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Editorials printed in The Michigan Daily ex press the individual opinions of staff writers
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TUESDAY, JULY 11, 1961 NIGHT EDITOR: MICHAEL OLINICK
Wilkins
Views Rights
Music School Shift
Hurts Building Chances
ALL ATTEMPTS to help the music school
seem, paradoxically, destined to hurt it.
The school's aquisition of Lane Hall, for
example is a necessary and praiseworthy move.
The Office of Religious Affairs has not been
using the full capacities of the building for
some time, while Dean James needs every
extra inch of space the University can pro-
vide.
The state legislators, however, are bound to
look at the improvement and falsely interpret
it as a University action tantamount to adding
a building to the campus. The University
gives the music school top priority in its bid
for capital outlay. Yet, the legislators reason,
we turn them down and they go ahead and
work out a solution, anyway. Perhaps they
really didn't need the new building. Maybe
they can work out other "painless" solutions
like this one for other structures they claim
are necessary.
The music school, however, still rates top
priority. The move into Lane Hall solves no
basic problems; the music school will still
be unable to admit additional numbers of
students. The needs for a new structure on
North Campus are clear and evident to anyone
who investigates the situation closely.
But, a new music school does not have top
priority in the public eye. It's fine to deplore
the condition which caused the Sputnik revolu-
tion to drown out the humanities, but no
legislator seeking another term of office will
approve the erection of a music school, while
we still lag behind in the missile race and
dangers of another whole war are raised every
day in big, black headlines. As far as the
general public is concerned, music education
is a decided frill; science is the bignecessity.
Anyway, they say, Van Cliburn's success at
the Tchaikowsky piano festival gives the
United States first place in the music race.
If you point out that the band made a
triumphant tour of the Soviet and the state
department labelled it our best received cul-
tural exchange program, the legislators have
a ready response: Look how well the Univer-
sity turns out its musicians with its present
conditions. You produce the best with what
you have. How could you ask for more?
THE BLAME can't rest with the legislators
alone. They are responsible to many de-
mands and one is that of the voters.
The University will have to persuade the
public that the new music school is necessary
of at least give the congressmen an excuse
for approving one which will not put their
political necks on the chopping block.
One way to do this might be to demonstrate
that music is as important as science. This,
propaganda, however, bucks the whole trend
of University lobbying for the past four years.
We've used all our efforts to show that those
professors with white coats and smelly test
tubes are not mere eggheads; they do things
which affect the whole world. They make
bombs and rocket satellites. But, alas, what
do muscisians do? What's their concrete ac-
complishment?
Or the University could deliberately play up
the deplorable conditions which abound in
some of the buildings the music school is
forced to use-lack of fire insurance, the
necessity to use wash rooms for practice areas,
etc. This becomes a sentimental and maudlin
plea somewhat out of keeping for a cosmo-
politan and sophisticated university.
The University has given up attempt to
predict just when approval will be given to
the new music school structure, a building
already designed and for which bids were once
accepted.-
The position adopted now is a cautious hope
that when the Legislature begins approving
capital outlay for building on a "wide front,"
money for the music school will somehow be
found. If appropriations come forward next
year for only one or two buildings, the chances
are that it won't be directed towards the
music school.
Unless some other radical alternative is pro-
posed, the music school and other campus
facilities will continue to deteriorate until
large scale outlays are granted. The music
school, unfortunately, may suffer the most and
the longest.
-MICHAEL OLINICK
By PHILIP SHERMAN
Special To The Daily
PHILADELPHIA-Roy Wilkins,
executive secretary of the National
Association for the Advancement
of Colored People, is outwardly a
calm and graceful man, and his
words are soft.
What he has to say is not.
Wilkins arrived here Sunday for
the preliminaries of the NAACP's
52nd annual convention-during a
year that has seen some violence
and some advances toward the
group's goal of ending legal dis-
crimination. It is also a year in
which there has been no new civil
rights 1 e g i s 1 a t i o n, as Wilkins
pointed out in a press conference.
That Wilkins held the confer-
ence in the city's newest hotel and
that it was attended by 20 or so
reporters and some radio-TV tech-
nicians perhaps points out well
the importance of the NAACP.
Though there are other civil
rights organizations in the field
(CORE, for example), Wilkins
made it clear that the NAACP is
still the leading one-though as
he pointed out, there is room for a
great many groups.
AFTER some tentative questions
by a group of reporters that
didn't seem to know much about
the NAACP or the civil rights
movement in general, Wilkins got
to the NAACP's plans for next
year.
