Se'venty-Second Year
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Truth Will Prevail"f
Editorials printed in The Michigan Daily express the individual opinions of staff writers
or the editors. This must be noted in all reprints.
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FIVE FINGER EXERCISE:
Youth Dominates Show
'HANK GOD for youth.
It-or they-saved this show from practically insurmountable
difficulties
Peter Schaffer's "Five Finger Exercise" is at most times an
unbearably talked-out play. The people in it don't do things, or
even talk much about doing things. Nor do they even talk that
much about things that they have done. It is much more like a
hard session at the psychiatrist's couch, about which more later.
The set, theoretically to look as if it were by an interior designer,
was actually done by Ralph Duckwall. It was much too obviously done
i
4
THUISDAY, JULY 12, 1962
NIGHT EDITOR: GERALD STORCH
Professors Bring Suit To Test
Democratic Apportionment
SINCE THIS COUNTRY is, too big and
complex to have a pure democracy, it uses
the closest thing to it: representative demo-
cracy. The idea is that the legislative body-
or at least one of the two chambers con-
stituting it-shall represent the people and
that this representation shall be as numeri-
cally accurate as possible.
At least this is what we have been led to
believe by our founding fathers. But somehow
the people who apportion our Congressional
districts have frequently overlooked and ne-
glected this fundamental principle of American
democracy.
When reality not only fails to live up to the
ideal, but actually violates it, it is time for
public-spirited citizens to correct the situation.
And this is what two political scientists of
Henry Ford Community College are trying to
do.
THE INSTRUCTORS, Donald Calkins, a law-
yer and a graduate student at the Univer-
sity, and Karl Jacobs are pressing a suit in
Federal district court for fairer apportionment
in Congressional districts.
It is apt that they should press the suit at
this time and this place, for Michigan is the
most unfairly apportioned state, and its
citizens are about to elect eighteen congress-
men on a district basis along with one con-
gressman-at-large.
The first move of Calkins and Jacobs was
to ask the Federal District Court to make the
election of all nineteen congressmen on a state-
wide (at-large) basis. The Court refused this
request because the election is already far
along. Speaking for the three-man judiciary,
Judge Clifford O'Sullivan said:
"This, under the circumstances, is a request
for an extraordinary remedy and one which
this court is unwilling to indulge upon such
short notice and without full study, consider-
ation and reflection."
INDEED the request is extraordinary, and
the court's refusal could not have been
really surprising to the two instructors. Their
hopes center on the second hearing, which
will focus on the merits of the case itself
rather than on immediate and perhaps too
hasty action to change this fall's election.
Calkins expects a new decision in a few
months and expects that this next decision
Education Key
IF INTEGRATION is to be given a chance in
the South, race-relations must possess an
over-all atmosphere of cooperation and un-
restricted interchange. All too often, an invisi-
ble barrier is erected between white and Negro,
which maintains a subdued form of discrim-
ination in' spite of the absence of outward signs
of conflict.
Consequently, the mental patterns of both
the average Southern white and the average
will provide judicial means to achieve fair
apportionment. If the Federal district court
gives another negative decision, then the in-
structors will appeal to the state Supreme
Court. If necessary, they will go all the way
to the United States Supreme Court.
Even if the Federal district court decides in
their favor, the case could go to higher courts
anyway, if an appeal is filed by the forces that
want the congressional apportionment to
stay the way it is. Immediate victory may not
mean ultimate victory.
CALKINS AND JACOBS are correct in feeling
that success of their case is absolutely
crucial, because the House of Representatives
is supposed to represent the people. A more
representative House will be more responsive
to the will of all the people and in addition
will be more progressive.
The problem of unfair apportionment has
arisen in Michigan because the Republicans
want to keep the power they still have left.
From 1854 to 1948 Republicans had solid
control of the state. In fact, in 1905 and 1925
not a single Democrat was in state office.
Since 1946 the Democrats, under the leader-
ship of Neil Staebler and (up to 1960) G.
Mennon Williams, have been rebuilding their
party. For the first time, Michigan has be-
come a truly two-party state. Democrats now
outnumber the Republicans in Michigan (this
is why George Romney has to get the support
of independents and some Democrats) but moe
Republicans get elected because apportionment
has not kept up with political and population
changes.
CONGRESSIONAL malapportionment is bad
in other states, but Michigan is the worst.
Nowhere else in the United States does the
congressman from the least populous district
represent less than three-tenths of the number
of voters that the congressman from the most
populous district represents.
