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July 27, 1967 - Image 2

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Michigan Daily, 1967-07-27

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Seventy-SixthYear
EDITED AND MANAGED BY STUDENTS OF THE UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN
UNDER AUTHORITY OF BOARD IN CONTROL OF STUDENT PUBLICATIONS

: . - t

Where Opinions Are Free. 420 MAYNARD ST., ANN ARBOR, MICH.
Truth Will Prevail

NEws PHONE: 764-0552

Editorials printed in The Michigan Daily ex press the individual opinions of staff writers
or the editors. This must be ru/ed in all reprints.

THURSDAY, JULY 27, 1967

NIGHT EDITOR: DAVID KNOKE

De Gaulle Adds Fuel
To Separatist Movement

"VIVE LE QUEBEC LIBRE!" As Charles
de Gaulle raised his gangling arms
and led the Montreal crowd in singing
the Marseilles, Canada was again faced
with a new wrinkle in its oldest and most
pernicious problem - that of the two
Canadas.
When de Gaulle arrived in Canada to
attend the exhibits. at Expo 67, most de
Gaulle watchers predicted that the only
political sentiments to come from the,
trip would be the expected pro-French,'
anti-U.S. exhortations. In a general sense,
they were correct; only the old song
took on new lyrics. Much to the chagrin
of Prime Minister Lester Pearson and
the entire English Canadian establish-
ment, de Gaulle lent his full support,
and his baritone voice to'the radical Que-
bec separatist movement. Speaking be-
fore a crowd of 5000 persons'in Montreal,
de Gaulle's cleft palate tones urged all
French Canadians to "become their own
masters."
In one sense, le General's speech con-
firmed several well-established facts. To
those still in Woeful ignorance of the
French president, it became undeniably
apparent that de Gaulle feels himself
to be the embodiment of the spirit and
will of the French people. The fact that
de Gaulle was strongly rebuked for his
stand by both conservative and leftist
factions in France might indicate that
de Gaulle's support is more traditional
than actual. In another respect, the
Montreal tour re-emphasized de Gaulle's
firm opposition to le Lyndon's form of
American internationalism. Not that this
opposition needed re-confirmation, but de
Gaulle has now let it be known that he is
perfectly willing and able to intervene in

the domestic affairs of another country
in order to further his opposition.
rfHIS WAS THE NEW argument which
de Gaulle presented to the French
Canucks-free yourself from both the
limeys and Texans. Whether or not one
agrees with the political motives which
de Gaulle espouses, one has to concede
him two points. One, it is undeniable
that Canada is rapidly becoming the 51st
state. The amount of American capital
and ownership in Canadian industry is
Americanizing Canada at an ever in-
creasing rate. For a French Canadian,
proud of his own culture and language,
this is an especially distressing phenom-
enon. Secondly, "Where Coca-Cola goes,
Lyndon follows." If French separatism is
the price which must be paid for prevent-
ing the spread of Great Societies through-
out the world, Francophilia is the more
attractive alternative.
De Gaulle, of course, preaches the sep-
aratist movement in Canada as a part of
his grand design. He envisions a union
of all French speaking people throughout
the world. A French union, containing
members from Africa, Asia, the Western
Hemisphere, and directed from Paris,
would provide France with an excellent
lobby in de Gaulle's envisioned United
Europe. Nevertheless, the argument does
not need the support of Grand Designs
in order to win favor in Quebec.
There are those who question whether
or not Quebec ever was a part of the Eng-
lishman's Canada. Feeling the support
of a world leader, it will be interesting
to see what the near future holds in store
for the separatist movement.
-DAN HOFFMAN

"This'll keep their agitators from comin' in and causin' trouble!"
Letters to the Editor.