In reference to this, he started
to speak of necessary federal leg-
islation in the field. While com-
mending the Kennedy adminis-
tration for executive action for
civil rights, he quietly made it
clear that the NAACP questions
the administration's "strategy" of
seeking no new civil rights legisla-
tion this year.
The fact is, he said, that there
are several civil rights bills pend-
ing in Congress right now which
contain useful provisions. For
some reason, he was a bit evasive
as to what these are, but finally
listed four:
1) enactment of so-called "title-
free language" which would give
the United States Attorney Gene-
al broad powers to intervene in
civil rights cases as such;
2) permanent status for the
Federal Civil Rights Commission;
3) a federal fair employment
practices law;
4) legislation forcing local units
to comply with the 1954 Supreme
Court school desegregation de-
cision.
The Negro leader didn't think
there was any good reason for de-
laying on civil rights legislation.
After all, he explained, it will cause
a fight in Congress any time. whe-
tlher in "1932. now or in 1982." He
called civil rights the most import-
ant domestic issue next to that of
the economy.
(The NAACP maintains a Wash-
ington branch complete with lob-
byists which ,presumably, have
these aims in mind. The conven-
tion will do a little persuading of
its own tomorrow when many of
the delegates will travel to Wash-
ington on a so-called "freedom
train." They will meet their Con-
gressmen and hear addresses by
a bi-partisan group of Northern
legislative leaders, men like Penn-
sylvania's Joseph Clark and New
York's Jacob Javits.)
Despite the lack of legislation
this year-Wilkins conceded that
it is unlikely new, though late in
the session-he and the NAACP
seem confident of eventual success.
Like Soviet Premier Nikita S.
Khrushchev (to use an inappro-
priate analogy) they seem to feel
they have history on their side.
The 1954 school desegregation de-
cision and other recent related
cases, in effect have broken the
back of segregation, Wilkins main-
tainied.
Comparing it to a "rattlesnake,"
Wilkins alleged that the head of
segregation has been cut off-
though the tail will continue to
twitch for a long time.
He illustrated his contention
thusly: the Mississippi police, he
claimed, evidence a tacit admis-
sion of segregation's decline in
that they use anti-disturbance or-
dinances and not segregation laws
against the "freedom riders" who
have been visiting Jackson recent-
ly.
He says the frustration of a los-
ing battle has resulted in violence
in some cases.
Wilkins admitted that this pro-
gress does not mean that every
white man is going to have "a
Negro pal" home for dinner very
soon, but stuck to his contention
that the NAACP's goal of ending
legal racial discrimination is be-
ing reached.
'THE organization put out its re-
port on its activities for the last
year just before the convention.
There are many specifics rang-
ing over many fields of activity
and it is frankly difficult to assess
them, to cut through the detail,
to see exactly how much progress
has been made. But the NAACP's
leaders themselves seemed satis-
fied enough.
Wilkins ranged over many other
areas.
On the Negro and politics: the
migration of the whites from the
cities and concomitant confine-
ment of the Negro there has given
the Negro unexpected urban poli-
tical strength.
"Freedom riders" with whom
the NAACP cooperates but has not
joined are well within their rights
to travel anywhere they choose.
No American citizen is an "out-
sider" anywhere in his own coun-
try. What's more, the idea of agi-
tation is traditional in American
society.
There are two ways to look at
voter registration, one of the
NAACP's most important activi-
ties. One is the view that he, Wil-
kins, or Robert Kennedy could
take sitting in an air-conditioned
office. The other is the view of a
Negro man or woman who has to
stand for days in the sun in front
of a Southern courthouse before
being allowed to get on the voting
rolls. This latter view shows the
project is just plain hard work
and isn't surprising that many
Negroes are discouraged.
But Wilkins cited the story of
a woman who stood in the sun for
seven successive Sundays without
being registered. She succeeded on
the eighth.
The last question of the press
conference concerned the so-called
"Black Muslims", a group of whom
are headquartered here. These
groups represent Negro exclusive-
ness. One of them has requested a
couple of states for the Negroes'
sole possession.
No, he didn't agree with this
need, Wilkins said.
The Negro, who has been here
since 1619, longer than many
"hundred-percent Americans," is
an American. A Negro, Crispus
Attucks, was shot in the Boston
Massacre of 1775. American Ne-
groes in foreign countries want
to go home-to the United States.
Wilkins has shining eyes which
are accentuated by the camera-
men's kleig lights, but it seemed as
if his eyes were glistening a little
more than usual as he said this.
