prepared comments of Lewis
Mumford, 71, given before Sen.
Ribicoff's subcommittee on urb-
an affairs. Mumford has been
for years the country's foremost
expert on technology and urban
problems.
The first section dealt with
the growth of centralized, dehu-
manized institutions, "megama-
chines," in all phases of society
-industry ,politics, the military
and cities. The "megalopolis" as
Mumford terms the modern city,
has not done justice to the com-
plex and varied needs of human
life, because these needs cannot
be mechanized and automated.
The point I am now making
challenges, I regret to say, not
only some of the published views
of your chairman, but probably
the views of the rest of this com-
mittee. You accept, I take it, the
current American faith in the nec-
essity for an expanding, machine-
centered economy, as if this were
one of the great laws of nature,
or if not, then America's happiest
contribution to human prosperity
and freedom. I wish you were
right.
But do you seriously believe
that a housing industry based, as
Senator Ribicoff has put it, on
"the technology of megalopolis"
will be any more regardful of hu-
man needs and human satisfac-
tions, or any more eager to over-
come the distortions and perver-
sions of a power-obsessed, ma-
chine - driven, money - oriented
economy? If so, you are ignoring
the very factors that have mock-
ed and ruined so many of our
previous efforts at urban improve-
ment. This expanding economy,
for all its suffocating abundance
of machine-made goods and gadg-
ets, has resulted in a dismally con-
tracted life, lived for the most
part confined toa car or a televi-
sion set; a life so empty of vivid
firsthand experience that it might
as well be lived in a space capsule,
traveling from nowhere to no-
where at supersonic speeds.
Space capsules-yes, stationary
space capsules-that is what most
of our new buildings are, and our
prefabricated foods taste increas-
ingly like those supplied in tubes
to astronauts; while in our urban
planning schools I have encount-
ered ominous designs for whole
cities to be built underground,
or underwater, so that their in-
habitants may live and die with-
out ever coming into contact with
the living environment, which has
been essential to the human race
for organic health, psychological
stability and cultural growth for
at least 500,000 years. And in
boasting of the fact that automa-
tion will soon be able to do away
with all serious and humanly re-
warding work, manual or mental,
we are threatening to remove per-
haps the most essential historic
invention for preserving mental
balance and furthering the arts
of life. These are all danger sig-
nals. Is it not time to give them
heed?
NOW YOUR chairman, in his
able speech last January, attempt-
ed to bring together what seems
to me, if I may speak frankly, two
altogether incompatible, in fact
downright antagonistic, proposals:
On one hand for restoring neigh-
borhoods as the basic human en-
vironment. on the other for ap-
plying to housing what he called,
quite properly, the technology of
megalopolis. Senator Ribicoff wise-
ly recognized the need to respect
the small unit, the neighborhood,
in order to promote these qualities
we associate, at least as an ideal,
with the small town-meaning, I
take it, a place where everyone
has an identifiable face and is a
recognizable and responsible per-
son-not just a Social Security
number, a draft card number, or a
combination of digits on a com-

puter.
As to neighborhoods, I am en-
tirely on his side. I have not
spent part of my life in a small-
country community, and another
part in a planned neighborhood
unit, Sunnyside Gardens, Long Is-
land, without learning to appre-
ciate these intimate small-town
virtues. And I believe the greatest
defect of the United States Con-
stitution was its original failure,

LEWIS MUMFORD

By DAVID KNOKE
L'Affaire CIA is still very much
with us. Almost by coincidence
last week, two articles appeared,
written by figures involved in the
17-year long secret funding of edu-
cational, labor, cultural and stu-
dent groups.
In Saturday Evening Post's
"Speaking Out," Thomas Braden,
trustee of California State Col-
leges and candidate forclieutenant
governor, penned his account of
the CIA's good works.
Braden's view of the CIA opera-
tions is wonderfully naive. He was
apparently instrumental in per-
suading former CIA director Allen
Dulles to "take on the Russians
by penetrating a battery of inter-
national fronts."
Secrecy was necessary because
"does anyone really think con-
gressmen would foster a foreign
tour by an artist who has had
left-wing connections?"
And besides, the venture harmed
no one but the Russians: "Surely
it is not 'disgraceful' to ask some-
body whether he learned anything
while he was abroad that might
help his country.
"Surely it is not 'immoral' to
make certain that your country's
supplies intended for delivery to
friends are not burned, stolen or
dumped into the sea."
And, as the Russians started
first, we must be devious in the
name of democracy. It matters not
that all totalitarian regimes have
lied and denied from the shadows
that they were pulling strings.
FORTUNATELY for his argu-
ment, Braden conveniently over-
looks the not-quite-so-nice devices

