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August 05, 1960 - Image 2

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Michigan Daily, 1960-08-05

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"I Haven't Got the Other Details Worked Out Yet"'

Seventieth Year
Editorials printed in The Michigan Daily express the individual opinions of staff writers
or the editors. This must be noted in all reprints.

Poignant Interlude
In Summer, Film Fare
AFTER ALL THE sexiramas, re-runs and low caliber imports
summer, it is extremely refreshing to see a movie done with art
and taste. Not since "The Cranes Are Flying" was shown last wir
has a movie in Ann Arbor attained the poignancy of "The Mistress
Though the story itself is unlike the story in "The Cranes
Flying," it possesses the same delicate handling of a first but unatt
able love amidst squalid surroundings. Again the male lead is un
portant except as an object of the young woman's love. And again

AY, AUGUST 5, 1960


A White House Catholic
And Voters' Irrational Fears

IT'S ALMOST A RELIEF to find somebody's
finally come out and said it-point blank.
That Kennedy's a Catholic, that is, and as such
is totally unfit to become President of the
United States.
' Kentucky's Bracken Baptist Association,
boasting 4,000 members, can hardly be viewed
as a cross-section of the nation's voters. And
even within this small group dissenters were
by no means silent. But the strongly-worded
resolution it adopted Wednesday verbalizes a
sentiment still held by many in our enlight-
ened, modern, civilized society.
There was no hedging. The group is "unal-
terably opposed to the election of a Roman
Catholic as President." The statement is re-
freshing-in a perverse way-simply because
it is a formal, written expression of the fears
that many undoubtedly hold in silence and
that many more, particularly pollsters and
campaigners, wonder and worry about.
EVER SINCE John Fitzgerald Kennedy's
name was first linked to the White House,
people have been casting fearful looks back-
ward to the days of Al Smith and trying to
guage the present strength of anti-Catholic
currents. Cold, objective analyses have been
written and hot, impassioned discussions held,
whispering campaigns engaged in, and a few
blatant statements made.
The whole issue-of how a candidate's re-
ligious ties will affect an election's outcome
of his actions if elected-lends itself more to
rather empty theorizing or unreasoned side-
taking than to clear definition and settlement.
IT IS USELESS TO PLEAD that a man's re-
ligious affiliation is irrelevant to the ques-
tion of whether or not he is qualified to be
President of the United States. Unfortunately,
the very nature of the American character, if
it can be isolated, makes it highly relevant.
Americans have always been a pugnaciously
proud lot, consciously preening themselves on
the fact that they built their nation from
scratch. And they don't want any outsider to
tamper with the works-thus, the constitu-
tional provision that the President must be a
natural-born citizen.
To many,Catholic President is as repre-
hensible as a Muscovite one. Perhaps, as they
argue, it is because a Catholic has been told
what to believe from the day he was born into

his religion. Perhaps because Catholicism in-
volves a certain amount of centralized con-
trol, with .the Pope in Rome a focal point that
unifies all Catholics, in all parts of the world.
Perhaps because the traditional American sep-
aration of church and state would seem to be
threatened were an adherent to a religion that
demands (rather than asks for) a great deal
of loyalty from its members, to guide our pol-
The Baptist group's resolution asserted, in
part, that Catholic Kennedy "would appoint
many Catholics to key positions in government
and undermine our way of life." A Catholic,
it seems, might as well be a foreigner, when it
comes to letting him run the country. His
Americanism is diluted by the fact that he
pays at least token homage to "that man" in
Having never encountered a Catholic Presi-
dent, it is natural that voters should have a
few qualms about the consequences of electing
one. It is, however, hard to see how one man,
important though he is, can "undermine our
way of life." Kennedy does not even advocate
any radical policies-he, like the vast majority
of constitutents, has grown up in the Ameri-
can democracy and-from his public com-
ments, at least-advocates a continuation of
the general system. "Our way of life" is his,,
too, after all. Unfortunately, there is no way
of insuring that all the voters will stop to think
about this, that they will make any attempt
to separate the political from the private figure
of any Catholic candidate for the Presidency-
And so, the speculation of how a Catholic
will fare in November continues, at an ever-
increasing rate. So, too, do the whispers "Ken-
nedy-a Cathole," and the silent thoughts of
why knows how many men and women. And,
once in a while, an out-and-out edict, some-
what in the popish style, that proclaims a
Catholic can never be President.
One sometimes wonders whether church and
state haven't already been joined by those
whose primary objections to Kennedy center on
his faith. Their critical faculties might better
be used in examining the candidate's political
acumen. This approach might also serve to
preserve their precious brand of Americanism
-religion really has very little to do with it in
these secular days.