Both congressmen have one vote. Both should
speak for the same number of people. That is
the theory of our federal government. That
will be the practice if the case of Donald
Calkins and Karl Jacobs succeeds. And if it
succeeds, we will have moved closer in one
more way to our ideal of representative demo-
cracy.
-ROBERT SELWA
to End of Bias
Negro must be changed, in order to achieve a
successful mingling of the races.
Because Negroes have in many cases adapted
the selves to their status as "second-class"
citins, many of them neglect their duties as
Americans, and do not bother to press for civil
rights. Records show that the percentage of
Negro voters often remains low, even after all
restrictions have been removed. The reason for
this is that it has become just as convenient for
the Negro not to vote at all, instead of making
use of his newly restored franchise. Although
the responsibility for this situation does not lie
directly on the shoulders of the Negro, it is
the fault of the Negro that he is ready to re-
main indifferent.
ANY whites are unwilling to change their
opinions of the Negro: to them, he is still
regarded as inferior, and they will, if possible,
avoid any or all associations with him.
The effects of this situation are not restrict-
ed to the South. They are evident in all major
urban areas throughout the nation. The effect
of unseen racial bars can be observed in the
fact that all major cities in the United States
have, at one time or another, experienced ra-
cial violence in the last decade. An almost
ghetto-like separation of races exists in the
living quarters of America's city population.
Viewing this situation, we are forced to ad-
mit that the American Negro has made little
actual progress upward from his lowly status
as a slave, since the adoption of the 14th
amendment.
ALTHOUGH the American government is
making a valiant effort to end racial dis-
crimination in the South, the status quo will
at best be shaken, but not basically changed.
It is hopeless to even attempt an overhauling
of the present Southern generation's patterns
of thought. The old South is set in its ways: no
amount of persuasion or education could get it
to change. The solution to the problem of un-
seen racial bars lies in the younger generation.
A widespread program of education in pri-
mary and secondary schools, concerning the
problems of integration and race prejudice is
absolutely necessary. This program, sponsored
by the federal government, should supplement
the present government program of enforced
Southern desegregation. The program should
not be entrusted to the care of state or local
governments. There, the program will die a
slow death due to the fact that these govern-
ments are much more prone to practice dis-
crimination, than the national government.
A PROGRAM of widespread education would
enable the government to mold the minds
of the upcoming Southern generation toward
for the stage, with everything
ostentatiously facing directly to-
wards the audience in a straight
line. Other than this it had no
unity at all. And even done for the
stage, the upper area in front of
Pamela Harrington's room was
much too small and tight for the
scenes that had to be played in it.
* * *
THE STORY is that of the dis-
integration of the Harrington
family, set off by the entrance of
a tutor for the daughter.
The direction did not help the
over-talking of the play. There
was a definite and continuing ten-
dency to take the actors on the
stage, usually two, and set them
on the couch facing the audience,
or in the two easy chairs facing
the audience, or around one of the
two tables, also facing the au-
dience. They sat down and talked,
and the talk wasn't active enough
to make up for the static and
clumsy blocking.
In spite of all this, C. David
Colson in the role of the son
just entering college and suitably
confused, and Cynthia Bouton in
the role of the daughter, 14 years
old, took this show and set it down
powerfully, passionately in the
laps of the audience.
THERE IS much comedy in the
show and both of them carried
it perfectly to give the needed
lightness and humor.
Colson carried his role as the
dramatic lead to compassionate
and intense heights, yet easily
dropped it back into the comedy
without any break.
Helen Kelly and Thomas Leith
as the parents were both adequate,
and at times carried to excellence
by the pushing of the youth.
George Hayward in what should
have been thecentral role was
hopelessly airy and adolescent.
But youth dominates all and
manages to create a stirring and
entertaining evening.
-John Herrick
BAROCOCONUT?
Utterly
Deligohtful
THE BAROQUE TRIO was a
delight Tuesday evening; sup-
plemented by Lawrence Hurst
playing bass, the group exercised
great taste both in selection and
performance. They were obviously
well rehearsed, a fact evident in
their uniformity of ornamenta-
tion as well as in their balanced
dynamics, which were subtle and
tasteful,
Since most of the things they
did are virtually unrecorded, and
therefore unfamiliar to Ann Arbor
audiences, I think that it is prob-
ably within the question to com-
ment on a few of them. The flute
(Nelson Hauenstein) and the oboe
(Florian Mueller) each had a
sonata (Platti E minor sonata and
Loeillet C major sonata, respec-
tively), and both were excellent
performances.