-TRA N VAN DINH=
Primer for Riggin
S. Vietnam Election
The "Forces for the Protection of Liberty," a private organization
in South Vietnam, has recently published a list of ways to rig an elec-
tion. This "partial" list is based on a study of past elections in South
Vietnam and is valid only when and if the candidates are members
of the government in power. Such is the case of the September 3rd,
1967, Presidential and Senate elections in South Vietnam:
1. Not to apply provisions of the Constitution despite the fact
that the Constitution is already promulgated.
2. To abridge of discussions on the basic problems of liberty
and democracy.
3. To direct orally the press, radio, television to publicize items
favorable to the government.
4. To use the government's power of issuing newsprints in
order to influence and direct the press. (Strange it may sound, in
South Vietnam, newsprints and papers can be bought only with
government permission).
5. To use the distribution service to punish the newspapers
which do not take the government line (terrible as it may look, in
South Vietnam, the government is in charge of distribution of
newspapers printed by individual companies).
6. To use force or money to influence the preparation of elec-
toral laws favorable to the government candidates and detrimental
to non-government candidates.
7. To replace all administrative officers from the village,
district and province level with those loyal to the government in
order to propagandize for the government and to prevent the non-
government candidates from publicizing their platforms.
8. To use administrative measures (transfer of officials to
unimportant posts,'creation of innumerable difficulties for mer-
chants and professionals) to undermine the effects of those sus-
pected of not being pro-government. At the same time, to reward
those who show their loyalty to the government. With this method,
the government expects to bring to its side those who have not yet
made up their mind.
9. To harm physically (killing, kidnapping) and to harrass
(house searching, provocations to fight with police) those who do
not openly support the government. If necessary, to fabricate false
documents to arrest and imprison the opposition.
10. To use government funds to create associations and organ-
izations with a view to campaigning for the government.
11. To use government funds to create associations and organ-
izations with a view to campaigning for the government.
12. TO PREVENT GROUPS anatagonistic to the government
and favorable to the opposition candidates from holding meetings.
13.' To use demagogic measures (increase of salaries, allow-
ances, reduction of debts .. .) to gain favor with a number of voters
14. To establish unrealistic lists of voters (more than they
really are).
15. Not to distribute all the voting cards, using part for govern
ment purposes.
16. Not to examine or lengthen the period of examinations of
all complaints regarding the list of voters.
17. To distribute multiple voting cards for soldiers and their
families and for officials on inspection tours or on mission.
18. To create difficulties or to delay the granting of admin-
istrative paper for opposition candidates, such as birth certificates,
military duties papers, etc.
19. To prevent (or to deny facilities) the opposition candidates
from traveling in the countryside for their campaign.
20. To simulate ambushes to frighten off campaigners for the
opposition candidates.
21. To fix the voting places in such a way as to favor the
government candidates.
22. To select the pro-government individuals to be directors
and deputy directors in charge of controlling the voting booths.
23. To use hooligans to provoke fights with those members
of the control committee (of the voting booths) who show their
integrity. The police would then intervene and arrest the impartial
controllers.
24. TO PROVOKE AND OR TO CREATE difficulties at the
voting booths for those who represent the opposition in the voting
control board. The police would then take these representatives
into custody.
25. To send government agents to , localities near voting
places to influence and threaten people a few days before the
election. Armed forces personnel, their families, government of-
ficials on tour, are ordered to vote in several places.
So far the Thieu-Ky government candidates have used witl-
amazing efficiency the 13 means listed from 1 to 13. There will bE
no doubt that the Thieu Ky slate will use the rest of the devices with
even more efficiency. However, the list is still only partial.
- -BARRY GOLDWATER _.-

it

*I

pressure and. Petitions

PRESIDENT JOHNSON'S red-herring
approach to Vietnam war dissenters
has been swallowed hook, line and sink-
er by certain members of Congress.
A group of summer interns working in
Senator Javits' office started to initiate
a letter in answer to President Johnson's
claim before the Junior Chamber of Com-
merce convention in Baltimore earlier
this month that dissenters of the na-
tion's beleaguered war effort were the
destroyers and obstructionists of Ameri-
can society.
The letter claimed the presence of
many Capitol Hill interns who were op-
posed to the war, yet who were also "do-
ers and builders" of our society. It went
on to outline several broad reasons for
opposing the war, and requested that the
President seek a course of de-escalation.
Those who favor , the administration
policy took immediate measures to see
that the petitioners were hampered in
their effort to gather signatures.
Before the letter was even circulated
through congressional offices, interns de-
siring to sign it were threatened with
loss of their jobs, should their names ap-
pear in ink. As 'one intern working for
a western Pennsylvania congressman
said, "Sure I'm against this damn war,
but my congressman controls my job."
SOME REPRESENTATIVES even at-
tempted to apply pressure outside their

individual offices. John Kyl (R-Iowa)
used official congressional stationery in
sending a notice around to all offices
warning interns against signing the pe-
tition: "You are here to study and learn,
and to perform whatever service the
member asks you to perform. The intern
program is not a political convention and
it is not a ,forum for the propounding of
your own political, economic and social
philosophy. You have, the same right of
free speech as all other Americans, but
. . . you are the guests of the Congress
and the government."'
He went on to insinuate that the pro-
gram would be discontinued if the interns
kept up their drive.
At the same time, the conservative-
oriented Republican intern program, led
by Arthur Collingsworth, '67, a graduate
of the University in giving what it call-
ed "free advice," said: "The next. time
someone shoves a letter in front of you
to sign as an intern; think it over . . . it
may be embarrassing to find yourself at
odds with your congressman on issues,
etc."
It is incidents like these that show the
two-faced attitudes of members of what
is supposed to be one of more hallowed
institutions. On the one hand, they de-
plore the totalitarianism of North Viet-
nam, while on the other hand, they prac-
tice a subtler form of big-brotherism.
-STEPHEN FIRSHEIN