a cruelly uncontrollable world, then
beyond her understanding or
abilityto follow.
HIDEKO TAKAMINE, a girlishly
shy but proud daughter of ,an
ancient candy seller, allows herself
to become the mistress of a
widowed shopkeeper to give her
father a happy old age through
her mother's encouragement. After
a respectable time, the two are
supposed to marry.
Miss Takamine is deceived, how-
ever, by her mother's desire to pay
off a debt. The man she sells her
daughter to is a married money-
lender who holds her, and almost
everyone in the movie, in his con-
The truth of her predicament
filters back to her slowly, by his
lies and the actions of the other
women. She tells her father, who
was also deceived, hoping he will
go back to work-but he is too
comfortably set now to really care
for his daughter's virtue or happi-
AS, THE SHAME and disillu-
sionment settle heavily on her, she
meets a student who falls in love
with her despite her being a mis-
Just when it seems she will be
able to lure the student into her
home, he discovers her master is
the usurer he hates. He refuses to
be drawn into this despicable situ-
ation, and he is leaving for Eu--
rope anyway. She makes one fur-
ther. attempt to attract, him into
her pad, but he will have none of
Miss Takamine receives some
pretty able support. The usurer is
credible enough to be almost for-
giveable. And his statement that
he has done everything for her
must be taken for the truth. The
one scene where he has allayed his
wife's suspicions, then is revulsed
by her sleepy advance, is very
Even so, the movie is carried al-
most completely by Miss Taka-
mine. Her final loathing of her
master's advances and her re-
peated, despairing attempts to see
the student before he leaves, along
with the dismal future awaiting
her, make a strong ending to a
touching, worthwhile movie.
-Thomas Brien

man is drawn from her to a destiny
Old Joke
New Twis
" HHO WAS that lady I saw
you with last night? . . ." is
one of the oldest jokes in show
business. A sparse audience at
Northland Playhouse Tuesday
night saw the gag get a 'hew twist
--"that was no lady, that was a
When a Columbia University
professor gets caught by his wife
while kissing a student, she pre-
pares to leave for Renoand he
calls the only man who can alibi
him, a television writer.
When wifey believes their story
that her husband is an FBI man
acquiring information in a time-
honored manner, the trouble and
the fun begin.
BETTY WHITE, quite a success
on television because of her
warmth and gentle humor, gives a
nicely; paced,' deftly handled per-
formance as the wife.
Although Miss White is billed
as the star, the play is stolen by
her supporting actors. Fred
Gwynne is the professor and'Phil-
ip Bruns is his cohort in crime
(for impersonating an FBI agent,
they discover, one can get at least
'180 years in prison). Together
they grimace and cavort their way
through some very funny antics.'
ly Gwynne looks like a cross be-
tween Jerry Lewis and a very sad
basset hound. His remarkably mo-
bile face was a sure laugh-getter
as he became the personification
of worry, dejection, sudden fear,
or self-satisfied complacency.
Philip Bruns was a delight as the~
oonniving writer. He kept the-
show moving at a bright clip with
a good command of gesture and
Although the summer theatre
performance of "Who was that
lady I saw you with?" is good fun,
it will undoubtedly suffer from the
proximity of the movie version.
-Jo Hardee


WASHINGTON - As previously
reported in this column, Vice-
President Nixon said some things
in his acceptance speech which
would have made the Barry Gold-
waterites faint from fright-if
they had really understood their
implication. What Nixon said
might even have brought words
of agreement from Nikita Khru-
For Nixon proposed encourag-
ing "the revolution of peaceful
peoples' aspirations in South
America. Asia, and Africa" in the
same spirit as the American revo-
This is strong medicine. It is
definitely not the policy Mr. Eis-
enhower has followed in Latin
America in the past. It is much
nearer the crisis Fidel Castro has
precipitated in Latin America.
Because the rag-tag, unpaid, un-
shaven continental foot soldiers
who knocked the crown of George
III askew in 1776 were not too dis-
similar from the sandal-clad,
bearded foot soldiers of Fidel
Castro who have been tweaking
Uncle Sam's beard in Cuba.
* * *
Latin America and Africa and to
a lesser extent in Assia is quite
similar to that of the American
revolution. And basically Nixon is
In Latin America there are vast
hinterlands of undeveloped jun-
gles, pampas and plaetaus waiting
to be pioneered, just as the in-
terior of America waited to be
pioneered in 1776.
For two hundred years, while