* * *
LOEILLET is an unpretentious
and exquisite melodist, and I far
preferred the sonata to the C.F.E.
Bach Quartet (in A minor) which
followed it. Bach, though admit-
tedly more skillful, filled the son-
ata with all the conceits of the
several previous decades. It was
a fruit too long on the musical
tree;ua sort of overripe Barococo-
nut.
The program opened with a
wonderful Telemann Trio Sonata
in F which was marred slightly
by a tendency to speed up in the
last movement and audible resis-
tance against it.
The audience loved everything,
and rightfully so; chamber music
concerts at Rackham are, in gen-
eral, one of the better things about
Ann Arbor. -g
--Dick Pollinger
AF TEWE GET ITS
ATT ENToN1 VWE'L t,TEAcH
IT 9E O1E~CF'
THE NEW CONSTITUTION:
Earmarked Taxes Remain
1 ,
Ray of Hope
IFE IS REALLY beginning at 80 for Clarence
Cannon and Carl Hayden. Relatively un-
known to the public, these two youngsters
have accomplished the singular feat of com-
pletely stifling any Congressional action on
appropriations.
Cannon, you see, is an 83-year-old Demo-
cratic 'representative from Missouri, and he
chairs the House Appropriations Committee.
Hayden has one year of "seniority" age-wise
and as Democratic senator from Arizona just
happens to chair the Senate Appropriations
Committee.
WELL, CLARENCE and Carl have been carry-
ing on a little feud now for the past two
months. It seems that Clarence wants to be
co-chairman of the conference committee that
meets when the two groups pass differing
appropriations bills. Heretofore, the Senate
committee chairman has always handled the
conference chairmanship, but Clarence is ap-
parently determined to get a share of this
position.
Age indeed has not mellowed the two gentle-
men, and they have refused to call a joint
session, each refusing to back down. Mean-
while, the Congressional appropriations have
ground to a halt, and the two octogenarians
may score an even greater success if they hold
out through July 31, because that's the date
temporary funds voted to keep the country
going after the fiscal year closing of July 1
will expire.
Don't give up yet, though, there's still hope.
One of them might die.
--GERALD STORCH
Editorial Staff
FRED RUSSELL KRAMER...................Co-Editor
PETER STEINBERGER ................... Co-Editor
AL JONES.............................Sports Editor
rYVT'1 TI AT ?. T1 --- - -- -Wi.. -'A+....
(EDITOR'S NOTE: This is the
seventh of a nine-part series on the
new state constitution.)
By MARK BLUCHER
Daily Staff Writer
THE DEBATE on the finance
Sand taxation article of Michi-
gan's proposed constitution waxed
hot and heavy for a long time.
The delegates had a difficult
time deciding what, exactly,
should be included in the provi-
sions. Some things were voted out
of the old document and then,
maybe, voted in again. But, in the
end, major earmarking provisions
were kept for highways and edu-
cation.
The new provisions for finance
and taxation in the state are high-
lighted as much by what they pro-
hibit as by what they permit.
* * *
A GRADUATED income tax,
levied by the state or any govern-
mental subdivision would be pro-
hibited. The sales tax would not
be allowed to exceed its current
four per cent level. The assessment
of real or personal property at
more than 50 per cent of its true
cash value is prohibited in the new
constitution.
One of the larger debates cen-
tered over thes15 mill tax limit on
property taxes. After removing it
once, the convention later rein-
serted it, and it remains in the
new document. The delegates did,
however, provide an option fea-
ture. Under this, a local unit would
be permitted to agree on separate
limits which could total as much
as 18 mills. This higher limit
would be subject to voter veto.
The 15 mill limit is one of the
problems that the Legislature had
to face during the financial crisis
a few years ago. This unrealistic
limit has led to a very small intake
in funds that are desperately
needed to operate the government.
The inclusion of this provision in
the new document was one of the
compromises between the liberal
Republican faction, led by George
Romney, and the conservative Re-
publicans.
* * *
NEXT comes the prohibition
against an income tax "graduated
as to rate or base." This means
that any income tax would have
to be a fiat rate percentage of in-
come. It would, in other words,
take the same percentage from a
person in a low income bracket
as it would of someone in a high
income bracket.
This provision, obviously, is
biased in favor of the person with
a high income. Like a sales tax it
is regressive against lower income
groups. The person who makes
$25,000 a year can more easily af-
ford a one or two per cent tax on
his income than can the person
who is only making $2,500 a year.