AT THE CAMPUS:
Ambition Drives Hero
To 'Room at the Top'
"ROOM AT THE TOP" is a movie about a clearsighted, ambitious
young man. Which is, as the film points out brilliantly, a lousy
combination.
The young man is played by Laurence Harvey, who does an excel-
lent job of it. Simone Signoret does even better at playing Alice, the
married, past-35 and of-French-background woman who attracts the
hero's loneliness and then becomes a complicating factor in his drive
to marry the boss's daughter.
The difficulty with being ambitious is that one must also be senti-
mental. Joe Lampton (that's the hero's name) can't bear the thought
that his love isn't eternal and immutable. And everything around it
must be sugar-coat.
When he first comes to town and takes on his job in city hall, he
joins the amateur acting society t
And when he meets Alice as a
bonus, he must assure her that
his passion is like a diamond-not
only hard, but forever.
So when she says to him, "I'm
very old-older than you," he tells
her angrily not "to talk like that."
And when he has cut through
the Gordian problem of how to
marry the rich daughter by ter-
minating her virgin condition,
their dialogue is as follows:
"I love you, Joe."
"I love you too."
"Do you really? How much?"
"Very much." (three bags full.)
Even Alice, the least sentimental
of the characters and also the
most intelligent, joins the boss's
daughter and humanity-at-large
in loving Joe.
"Those people at the top are the
same as anybody else," she tells
him. "You had it in you to be so
much greater than any of them."
And, too, she tells him that
"Only with me you were your-
self."
He tells the world that he was a
prisoner of war in World War II,
and he achieves the tragic dignity
of a vanquished Sioux Indian. But
later, in an argument, he admits
that he was "damn glad" to be
captured-"It was better than be-
ing dead."
And the upper-class rival for
the heiress's hand has a special
claim, besides his money and
snobbery-he was also captured by
the Germans, but escaped.
If only Joe Lampton could for-
get quickly, then when he hurt
people it would be over soon
enough (allowing him ambition),
and when he loved people it could
be "forever and ever" (taking care
of his more physiologic problems).
But unfortunately he can't man-
age this, and so, when he gets the
rich daughter and a bad con-
science, he becomes an eminently
successful and a very unhappy
man.
The film itself, though, is at
least as successful as Joe, and not
half so gloomy.
-Peter Steinberger
A id Fallacy
" HE SENATE on May 11 passed
a bill (S. 1215) to amend the
Battle Act of 1951, which would
allow the President at his discre-
tion to give aid to Communist
bloc nations. President Kennedy
has asked for this legislation and
its sponsors insist it is necessary
to help the free world drive a
wedge between Russia and her
satellites. This seems to me an un-
believably naive approach to the
hard realities of Communist poli-
tical organization. As a member
of the Foreign Operations Sub-
committee of the Appropriations
Committee, I have become quite
familiar with the entire mutual
security program.
"There are two serious fallacies
in this proposition. One is that
the United States can buy loyalty
or devotion to freedom or even
respect. The other is that in any
country where the government,
communications and virtually all
public institutions are regimented
as they are behind the Iron Cur-
tain, such a response to Ameri-
can aid would be permitted even
if it were theoretically possible.
This is the kind of fuzzy-minded
thinking in foreign policy that
disturbs many of us in both par-
ties here in Washington."
-Rep. John J. Rhodes
(Quoted in Human Events)
i
4
1.
o get to know the boss's daughter.
ROBERTS:
U.S. Faces
Conflict
Oan Berlin
By J. M. ROBERTS
Associated Press News Analyst
THE UNITED STATES, studying
how to meet the Soviet Berlin
push, is caught between psycho-
logical pressures from her own
side of the fence in addition to
the Khrushchev effluvium.
One of these pressures is pro-
duced by those, especially in Asia,
who are saying since Laos and
Cuba that the United States is
afraid to fight for the principles
which she enunciated in making
her alliances around the world.
Many of these are politicians who
want an intrasigent American
stand in Berlin to help them con-
vince their people they have been
right in relying on the United
States rather than on Communist
blandishments or on neutralism.
Another faction is comprised of
those who list the victories of the
Sino-Soviet bloc, ignoring the vic-
tories of the West because they
represent negative containment
rather than positive reductions of
Communist power, and are ready
to give up. This line of thought is
not confined to one country by
any means. But it is exemplified
by those in Britain who advocate
unilateral disarmament and con-
cessions on Berlin, with the
thought that it is better to be
ruled by Communism than to be
dead.
