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May 24, 1967 - Image 2

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Michigan Daily, 1967-05-24

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Seventy-Sixth Year
EDITED AND MANAGED BY STUDENTS OF THE UNIVERSITY OF MTCHIGAN
UNDER AUTHORITY OF BOARD IN CONTROL OF STUDENT PUBLICATIONS

FEIFFER

Where Opinions Are Free
Truth Will Prevail

420 MAYNARD ST., ANN ARBOR, MIcH.I

NEws PHONE: 764-0552

Editorials printed in The Michigan Daily express the individual opinions of staff writers
or the editors. This must be noted in all reprints.

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WEDNESDAY, MAY 24, 1967

NIGHT EDITOR: DAVID DUBOFF

Bursley Hall Plans:
Ignoring the Freshman

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THE UNIVERSITY'S concern for the
adjustment problems of incoming
freshmen does not appear to extend much
beyond the four-day orientation pro-
gram. A graphic example of this disregard
is provided by tentative plans for Burs-
ley Hall.
At least one quarter of the new North
Campus coed dorm will not be complet-
ed by the start of the fall semester. This
means that 300 lucky guys will spend the
first month of the semester living in
converted broom closets in various quads
around campus. As any veteran of past,
overcrowding will relate, such a situa-
tion is far from conducive to rapid aca-
demic, or social, adjustment.
Since Bursley is planned to be one-
half freshmen, at least 150 of the exiles
will be spending their first weeks on cam-
pus as temporary lodgers in other peo-
ple's rooms. However, far more than
half of the displaced students will prob-
ably be freshmen, since it is unlikely that
any other students will tolerate this sort
of treatment.
But even if Bursley were compleed on
time, most freshmen would still looK en-
viously at their peers living in South
Quad, or even Markley. For of the 500
freshmen which the University plans to
settle at Bursley, over 400 will take most
of thei classes on the central campus.
'HIE MEANS that many new LSA fresh-
men will spend their entire first year
of campus physically isolated from many
central campus activities. North Campus
activities will be no real substitute, since
most of these LSA freshmen may find it
difficult to take part in North Campus
life, due to differing interests. For it is

doubtful that many psychology majors,
even those living at Bursley, would want
to attend lectures on music history.
The academic effects of living on North
Campus to these students will be even
nmore severe. Any resident of Markley can
recount numerous occasions when he
didn't go to the library or to class be-
cause he just didn't want to make the
long walk. The bus trip from North Cam-
pus, the time spent waiting for the bus,
and the walk from the bus-stop, all add
up to a considerable amount of time.
Once a trip to the central campus ap-
pears to students to be a major expedi-
tion, their academic life will suffer se-
verely.
Even more alarming is the likelihood
that the number of freshmen assigned
to Bursley will exceed expectations. For
once upperclassmen learn of their as-
signment to Bursley and begin threat-
ening to go into private housing, the
University will have no alternative to
relegating even more freshmen to that
dorm. For the beautiful thing about fresh-
men is that they can't object-they have
to live in the dorms.
PERHAPS THE MOST significant as-
pect of the Bursley situation is the
lack of consideration by the University
for the desires of the students and the
effects on those living at Bursley. For the
Bursley situation is but another sad ex-
ample of the University's warped set of
priorities. It seems that the financial as-
pects of filling Bursley Hall are far
more important to the University, than
the psychological effects on the students
involved.
-WALTER SHAPIRO

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Letters to the Editor
Explaining the Arab Side of Middle East Question