Some Democrats tried, unsuc-
cessfully, to exempt drugs and
food altogether from this tax.
* *.*
THE convention has also decid-
ed to continue the dedication of
funds for special purposes. Fuel
(gasoline) taxes and auto license
fees are still to be used only for
highway purposes.
It continued but changed te
apportionment of the sales tax,
providing that one-eighth, instead
of one-half cent, should go to
amounts to $200 million; that for
schools is $210 million; and that
for cities, villages and townships,
$55 million.q
Again the majority of the dele-
gates have provided only for a
possible continuation of the fiscal
problems that Michigan has had
to face during the past few years.
In the financial crisis during Wil-
liams' last years in office, one of
the main problems arose from the
fact that while the state had
money dedicated to its special
funds, none of this was accessible
to meet current debts. A similar
problem is forseeable in the fu-
ture with the new provisions re-
lating to finance and taxation.
The convention, was, however,
inconsistent for it reversed its
policies after earmarking in three
areas and voted to do away with
the so-called primary school in-
terest fund.
THE present constitution calls
for taxes on inheritance, railroads,
telephone, telegraph and foreign
insurance companies to be put into
this fund. The Legislature how-
ever, was also required to supple-
ment the fund annually to meet
school needs, in excess of ear-
marked money.
Taxes on these items will con-
tinue despite abolition of the pri-
mary school interest fund. They
yield an estimated $60 million a
year.
One beneficial change was the
removal .of the $250,000 limitation
on state borrowing power.
* *
"TO MEET obligations incurred
pursuant to appropriations for any
fiscal year (July through the next
June), the Legislature may by law
authorize the state to issue its
full faith and credit notes" up to
approximately $60 million.
The new limit is "15 per cent of
undedicated revenuesreceived by
the state during the preceding fis-
cal year," but whatever debt is in-
curred must be repaid within the
same fiscal year that the money
is borrowed.
This short-term money could be
borrowed by the Legislature for
general operating purposes with-
out having to gain voter approval.
But for the state to issue bonds
for specific purposes the Legisla-
ture must first give approval by a
two-thirds vote of each house and
then a majority of the voters must
approve the issue., *
AUTHORITY is continued for
the state to lend money to, or
guarantee bonds of, school dis-
tricts.
"Fair, honest and workable" was
the feeling of Republican advo-
cates toward the over-all article.
They insisted that the convention
merely laid the ground rules for a
tax structure to be built by the
Legislature.
Democratic opponents to the
measure stated that "Over our vig-
orous objections the convention
has consistently refused to in-
clude the principle of taxation ac-
cording to ability to pay ... The
proposed document demands that
in times of economic crisis the
state budget must be cut, even
though it will cause serious hard-
ship to millions of citizens .. .
"The taxation provisions of the
proposed new document present
no improvements over existing tax
provisions and in some instances
are more restrictive and regressive
than those now in effect."
LETTERS TO THE EDITOR:
Sees Medical Delusion
By PHILIP SUTIN
Daily Staff Writer
A SIGNIFICANT new book was
recently added to the literature
of disarmament by a United Na-
tions economic task force. Ten;
economists from the West, the
East and the unaligned nations,
produced an excellent study of the
economic ramifications of disarm-
ament entitled, "Economic and
Social Consequences of Disarma-
ment."
Commissioned by the General
Assembly on Dec. 16, 1960, the
study group was charged with un-
dertaking "comprehensive and
systematic studies . . , to enable
member states, especially those
which are under-developed, to
make the necessary economic and
social adjustments in the event
of disarmament."
Where data on military expen-
ditures and past demobilization
is available, the report more than
meets its goal, providing informa-
tion and hypotheses that are quite
relevant and important to disarm-
ament planners. Where there is a
scarcity of back data, the report
merely repeats the stock phrases
of the "peacemongers."
* * *
THREE tables of world military
spending statistics provide some
of the most revealing reading
about the state of the arms race.
Although inaccurate to the degree
the governments cover up military
expenditures, the tables lay out
interesting comparisons between
states.
Between 1957 and 1959, the
United States, on the average,
spent more of its gross national
product on arms (9.8 per cent).
This is more than any other na-
tion. It also led the world in the
percentage of gross domestic fixed
capital formation at 58.3 per cent.
Surprisingly, the United Arab Re-
public was a close second at 52.6
per cent. The Soviet Union spent
6.9 per cent of its gross national
product and had an average per-
centage of gross domestic fixed
capital formation of 34.4 per cent.