These seem to ignore any idea
that the Communist leaders may
also be well aware that it will be
better to stop short of any ob-
jectives they cannot win by blus-
ter, rather than be dead.
And this despite the fact that
the Khrushchev campaign, with
it glaring contradictions so often
repeated, is about as ectoplasmic
as the manifestations produced
by the spiritualist mediums at the
seances which were so popular
25 years ago.
KHRUSHCHEV'S MILITARY
threats of Saturday and his pres-
entation Sunday of what he would
like the world to believe is an
all-devouring air force are enough
to remind vividly-and to remind
Khrushchev vividly-of the suc-
cesses attained by Adolph Hitler
before he was finally brought face
to face with the hard realities
of true Western strength.
The problems of the West, then,
is to convince the Communist bloc
of the continued existence of this
strength, and to give Khrushchev
a face-saving out. His new talk
about guaranteeing some of the
principles for which the allies
stand suggests that is something
he might welcome.
It, as observers seem to agree,
Khrushchev is not crazy as Hitler
was crazy, the psychological fac-
tors of the present push would
appear to outweigh the dangers
of war.
If the Communists can make it
appear through maneuver and
negotiation that the United States
is indeed afraid to fight, then
the world political situation will
become increasingly dangerous,
and the ranks of the give-uppers
will be augmented.
41
4
x
h.
ARAB-AFRICAN CONFLICT:
Zanzibar:Dan gers of Independence
U.S. Should Prevent
Rocket Sales to UAR
THE UNITED STATES should not allow the
export of rockets to the United Arab Re-
public.
This impoverished Near Eastern country has
decided, most likely in response to Israel's
development and firing of a meteorological
rocket last week, to buy weather rockets from
private manufacturers in the U.S. Surprisingly,
the United States will most likely not block
their purchase.
This seeming scientific purpose would seem
laudatory if it were not for last week's events.
But more than that, the United States, by al-
lowing this purchase, is permitting Nasser to
propagandize among Near Eastern Nations, to
upset the balance of power in favor of him-
self.
In short, he is using these rockets to pro-
mote his pan-Arab Union policy-with Nasser
as the head. Nasser is trying to be to the Arabs
of the Near East what. Castro is trying to be to
Latin America, a symbol of the hopes and as-
pirations of a people.
But there is a difference. While Castro can
boast some actual improvements in certain
areas of Cuban life, Nasser can boast none.
What has he done in Egypt that he can spread
across the Near East? All gains have been eaten
up by population lincreases.
So, all he can do to achieve his goal is to
propagandize. But we ought not to help him
propagandize. He is a dictator. He has flirted
with both East and West in the cold war with-
out committing himself to either side or even
to the neutralists.
HESE ROCKETS will be used for one pur-
pose; to raise the prestige of the UAR.
There is no reason why the United States
should aid him in this attempt to set himself
up as self-styled leader of the Arab world, espe-
cially when he offers both the Arab world and
us nothing.
There is also no reason why the United
States should help him to excite tensions in
the tenuous Israeli-Arab truce. Though the
rocket cannot be used for military purposes, he
will partially use them to say to the Israelis
"we can do 'anything you can do."
If he insists on such saber rattling, the Is-
raelis may very well be frightened into missile
development, especially if they think that
either of the larger powers will supply such
weapons to the UAR.
We should not allow Nasser to propagandize
and upset a balance of power which is at least
not unfavorable to the United States. We should
not, at any rate, risk the incitement of pro-
Western Israel to armed action or to aliena-
tion from the West.
-DAVID MARCUS
Minority Rights
Ins Algeria
D ESPITE the unilateral truce proclaimed by
President de Gaulle in Algeria, the Algerian
rebels have staged a general strike and mass
demonstrations that have cost nearly a hun-
dred lives and brought injury to hundreds
more. The rebels claim that this mass action
was a protest against French plans to partition
Algeria. But it appears to have been as much
or more of an attempt to prove rebel domina-
tion of the Moslem masses and to strengthen
the rebel position at the Evian peace talks that
are about to be resumed. As such an attempt
it proved inconclusive, despite the high price
paid.
President de Gaulle has made it plain that
he is determined to settle the Algerian problem
this year in order to release French forces for
the defense of Europe in any crisis over Berlin,
He offers the rebels decolonization and self -de-
termination up to and including independence.
If it is independence, he would like to see an Al-
gerian Algeria closely associated with France
and organized in a "multicommunal" state with
built-in constitutional guarantees of equal
rights for both the Moslem and the European
communities.