of the CIA used to "win the alli-
ance of most of the world."
For example, the collecting of
foreign student activists' names by
NSA officers who coincidentally
found their draft deferments and
national headquarters'trent mys-
teriously arranged for them.
For example, the publication of
certain books by Praeger Publish-
ing Company which Frederick
Praeger claims were accepted sole-
ly on the basis of their "academ-
ic quality and truth."
For example, the placement of
an agent as an editor of the maga-
zine "Encounter." According to
Braden, "The agents could not
only propose anti-Communist pro-
grams to the official leaders of
the organizations" but they could
also suggest ways to "solve the
inevitable budgetary problems."
Among which was the salary of
critic Dwight Macdonald.
Writing in his regular Esquire
column, Macdonald confesses that
he was unwitting and "unwittily"
the recipient of CIA monies via
the Kaplan Fund for almost a
year during 1956-57.
Macdonald says several inci-
dents made him suspicious-pass-
ing words in a New York Times
article on the CIA, a rejection of
an anti-American piece of jour-
nalism by "Encounter" after he
had left the post. But he never
followed up his suspicions; "I also
feel very angry I had to learn the
truth nine years after from the
papers."
LIKE BRADEN, he views the
funding as not wrong per se, but
finds the way it was done repug-
nant. Having been the dupe in-
stead of the duper, Macdonald
resents the secrecy, regardless of

A

any controls (which he claims
were never applied):
"Had 'Encounter' been openly
financed by the CIA or the State
Department, I would have had no
moral objection to working or
writing for it-provided, of course,
the editors really did have a free
hand."
". ..Secrecy in such matters is
corrupting in itself, regardless of
the practical success of the oper-
ation, because it means there can
be no control or criticism of the
unknown scurce of money so that
the recipient is responsible for
policies that may be shaped by
forces of which he is not even
aware."
Macdonald's reaction is like that
of a man who, betrayed by his
best friend, finds' himself pro-
fessing the latter's innocent in-
tentions.
To employ secrecy and devious-
ness in the name of sanctiong de-
mocracy is to turn means into ends
and to utilize tactics similar to
those of the very adversary that
good Americans like Braden find
so detestable.
The Crystal Palace housed
what Victorian England believ-
ed to be the epitome of scien-
tific and technological advance-
ment in the Exhibition of 1851.
In 1864. Fyodor Dostoyevski
wrote "Notes from Underground"
in which the Crystal Palace be-
came a symbol for all the forces
that promote "rationality" and
material progress as the path
to salvation but destroy the in-
tegrity and the freedom of the
individual in thei process. The
analogy is even more apt today.

despite the example of the New
England township and the town
meeting, to make this democratic
local unit the basic cell of our
whole system of government. For
democracy, in any active sense,
begins and ends in comunities
small einough for their members
to meet face to face.
But if your purpose is to do
urban planning and renewal on
the basis of neighborhoods and
balanced urban communities, you
would, I submit, be deceiving your-
selves if you imagined that a
vast contribution by the federal
government-$50 billion over 10
years has been suggested-could
possibly achieve the happy results
you hope for ...
BUT NOTE-this method can
be applied only to those struc-
tures or machine assemblages that
can be designed without the faint-
est regard for the human factor,
and without any feedback from
the human reaction. This patent-
ly leaves out the neighborhood
and the city. Unless human needs
and human interactions and hu-
man responses are the first con-
sideration, the city, in any valid
human sense, cannot be said to
exist, for, as Sophocles long ago
said, "The city is people."
Accordingly, I beg you to look
a little more closely at what such
a huge supply of capital, with
such large prospective profits,
would do. Not merely would it
skyrocket already inflated land
values so that a disproportionate
amount would go to the property
owners and real estate specula-
tors; but even worse-it would
invite ever greater megamachines
to invade the building industry.
With $50 billion as bait, a new
kind of aerospace industry would
move in, with all its typical para-
phernalia of scientific research
and engineering design. At that
moment your plans for creating
humanly satisfactory neighbor-
hoods would go up in smoke.
"GENERAL Space-Housing, Inc."
will solve your housing problem,
swiftly and efficiently, though not
painlessly, by following its own
typical method, derived from the
ancient pyramid builders: Elimi-
nate the human factor by enforc-
ing conformity and destroying
choice.
Once started, such a scientif-
ically ordered housing industry,
commanding virtually unlimited
capital at national expense, and
providing, as in the Pentagon's
favored industries, indecently large
salaries and exorbitant profits for
private _nvestors, would be geared
for further expansion. And it
would achieve this expansion, not
only by designing units prefabri-
cated for early obsolescence, but
likewise by wiping out, as danger-
ous rivals, those parts of the rur-
al or urban environment that
were built on a more human
plan.
Remember that you cannot
overcome the metropolitan con-
gestion of the last century, or the
cataclysmic disintegration of urb-
an life during the last 30 years,
by instituting a crash program.
You are much more likely to pro-
duce more lethal congestion, more
rapid disintegration, ending in a
greater crash. The time for action
on a massive scale has not yet
come. But the time for fresh
thinking on this whole' subject
is long overdue.