The Fourth Branch
Marvin Esch:
Romney's Echo

fri eA
Trying to Avert
A Middle East War

The reader is probably aware
by now of the explosive situation
that has been rapidly building be-
tween the Arab states and Israel
in the past few days.
It is an unfortunate fact that
the sources of such information-
the radio, TV and most newspapers
-give only bits and pieces of
up-to-date news with no attempt
made in putting them together or
present an objective discussion of
the underlying forces and dynam-
ics of the situations. With this in
mind, I shall try in this letter
only to redefine briefly the Arabs'
point of view of the Palestinian
problem. I hope that the reader
will not consider this point of
view as mindless of the total
problem. They are the Arabs'
point of view, and they are to be
heard in full. I shall leave the de-
bate to the reader or to future
letters.
What is the Palestinian prob-
lem? It is a legal problem dealing
with the rights of a displaced peo-
ple; namely, the one million Arab
refugees, that were the main con-
sequence of the creation of the
state of Israel. Second, it is a hu-
man-psychological problem deal-
ing with the right of men to their
property and their freedom of
choice in respect to place of liv-
ing, as well as their determination
of their destinies. Third it is a
national-territorial problem deal-
ing with the territorial integrity of
Palestine and geographic continu-
ity of the Arab homeland which
Israel has disrupted. Fourth, it is
a security problem because, Zionist
Israel is necessarily expansionistic
as a result of continued immigra-
tion and internal growth. Fifth, it
is an 'ideological problem. Arab
nationalism, in its belief in the
equality of all human beings and
its renunciation of racial preju-
dices, can't accept an ideology
based upon the concept of a "chos-
en people" which regards an act
of depriving a million people of
their property a foremost goal. The
value system of Arab nationalism
and Zionism are diametrically op-
posed.

THE PALESTINE problem is
definitely not the following. First,
it is not a religious struggle. The
problem is neither Arab-Jewish
nor Moslem-Jewish. The powerful
machine of Zionist propaganda
tries to picture it as such in order
to arouse Jewish support through-
out the world to Israel. The
Arabs are not against the Jews
but against the Israelis and Zion-
ists among the Jews. There is al-
ways a clear distinction between
Judiaism and Zionism in our
minds, for such a distinction exists
in reality. (Zionism is a national-
istic movement organized to re-
constitute Jews as a nation with
,a separate and sovereign home-
land.)
It is equally against the sec-
ular nature of the Arab national-
ist movement that we should ac-
cept making the Palestine question
a Moslem-Jewish one. Palestine
is an integral part of the Arab
homeland and its people an in-
divisible part of the one Arab na-
tion. That is how we identify it.
We welcome the support and sym-
pathy of all those who believe in
the justice of our cause regard-
less of their religion. Turning a
national struggle into a religious
one or vice-versa is only self-de-
feating. Secondly, the Arab-Is-
raeli struggle is not a racial one.
Neither the Arabs nor the Israelis
are distinct races, for both are a
mixture of many races. Thirdly,
it is not merely a refugee problem;
and if it were, we should not for-
get that the Palestinian refugees
are unique. There are many refu-
gees in the world, e.g., Cubans,
Hungarians, East Europeans, etc.
But in the case of Palestine we
note two distinct facts: First, the
refugees of this country are 80
per cent of the total Palestine
population-before any serious im-
migration took place. Second, in
the case of the other refugees, the
population of the country remain-
ed in the country and the coun-
try remained in the possession of
its people. But the Palestinians
were deprived of their land. They
were as a people denied the right

of national existence in their
homeland. No other refugees are
in such a situation. And because
of the above two reasons, the
Palestinian refugee problem can-
not be solved financially. It does
not only deal with a loss of prop-
erty, but with a loss of national
existence.
HENCE, we can briefly say that
the problem is a legal, human-
psychological, national-territorial,
security and ideological one. It is
not a religious or racial problem
nor is it a problem of a few dis-
placed persons awaiting financial
compensation for their land.
Finally, I wish to assert the in-
tensity ond acuteness of this prob-
lem to the Arabs by pointing to
the solidarity among the Arab
states whenever the Israeli issue
comes to the front, despite their
quarrels and arguments which is
only a necessary part in the ex-
perience of the revolution that is
occurring in the Arab world.
-Imad Khadduri
Arab Club President
Fleming Thanks
A copy of the following letter
was sent to Donald Tucker, '68,
president of the Union Activi-
ties Center.
The "Michigram,' which you
and many of your fellow students
were kind enough to send, ar-
rived yesterday. I am not sure
what means I can best use to ex-
press to the students my deep- ap-
preciation for this thoughtful ges-
ture. I shall be grateful if you
will make known my thanks in
whatever way would be most ap-
propriate.
. Mrs.Fleming and I are looking
forward to joining you in the fall,
and we want very much to know,
and be known to, students. We
welcome your ideas in that con-
nection.
--R. W. Fleming
Chancellor
University of Wisconsin