But if the rebels insist on complete separation
or "secession" without adequate guarantees for
the Europeans, General de Gaulle proposes to
pull out of Algeria and temporarily regroup the
Europeans and Moslems loyal to France in the
coastal areas until they 'can be resettled in
France or elsewhere. This operation would pre-
cede complete French separation from Algeria
and complete cessation of aid, as in the case
of Guinea. The likely result would be either
chaos or Communist infiltration.
In reply to this offer the rebels insist on
complete independence before discussing "as-
sociation." They offer the Europeans "guaran-
tees" or "respect for their culture, religion, lan-
guage and personal status." But these would
not be constitutional guarantees. Rather they
would be subject to negotiations with France
after independence for those who choose to
By TOM HENSHAW
Associated Press Newsfeatures Writer
THE INNOCENT bottle of cloves
on your spice shelf may have
figured indirectly in the explosion
of a new African trouble spot.
The chances are eight to 10 that
the fragrant sticks of powder came
from exotic Zanzibar, a tiny Brit-
ish island protectorate in the In-
dian Ocean off the east coast of
Africa.
Early this month, 64 persons
were killed and nearly 400 injured
in rioting that erupted in the wake
of controversial parliamentary
elections.
The rioting introduced a new
element into the turbulent African
lineup of hatreds - African vs.
Arab.
Zanzibar's population (about
300,000) is made up roughly of
four parts Africans to one part
Arabs. The Arabs are the aristo-
crats; the Africans the workers.
Arabs own most of the great
clove plantations-which provide
80 per cent of the world's cloves-
on Zanzibar and its satellite island
of Pemba, 25 miles to the north-
east.
With the coming of internal
self-government, granted by the
British in Januarly, the vast but
subjected African majority foresaw
an indefinite continuance of their
economic and social plight.
The feeling was heightened by
the results of the election, in which
their Afro-Shirzai party was de-
feated by the Arab Zanzibar Na-
tionalists and the Pemba People's
Party.
AFRO-ARAB tensions are not
new to Zanzibar.
Until the end of the 19th Cen-
tury, the island was the head-
quarters of the world's greatest
slave trade. Arab slavers from
Zanzibar virtually depopulated
great sections of the continent in
their search for slaves.
It is said the bottom of the har-
bor at Zanzibar town is literally
lined with the bones of Africans
who didn't survive the rigors of
the slave trade.
Christian missionaries in Africa
found in many places the native
word for "salvation" was trans-
lated literally "God took our heads
out -meaning the utmost in free-
dom was to have one's head taken
out of the heavy wooden Arab
slave yoke.
Strength
"HISTORY PROVES that dic-
tatorships do not grow out
of strong and successful govern-
ments, but out of weak and help-
less ones. If by democratic methods
people get a government strong
enough to protect them from fear
and starvation, their democracy
succeeds; but if they do not, they
grow impatient. Therefore, the
only sure bulwark of continuing
liberty is a government strong
enough to protect the interests of
the people, and a people strong
enough and well enough informed
to maintain its sovereign control
over its government."
-Franklin D. Roosevelt
Zanzibar's history has been tur-
bulent.
First came Africans of Bantu
stock from the mainland, whose
descendantstoday call themselves
"Shirazi," and racially have a
strong mixture of Arab blood.
Then, around -.the year 1000,
came Moslems from Persia, who
gave the island its name-"Land
of the Zenj (Blacks) " or "Zanque-
bar" which was corrupted by In-
dian traders to Zanzibar.
The Portuguese conquered the
island in the 16th Century and, in
turn, were driven out by Arabs
from Muscat and Oman about a
hundred years later.
The current sultan, Seyyid Sir
Abdulla bin Khalif a, nominal ruler
of the island under the British
protectorate, is of the 12th gen-
eration of the Muscat and Oman
Arabs.
Lastly came the slaves from the
mainland, the descendants of
whom make up the majority of
Zanzibar's population and consti-
tute the lowest social class.
Zanzibar came under British
protection in 1890 when, in effect,
they swapped the island of Heligo-
land in the North Sea to the Ger-
mans for exclusive rights in the
islad off what was then German
East Africa.
Like most African states, Zanzi-
bar-which with Pemba is about
the size of Rhode Island-gradu-
ally is moving toward indepen-
dence. No date has been set.
When it comes, it could produce
such a clash of rival nationalism,
Arab vs. African, as to thwart
Egypt President Nasser's hopes of
a united Africa, with Arabs from
the north playing a leading role.
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