3

-0

Crumbling Alliance

FOR YEARS, critics of the American
two-party system have singled out the
Republican-southern Democratic coali-
tion as an example of the lack of signifi-
cant ideological difference between the
parties.
Political labels have never stood in the
way of political expedience, and this con-
servative partnership served to bog down
and defeat many liberal programs that
threatened to expand the ambit of the
federal government's authority. Now, once
again, it appears that political expedience
dictates the dissolution of the alliance,
and the Southern Democrats are being
ousted from the Republican camp.
IN A SPEECH last week House Minority
Leader Gerald Ford of Michigan said
that he does not intend to renew the
coalition which the leaders of the two
factions have utilized todefeat adminis-
tration measures. Ford claims that work-
ing with the southern Democrats hurts

the chances of Republicans running in
the South.
Ford's strategy is to force the south-
erners to go along with administration
measures that would hurt their chances
back home. This policy is obviously ori-
ented at preserving the party interest
rather than the public welfare.
When the Republicans were weak, they
needed Southern Democratic support to
block administration measures. Now it
appears that the -Republicans could win
a majority of the House seats in '68, but
only by stealing them from the southern
Democrats.
IN OUR POLITICAL system, in which the
party leaders look out for their own
interests rather than those of their con-
stituents, it doesn't matter much whether
the grouping is along policy or party lines.
And the voters lose out either way.
-DAVID DUBOFF

I,

Today and Tomorrow ... By Walter Lippmann --
Rusk and Organized Peace

Candidate Ky

PREMIER NGUYEN CAO KY has sur-
prised practically no one with his de-
cision to seek the presidency of South
Vietnam in the September elections.
He has also surprised practically no-
body with the chaser-a veiled threat to
"respond militarily" if a civilian with
whom he disagrees is elected instead. "If
he is a Communist or if he is a neutralist,
I am going to fight him militarily," he
promised. Furthermore, in a bit of twisted
logic, he justified his intervention by not-
ing that "In any democratic country you
have the right to disagree with the views
of others."

since there are no civilian candidates
who are given a Chinaman's chance of de-
feating a military candidate-whether it
be Ky or General Thieu, who looms as a
possible substitute. The only serious civil-
ian contender appears to be Dr. Dan who
has built up a reputation as a courageous
anti-Communist. But he is given little
hope of defeating the junta at the polls.
Moreover, the United States, which rec-
ognizes the political acumen of Marshal
Ky, can be expected to provide necessary
support. Perhaps the assistance won't be
direct - e.g., suppression of opposition
parties, or direct endorsement-but Pres-
-rnf: Tnhcnnwil nnr+mhtlpnl hc npc

WASHINGTON - Secretary of
State Dean Rusk said the other
day that "A central problem of
our nation , . . must be to pursue
an organized peace - a lasting
peace, a world in which disputes
are settled by peaceful means..."
There is no doubt about that.
What we are arguing about is
whether the policy we are now
pursuing, the policy of which
Secretary Rusk is a principal arch-
itect and the principal spokes-
man, is in fact directed toward an
organized peace in the world.
Secretary Rusk's main reason
for saying that our war policy is
directed toward world peace is
that we have signed alliances with
40 nations pledging our support
against aggression.
"The integrity of these alli-
ances is n t the heart of the main-
tenance of peace." And these alli-
ances will have lost their integrity,

In this, the fourth war fought
by Americans in this century, the
United States is either at odds
with or at least isolated from all
the great international organiza-
tions of peace-with the United
Nations, with the Holy See, vir-
tually all the Protestant and Jew-
ish churches and with all the
great powers of the world.
Our only fighting allies come
from client states and, in token
numbers, from two British coun-
tries cast adrift in the Pacific by
the dissolution of the British Em-
pire.
How does Secretary Rusk per-
suade himself that as he stands
apart from all the great military
and spiritual powers of the earth
he is engaged in organizing a last-
ing peace? Apparently he has sat-
isfied himself on this point by
telling himself that if only Hanoi
knuckles under now all our 40
allies will have been made confi-

come inconceivable that the Unit-
ed States would or could mount
another intervention like that in
Vietnam somewhere else in the
world.
Far from proving that our al-
lies can count on our willingness
to die for the integrity of the al-
liances, the Johnson-Rusk inter-
vention is demonstrating that if
the alliances entail such wars as
this one they are worthless, if
they are not dangerous, to all
concerned-including the ally who
is to be saved.
Far from our being in pursuit
of an organized peace, we are in
the way of demonstrating with
blood and fire that the postwar
mania for making alliances was,
if not mere diplomatic hot air, a
booby trap
SECRETARY RUSK'S trouble
is that he has confused the idea

"We'll Teach You Patriotism And Respect
For The Law"
\HELL /'C I S roRK I
vq
! c
INA :r

Back to Top

© 2017 Regents of the University of Michigan