Bargaining Power
The action passed by Congress
last week to break the strike call-
ed by the railroad shopcraft un-
ions is another example of the
total inability of the government
to solve even short-term domestic
problems while engaging in the
current war of annihilation in Vi-
etnam.
We view the spotty Democratic
opposition to the no-strike legis-
lation as stemming from fear of
reaction in the unions in up-
coming elections rather than sin-
cere commitments to the princi-
ple involved. The measure was
supported by Senate Democrats
and in fact, championed by the
Democrat of Oregon, Wayne
Morse.
ALL IN ALL, we of Ann Arbor
Citizens for New Politics take
this; latest limitation on labor's
power to bargain as consistent
with current Democratic Party
policy. We condemn the admin-
istration's refusal to do anything
constructive toward satisfying the
unions' demands duringsthe long
period leading up to last week's
showdown. Nor do we see con-
structive efforts in the future:
rather only a repetition of tem-
porary, unfair measures of this
kind, or worse the possibility of
permanent anti-strike legislation.
Citizens for New Politics is in
sympathy with the workers who
have been dispossessed of their
bargaining power by a war direct-
ed party and government whose
allegiance is to the military-in-
dustrial complex waging its war
rather than to the solution of do-
mestic issues which affect the real
security of our nation.
-Bertram E. Garskof
Chairman
Ann Arbor Citizens for
New Politics
Unavailable Faculty
Open Letter to Regent Robert
Briggs
In the July 21 Daily there is an
article quoting you which sug-
gests that one of the reasons stu-
dents don't know faculty mem-
bers is because students "won't
go around tQ see a faculty mem-
ber, and take the time to spend
some time with him in his office
- ,x. .

Sin
tuitio
ing a
some
to yo
exper
facul
ent p
actio
DII
profe
at al
up sp
facul
such
stude
Did
ulty
atten
quest
"brea
their
Did

ce 1961 I have been paying cases faculty members do not real-
n at the University and mak- ly want "to get to know" the stu-
few informal observations, dents, and, parenthetically, that
of which may be interesting many of the faculty members do
u because of your own past not want to be known?
fence as a member of this Did you know that the term
ty, and because of your pres- "research" is more useful to the
ower to. stimulate corrective professors in explaining away their
n. absence from their offices than
it is in explaining what they do
D YOU KNOW that many while away?
ssors do not keep office hours The purpose of this letter is
1, and that attempts to set not to suggest that a time and mo-
ecial appointments with some tion study has any place at Mich-
ty members are fraught with igan. Rather I would like to iden-
difficulties that the average tify the fiction that there is any
nt "learns" not to bother? substantial interaction between
d you know that some fac- students and faculty, or that
members spend more time much is intended.
ding to peripheral matters of
ionable value than to the --George N. Vance, Jr., Member
.d and butter" functions of Student Advisory Board to the
office? Vice-President for Student
I you know that in many Affairs
"Just Like In The Ads-We Put You In The
Driver's Seat And Leave The Driving To Us"
_IVER
---...

At

A

On Aggression

Political Fires

PRESIDENT JOHNSON doesn't seem to
knvow where politics ends and human
welfare begins.
With the city of Detroit in the midst
of grave internal disorder he refused to
order in 500 federal troops, poised 30
miles northeast of the city, to help police
and National Guardsmen contain the
chaos that had erupted over a 15 square
mile area. In dilly-dallying around for
The Dallyi1 a member of the Associated Press and
Collegiate Press Service.
Summer subscription rates $2.00 per term by carrier
($2.50 by. mall); $4.00 for entire summer ($4.50 by
mail).

several hours when help was urgently
needed the President again demonstrat-
ed a complete lack of mature leadership
-leadership that has been shockingly
absent throughout the civil unrest in the
nation's cities this summer.
When Johnson finally did allow the Ar-
my to enter the riot area late Monday
night, he used his position as President
to chastize "Gov. Romney and local of-
ficials" before a national television audi-
ence for not being able to control the
disturbance with police and National
Guardsmen alone.
Johnson's "fireside" statement was
clearly designed to place the entire poli-
tical responsibility on the governor.
In times as difficult as these, the Pres-
ident disregarded the concern of thou-