After briefly taking stock of
world armament and its concen-
tration and structure, the UN re-
port, in one of its most significant
passages, warns the nations to in-
ventory their resources and begin
planning for disarmament. It
urges them not only to catalogue
their armament, but also their
primary and secondary defense in-
dustries as pre-requisite to a dis-
armament conversion.
* * *
THE REPORT sets four goals
for the eventually freed resources:
-"Raising standards of person-
al consumption of goods and serv-
ECONOMIC DISARMAMENT:
UN Surveys Vital Data
RIGHTFULLY, they note these
goals are interlinked, but urge that
the underdeveloped nations use
freed resources for "social invest-
ment." This visionary goal of dis-
armers is not discussed in the ab-
stract, however. The report cites
statistics from various United Na-
tions members, reviewing for ex,
ample, the housing shortage in the
Soviet Union and a set of National
Planning Assn. figures on possible
United States uses for freed arms
resources.
The report is at its best in deal-
ing with conversion of war indus-
try to peaceful use. Relying heavi-
ly on United States, European and
Soviet data on post-World War II
conversion, the report articulately
reveals the pitfalls and the prob-
lems of reconversion.
It has one weakness in its ana-
lysis, the entire report dealing
with Communist "c e n tr ally
planned economies." Unfortunate-
ly, it takes them at face value and
does not probe into the mechanics
and realities involved in "central
planning;" thus naively assuming
that a conversion of war industry
to peaceful uses can be easily
completed under this economic
system. A better approach might
have looked into the effect of
peace conversion on the dynamics
of "centrally planned" economies.
DEALING with the "structural
problems of conversion," the re-
port comments on the basic prob-
lems of retraining military per-
sonnel (especially in underdevel-
oped countries where the report
claims military personnel are more
technically sophisticated and thus
useful to a developing society), de-
pressed areas caused by the de-
cline of war industries, and the re-
orientation of war research for
peaceful purposes.
The last two parts of the six
part analysis of the report are
highly speculative and add noth-
ing new to peace literature. The
one dealing with international
trade, however, envisions the in-
teresting prospect of increased
East-West trade. This growth
would be brought about through
ending defense priority limitations
on presently strategic goods. It
also makes a strong plea for con-
tinued foreign aid to help under-
developed nations.
THE SECTION, "Some Social
Consequences of Disarmament,"
seemingly is a one-and-one-half
page appendix attached to the text
of an essentially economic report.
It is of little value in comparison
to the rest of the report as it is
merely rhetorical pleas for the
better life without much consider-
atin as rompanc n ++-tniin i
To the Editor:
MICHAEL HARRAH has again
shown his unbelievable ig-
norance and narrowmindedness in
his editorial about the medical
problem in Saskatchewan.
With the new medical insurance
that hasabecome law the patient
still has a choice of any doctor he
wishes, the only thing is that the
government pays the bill instead of
the private individual, so I can-
not see why the doctor-patient
relationship will change.
I would like to see Harrah clear-
ly show how such a gross and ig-
norant statement that when the
government assumes the respon-
sibilities of the health of its ci-
tizens that this will start an un-
stoppable socialization of every-
thing.
THE EDITORIAL also makes
mention of a similar plan in Great
Britain, but fails to point out that
the majority of people are in
favor of it and are receiving better
medical care than they ever have.
Harrah, like so many people, is
suffering under a delusion (put
out by the doctor's union, the
AMA) that the doctor is not a
businessman, but still the country
doctor making housecalls in his
horse-drawn buggy. Today's doc-
people get adequate medical care,
and if Mr. Harrah thinks that the
people of Canada and other places
are getting it now, he has led a
very sheltered existance.
-Gary H. Gilbar, '64 A&D
Prayer Ban*...
To the Editor:
HE ARTICLE by Robert Selwa
on the prayer ban presented
the ruling of the Supreme Court
as fairly as it could be treated
while still supporting it.
But I cannot help musing about
the implications of the decision
and our officially "neutral" po-
sition toward God. The First
Amendment is about 170 years
old, and we are just now discover-
ing that 170 years of prayer in
public schools have been uncon-
stitutional.
We put God on our side during
the Revolution and invoked his
aid in the writing of the Con-
stitution. During the Civil War we
prayed that God would restore
the Union and save democracy.
* *S *
IN WORLD WAR I and II we
called upon God to save us and
the world from militaristic dic-
tatorships. And you hear people
say today that God must help
.
Al