[evolutionary Spirit


Without Fidel

the North American continent was
pioneered, these vast areas re-
mained undeveloped for three
reasons: 1.) the tropical climate;
2.) the backwardness of the na-
tives: 3.) lack of any impelling
reason for their development.
has provided ways of battling the
tropics and two powerful Commu-
nist nations-Russia and China--
challenge the free world for de-
velopment of these backward
areas. If we don't help do it, they
will. China, especially, with a
bulging population of 675 million
already plans to infiltrate South
America, take control of local
governments, relax immigration
barriers, and bring several million
Chinese into the Amazon.
For approximately seven years
the Eisenhower administration
has followed a carefully-calculated
policy which has helped block
Latin American development. It
laid down the rule that no United
States development loans could
go to a country which barred for-
eign companies from exploring
and exploiting local mineral
rights. This was a policy inspired
largely by our oil companies which
wanted to drill in Latin America,
but were barred in Argentina,
Brazil and some others.
This ban on United States de-
velopment money not only arous-
ed antipathy for the United States
but played right into the hands of
the Kremlin.
Last week, however, in fact on
the same day Vice-President Nix-
on delivered his acceptance speech


THE STATEMENT by Fidel Castro's doctors
raises at least the possibility of a leaderless
Cuban revolution. The statement that he needs
a "complete mental rest" as well as a physical
one suggests something more than trivial,
approaching a breakdown.
Castro has repeatedly said that his brother
Raul was to take over his powers if he could
not himself exercise them, but that was partly
meant as a threat to his opponents. The threat
was that if they planned his assassination they
would have to deal with someone even more
amenable to the Communists than himself. Now
Raul is likely to take over, not through any act
of Fidel's opponents but through an act of God.
Doubtless Fidel's sickness is due wholly to
natural and objective causes. But Cuba's popu-
lation is traditionally Catholic and deeply re-
ligious. Many of the devout and literal-minded
in Cuba are likely to regard his illness as be-
tokening some divine disfavor.
FIDEL CASTRO has driven himself very hard
ever since his expedition from Mexico to
overthrow Batista and seize power. Here is no
armchair revolutionist but one who loved al-
ways to fight in the mountains and preach in
the fields and hold forth tirelessly for hours
against the Americans on TV. He has always
been a young man in a hurry, especially in re-
cent months, almost as if he had some presen-
timent that his time was short and he would
have to accomplish everything at once before
the long night came.
He may, of course, be back in harness in a
few months, breathing a more fiery fire than
ever against whatever and whoever stand in
his path. But if he should be out for a long
period indefinitely, it raises some interesting
questions about what will happen to the Cuban
revolution without him, and just what is the
role of personal leadership in relation to the
presumably impersonal forces of history.
A RADICAL SOCIAL revolution needs a man
like Lenin or Mao-Tsetung, Cardenas or
Castro, both as a driving force and as a symbol

to his followers. No social revolution was ever
organized and carried through by committee,
and even in countries-like Egypt-where a
revolutionary junta executed a revolutionary
coup, a dominant figure like Nasser had to
emerge quickly to take charge and give a single
embodiment to the revolution.
Raul Castro, whatever his abilities, is not the
man to take over this role. He lacks his broth-
er's assurance, eloquence, presence, and that
whole element of "charisma," which is not just
a beard encircling a face but a curious mystical
leadership quality almost like a halo.
If Castro, in leaving the movement some day,
should bequeath it to his brother's keeping in
an emotion-laden setting, Raul might keep
going as leader for a while. But the magic of
leadership doesn't easily rub off from one per-
son to another by an act of grace or a political
testament. My guess is that with Fidel's tem-
porary absence from the political scene, the
Communists will move into the vacuum even
more rapidly than they have been doing. They
may find in Che Guevara extactly the man they
need and can use, and I suspect he would turn
out to be a staunch partisan for their cause.
In short, if anyone believes that Castro's ill--
ness brings the collapse of the regime closer, I
fear it is wishful thinking. If the Communists
have been able to reach as far into the govern-
ment, the unions, the cooperatives, the press
and radia and TV, the direction of the economy,
the national militia if not the army-if, I say,
they have been able to reach as far as they
have done with Fidel Castro, there, they should
reach even farther without him.
In fact the time may come very soon when,
under the guise of assuring public order amid
the anxiety about Fidel, the hard-faced men
who today reap the benefit of Castro's revolu-
tion will achieve an actual takeover of it, lock,
stock, and barrel.
IT WOULD BE only a formal change. The
Cuban regime today and the Cuban power
structure are, if not Communist, then para-
Communist-that is to say, they run parallel
to a Communist regime. It is useless to say that
the land reforms made necessary the crushing
of freedom, the silencing of the press, the
crowding of the political prisons, the whole
Gestano atmosphere. the air drenched with