C
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t
i
e
r
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4

THEATRE
ountry ife': Lusty Good Fun
By PAUL GINGRAS acter. However, they still seem to ma Jean Giannasio doies a very
William Wycherly's "Country be having an awfully good time. fine job in creating the lusty role
Wife." first produced in 1675, is The Players production further of Mrs. Fidget, and the minor
of the bawdiest, best, and most- emphasizes the Horner - Mrs. roles are generally adequate.
often revived, of the so-called Pinchwife - Pinchwife intrigue The performances of Villaire,
"comedies of manners." The Uni- through the acting of the roles. Munsell and Sprigg alone are very
versity Players' production is often Holly Villaire, as Mrs. Pinchwife, much worth seeing, even if they
hilariously funny, while being is wonderfully captivating and somewhat steal the show. Actu-,
faithful to the 17th Century style laughably charming while car- ally, this emphasis was probably
of staging. rying out her naive dalliance. She typical in Restoration productions
The sain:lotde'lis extremely energetic and uses the of the play, for this was the age
er a.mrake pretedaingtoea tongue effectively as an instru- of the great actors, when people
nr, a rake pretending to be a ment of characterization. Pinch- went to see Betterton, Garrick
eunuch, and his attempts to gain wife himself, John D. Munsell, and others "star" more than to
rccess to Mrs. Pinchwife, the nakes particularly good use of see "a play."
country wife, while Pinchwifea facial expressions and body pos- Restoration Comedy made no
reformed rake, goes to ludicrous'ture to contribute to a very funny pretense of realism, in the be-
extremes to keep her from contact presentation of the jealous cuck- lief that art should be not merely
with all London society. hold. Douglas C. Sprigg captures an imitation of nature, but "na-
The major subplot takes up Har- the roguish quality of Horner in ture to advantage dressed." The
court and his attempts to win and a manner which makes him much actors are all costumed in ela-
narry Alithea, Pinchwife's sister, more admirable than detestable- borate high fashion of the day;
who has promised herself to kind of a "boys will be boys" vil- the scenery is based upon the

T
T
T
t
S
x
a
I

An interesting but terribly mis-
leading story about the German
industrial Krupp family was pub-
lished recently in a Sunday sup-
plement. The article was enltitled:
"The Family That Nearly De-
stroyed the World."
The basis for the headline is
that the Krupps' factories turned
out masses of munitions to feed
the flames of two world wars.
Although the title is an atten-
tion-getting device, it is rather
bad political science. It teaches,
one of the most important lessons
in the world: no matter how many
cannons, bombs or pieces of ar-
mor plate the Krupps built, it was
neither they nor their guns which
caused or maintained any war.
Wars are fought with weapons
all right, but also by governments.
It was not the Krupps' factories
which caused World Wars I and
Ii. It was the existence of despotic
governments which used their
own people and ammunition to
achieve political goals.
There is no imaginable form of
violent aggression that does not
evolve as a purely governmental
act. People in general have noth-
ing to gain from aggression. Cap-
italists have nothing to gain
either. Peaceful and open markets
are the key to capitalist success.
THE KRUPPS, as a matter of
fact, by entering into various
cartel and monopoly agreements,

did, as the various legislative
scandals regarding rail franchises
indicate. The truly important sig-
nificance of what happened, how-
ever, is quite the reverse of the
usually painted picture. The fact
is that it was the legislators them-
selves who set the stage for the
corruption by enacting laws which
gave government extraordinary
powers to regulate and interfere
with business.
A free market would be proof
against such corruption simply
because it would be free and not
subJect to government finagling.
THE SAME is true of an open
and free society and the matter
of aggression. It is unimaginable.
for instance, to think of the
United States launching an ag-
gressive war against anyone, any-
where. Why, even to respond to
requested aid in Vietnam, and to
fight a war in which there is not
the tiniest shred of territorial,
trade or treasure gain for the
United States, we have to with-
stand an internal dissent and dis-
cord that would be unthinkable
and unpermitted in virtually any
other country on earth.
In a socialist nation, and both
Nazi Germany and Soviet Russia
are socialist nations, there is no
such concern. The people belong
to the state, rather than vice
versa. Aggression is as simple as
commanding it. Proof of the pud-

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