THE ARABS and the Israelis are at it
again, shifting world attention at least
temporarily from the war in Vietnam
to. the off-again-on-again chaos of the
Middle East. And United Nations Secre-
tary-General U Thant, it appears, is to
be given yet another chance to prove his
worth in the international arena.
Syria and Egypt have mobilized against
the constantly mobilized Israelis; the
armed forces of Iraq, Saudi Arabia, Jor-
don and even tiny Kuwait have also been
placed on combat alert. The entire Arab
world appearsp oised for a rehash of the
20-year holy war to drive out the "im-
perialist invaders," while Israel, for her
part, appears only too eager to defend
the Promised Land. A potential mael-
strom has been stirred up with 375,000
Arab nationalist troops facing 300,900
European-oriented Israelis across an un-
easy border. Thant has appraised the sit-
uation as "more menacing than at any
time since the fall of 1956."
UNITED STATES.,government officials
have taken quick notice of this inter-
esting sidelight from the tedium of the
conflict in Asia. Undoubtedly the State
Department, the CIA, and Rand Corpora-
tion are busily constructing intricate con-
tingency plans for a United States re-
sponse under a variety of given circum-
stances'
That response must be' predicated on
the resolve that the U.S. shall in no way,
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take unilateral action in the Middle East.
The administration has been hard-press-
ed enough to defend its forays into the
international affairs of one nation; it
would be doubly difficult to justify an in-
tervention between nations in order to
preserve a desired status quo.
The solution is best illustrated by the
growing necessity for a strong, supra-
national world leadership; a benevolent
guidance that could preclude another
Laos or Vietnam.
The UN is the only world political
agency with any legitimacy in this case,
and Secretary-General U Thant has once
again been thrust to the fore in a lead-
ership position. This time he must not
fumble the baton of responsibility, but
must act quickly and decisively, utilizing
all of his oft-neglected resources.
THANT WOULD DO WELL to study the
actions of his predecessor, Dag Ham-
marskjold, in the somewhat analogous
1956 Suez, crisis. After working for and
against the approval of both the United
States and the Soviet Union, Hammarsk-
jold was able to institute his concept of
preventive diplomacy - the interposition
of a peacekeeping force made up of troops
from neutral nations only, easing the hot
war in the Middle East.
Hammarskjold's greatest weapon was
not the utilization of his actual power,
but the manner in' which he made use
of his less-defined powers-the power of
influence as a motivating force in world
peace efforts. Tactfully taking advan-
tage of his opportunities, he proved to
both the Soviet Union and the .United
States that peace in that instance was
most beneficial to them both. Thant must
be prepared to argue the same way; he
must use his inferred powers along with
moral suasion; hem ust be ready to take
an active role in the peaceful settlement
of disputes.
THANT'S PAST RECORD has been spot-
ty at best. Believing that his office is
one of a world diplomat, he has exerted
only minimal and indecisive pressures
-in the cause of world peace. For example,
through his failure to take a direct posi-
tion on the Vietnam issue, he is tacitly