in Chicago, Secretary of State
Herter in Washington initiated
what amounted to a revolutionary
new policy for the United States
of aiding land reform even if it
bordered on socialism. He ad-
vanced Peru $53 million for land
development and land reform.
This change of policy showed
that Nixon was not speaking out
of turn. His speech was not mere
rhetoric. It also showed that the
Eisenhower administration has de-
dided to beat Fidel Castro to the
punch by aiding moderate reform
in friendly Latin American coun-
tries. Peru has been a good friend
of the United States and its land
reform will not dislocate rela-
tions with American sugar or cop-
per interests.
will be advanced to other friendly
Latin American countries despite
the risk of criticism from Gold-
waterites that the United States
is aiding Latin socialism. For Fi-
del Castro's land reform, even
though inefficient and unproduc-
tive, has been 'an amazingly suc-
cessful battlecry against the
United States in the rest of the
Western hemisphere.
Another point Nixon made is
that "government can't do this
job alone . this means that
every one of you .'. . who works
or travels abroad must represent
his country at its best in every-
thing he does."
This is something which this
column has been writing about for
10 years-the fact that even the
eVeryday American tourist can be
an ambassador of good will when
he travels.
* * * .
can be even more effective. And
such firms as United Fruit which
has built schools and hospitals in
Central America, the Standard Oil
Company which has built schools
in Venezuela, and Sears Roebuck
which has brought low-priced
goods to Mexico and other con-
sumers, have been doing a good
job for their country as well as
for themselves.
However, it's going to take this,
plus all the American revolution-
ary spirit which Vice-President
Nixon talked about, to compen-
sate for the lethargy ofthe past
seven years in our badly neglected
Western hemisphere.
(Copyright 1960, by the Bell Syndicate)

'Rat Race' Perfect
Adolescent Pablum
BY ANYONE'S STANDARDS, "Rat Race" is an Imperfect flm.
The movie, featuring Tony Curtis and Debbie Reynolds, is a piece
of Americana that only foreigners and adolescent girls should see; the
former out of scientific curiosity, the latter because they might like it.
Someday Aldos Huxley's fantasy world will be realized. much to the
joy of producers, and scripts such as this will be machine-produced at
half the expense. Until then, Hollywood's screen hacks will continue
to insult their nearly defunct imaginations with the conception of
similar cinematic trash.
It is possible to create a good bad movie. Admittedly, there are few
of them, and "Rat Race" is not among them.
*~ * * *
IT IS POSSIBLE to take its nucleus, the familiar "boy-from-sticks
meets city-girl-with-heart-of-gold and learns about Life when she
learns about Love" recipe, and construct something that affords genuine
entertainment, providing one's aims are not too high. We have all seen
it done. The opportunity is there.
But "Rat Race"' usually misses or ignores the opportunity. For
example, Tony Curtis, who has played more tough gangsters than many,
is cast as the naive country boy taken in by the wicked city. Whether
waving goodbye to Mom and Dad in Milwaukee or confessing his
enduring, but pure,-wea sfor poverty-hardened Debbie Reynolds
(in itself an incongruity) he is less than convincing.
EVEN THE MINOR characters, with few exceptions, are em-
barrassing revelations of the concepts West Coast screen writers must
have of people on the East Coast, or people anywhere, for that matter.
The "hep" musicians, the unbelievable Brooklyn landlady, the friendly
Irish bartender, even the cab driver=-a part at once as easy and as
full of potential as one could wish-contribute to the suspicion that
"Rat Race" is really a take-off on the modern American movie, which.
does indeed lend itself to such treatment.
-Andrew Hawley

Katanga Provides Test
Of UN Effectiveness

Associated Press News Analyst
THE UNITED Nations, trying to
provide a security force to re-
place Belgian troops in the Congo
without getting involved in the
new country's political affairs, is
walking a tightrope in Katanga.
The provincial premier is threat-
ening to fight rather than let
United Nations occupation pro-
duce a de facto reunion with the
Leopoldville faction. Observers dis-
count this threat, but he is making
a' show of mobilizing.
Katanga could make it, econo-
mically, as a separate state. The
rest of the Congo would be un-
The UN accepted Congo mem-
bership as a single state.
The UN troops, regardless of
intent, have provided time for the
Leopoldville faction to organize.
THE SECURITY Council ordered
what is being done in the Leo-
nnrville a with the idea that it

At the worst, this means an in-
ternational army fighting to en-
force a Security Council concept.
At the best, it means freezing
the ball until Congolese factions
can be brought together and a
constitutional government formed
to protect all political factions and
foreign business interests, which
are also essential to a stable Con-
golese state.

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