By RON KLEMPNER
WASHINGTON - Listening to
Ann Arbor's Marvin Esch (R-Sec-
ond District), one gets the feeling
that his goal is to best represent
Gov. George Romney in Congress.
Despite the sincerity which ac-
companies his explanation of his
positions, he seems to be reciting
the party line as dictated from
Lansing.
In an interview Esch claimed
the Republican Party is altering
its inherited image from the 1950's
-an image of obstructionism with
no alternatives to Democratic in-
novations and policies. It is quite
apparent that this will be one of
'the party's central themes in 1968,
if we are to believe Romney, Na-
tional GOP Chairman Ray Bliss
and Esch.
Esch goes on to claim that he
favors a "general move away from
the philosophy of federal involve-
ment." And that presently there
is a "role reversal between the
Democrats and Republicans. Re-
publicans want to move into the-
future that utilizes state and fed-
eral coordination, and calls on the
federal government only when and
where it is needed."
This is all wonderful rhetoric,
but when it comes down to roll
call votes Esch's philosophy be-
comes merely a facade with which
to embarrass the administration
by voting against, legislation.
LAST WEDNESDAY'S tally on
the Housing Act of 1967 is a case
in point. House minority leader
Gerald Ford called his Republican
colleagues together, to join with-
Southern Democrats in blocking
the rent subsidies portion of the
bill. The program makes federal
monies available to local govern-
ments, which in turn contract pri-
vate developers to rehabilitate sub-
standard dwellings on a non-profit
basis. The low-income tenents oc-
cupying the rebuilt housing pay
approximately 22 per cent of their
income for rent, and the federal
government makes up the differ-
ence of the cost to the re.ltor
In December of 1966, Ann Arbor
received a federal grant to re-
model 40 family units under the
Department of Housing and Urban
Development's rent subsidies pro-
gram. The mayor and city council
gave unanimousapproval. Mayor
Hulcher said that he was looking
forward ,to future grants if the
present program proved satis-
factory.
Although the funds and certain
guidelines are drawn from the
federal government, the program
relies on local government and
private investors for its success.
When Esch voted against it, not
only was he voting against the
interests of his own community,
but also against his philosophy of
combining federal spending with
more local and private control.
When the current federal funds
expire, Ann Arbor's city council
will have to stretch its already
strained resources in looking for
capital to house 40 poor families
who will be unable to maintain
their current living quarters.
Esch's only reason for voting
against the program was to af-
ford Romney a campaign issue in
1968.
ANOTHER INSTANCE of Mr.
Esch's voting against many of his
constituents' interests was on the
demonstration cities portion of the
Housing Act, which makes federal

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REP. MARVIN ESCH

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making the program almost In-
operatable, and Ann Arbor will
probably be unable to obtain
further grants, unless the cuts can
be restored.
In last April's council elections,
one point continuously brought out
by Republican candidates regard-
ing the prposed city income tax
was that Ann Arbor still had
other revenue resources on which
to draw--thefederal government
was repeatedly mentioned as one
of these resources. Apparently
Essch now wants to close off much
of this revenue flow.
FEDERAL AID to education is
a third area where Republicans
hope to kill an administration pro-
gram' An amendment proposed by
Albert Quie(R-Minn), calls'for all
federal, money to education to be
sent directly to the; individual
states which then set spending
priorities.
Esch said,". . presently, the of-
fice of Health, Education and
Welfare sets policy by giving
grants directly to boards of educa-
tion. The Quie amendment en-
courages more state control."
Commenting on the Republicans'
blocking efforts, he, said, "This is
th2 first time that the Republicans
have given an affirmative answer
to government involvement at the
federal level."
Maybe the Quie amendment is
an answer to federal involvement,
but it is not a very good one. Most
boards of education outside the
South have strongly opposed it on
grounds that it would not insure
that the money being spent goes
where it is most needed and de-
served-in segregated areas.
IN DISCUSSIONS on foreign
affairs, Esch shows similar ad-
herence to the Romney line. Just
before I talked to Esch, the gov-
ernor came out with an almost
meaningless statement of Viet-
nam. First he called for negotia-
tions that would include the NLF;
but then he countered with an
objection to that group having any
part in the post-war government,
Esch shortly thereafter said:
"We must recognize the National
Liberation Front as a power bloc
to deal with in putting an end
to the war." He further contended
that he did not mean giving the
NLF or any of the diverse non-
communist groups, a role in any
government formed from such
negotiations. Sound familiar?
So by being Romney's echo in
the House chamber, Esch might be
furthering the governor's Presi-

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