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July 15, 1964 - Image 2

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&wnty-TA*4 Yaw
rrUM 1 ?SWSil P"r Ata'ios sBic., A w AxRm, Mmcm., PmoE No 2-3241
Editorials printed in The Michigan Daily express the individual opinions of staff writers
or the editors. This must be noted in all reprints.


French Students Seek Reforms

w1 T/Rl 90 aTn

DAY, JULY 15, 1964


1964:* The Unfortunate
Necessity of Voting

QN THE SURFACE, what happens to-
night in San Francisco will be the
most significant event of the 1964 presi-
dential campaign. That is only on the
surface, however, for no matter who the
GOP nominates, the race for the White
House will' still be insipid, ultimately
If, by some unlikely miracle, William
Scranton pulls the 655 delegate votes he
needs, the campaigning in the coming
months will do little more than repeat
the issueless show of 1960. The voter will
have no more real choice- than he had
between Kennedy and Nixon.
Being the incumbent, Johnson would
have little reason to be on the offensive;
he can well afford, in currient political
thinking, to run on his record. Agreeing
with him on virtually all ends and dis-
agreeing only sporadically on means,
Scranton would have little on which to
base his campaign except the old, mean-
ingless partisan platitudes.
certainly be handed the GOP presiden-
tial endorsement. He will wage a cam-
paign that can do nothing but bring vic-
tory to Lyndon Johnson. But the victory
will be by default, for in essence there
will be only one candidate remotely cap-
able of being president, and any nation-
al voter will have to vote for him.
To the political pundits, Goldwater's
certain candidacy will finally bring the,
voter a real choice of policies. Yet, for
the majority of voters in November--
and it will be a far larger majority than
elected Kennedy in 1960 or can be count-
ed by party affiliationsj-there will be
no real choice.
How will one choose between continu-
ing the present preposterous war in Viet
Nam and carrying it northward into
China, when either alternative means
lives lost senselessly? How will one choose
between a piecemeal, token war on poy-
erty and no attempt at all, when the
reeds of the dispossessed in America are
so great? How will one choose between
our current halting disinterest in the
United Nations and possibly not belong-
ing at all, when the medieval concept of
national sovereignty holds suicide and
impotence over all the world's states?
foreign aid program which, among

other and better pursuits, supports dice-
tatorships in Spain, Iran, Korea and oth-
er places, and no foreign aid at all?
How will one choose between an ad-
ministration reluctantly enforcing a civil
rights bill that for all its uniqueness is
still weak, an administration worried
more about a political coalition of the
North and South than the needs of one-
tenth of its population--versus an ad-
ministration headed by a man who be-
lieves the bill unconstitutional and would
leave matters to the states?
Indeed one can make a choice, but it
will be between a little and nothing. This
is the saddest prospect of the coming
campaign, that there is no candidate
for those who believe something effective
must be done in this country.
It would be far better if Scranton ran
against Johnson, so that there really was
no choice at all. In that case, reasonable
men could conscientiously do the only
meaningful thing left them. They could,
without fear, simply not vote, refusing
to choose the lesser of two evils merely
because the necessity of choice had been
imposed upon them.
ALAS, GOLDWATER will run and the
reasonable man will have to return
Johnson to office. Could he live with
himself if he struck at the polls and let
the extremists in the nation elect Gold-
Yet when the conventions are over
and the distasteful job of re-electing
Johnson has been done, it will be time
for citizens to ponder the meaning of
the 1964 sham.
It will be time for imagination and
creativity about the possibilities for gov-
ernment, for the posing of reasonable
policies. It will be time for indignation
over the uneducation of voters on the
facts of issues and alternatives.
IT WILL BE TIME for the courage to
say, "I will not choose between equally
unsatisfactory alternatives simply be-
cause there is no other choice"-and for
the courage to vote for more reasonable,
minority schemes, even though the votes
are at first thrown away.
For if enough people can be made aware
that there can exist a better govern-
ment, then someday the votes will not be
"thrown away.

EDITOR'S NOTE The following
is the second of two articles deal-
ing with the activities of the French
Daily Guest Writer
PARIS-The response of the
student union to the "Challenge
of Higher Education" is of special
interest to Americanstudents as
the national congress of the United
States National Students Associa-
tion approaches. Of the estimated
200 thousand university students,
about one half belong to U.N.E.F.
Q'Union Nationale des Etudiants
This organization was founded
just before World War I when a
group of regional organizations
merged. Dues depend on the re-
gional organizations which con-
tinue to exist within a type of
federal structure. They are usually
two dollars, one of which goes to
the national organization.
The great congress at which
most policy decisions are made
occurs during the week of Easter
vacation and is supplemented by
three general assemblies taking
place in February, July and Sep-
tember. At each convocation, the
provincial organizations are per-
mitted one delegate for every 300
members, and Paris one for every
The offices of UNEF are in great
disarray and there seems to be
little organization but a great
deal of "esprit de corps." My in-
terview with Francois Roussel, the
international vice-president was
chaotic, interrupted by frenzied
phone calls and quick meetings.
about the French student is that
he is an adult and expects to be
treated assuch in adult society.
The financial pressures discussed
yesterday lend UNEF its militancy
and it is much less decentralized
than U.S.N.S.A. primarily because
France is much smaller than the
U.S. The ultimate weapon of the
French students is the "manifes-
tation" or student demonstration
which they have used effectively
in the past when they have failed
by other means to achieve their
These other means consist of
the student press and the public
press, alliances with other nation-
al unions (usually of workers or
professors), and frequent discus-
sions with the National Minister
of Education.
The power of student demon-
strations is impressive. Recently
18-year-old students, relieved after
having finished their baccalaure-

ate examinations marched through
the Latin quarter snarling traffic
on the Boulevard Saint Germain
for a half hour. Then until two
in the morning they clashed with
Parisian police who were attempt-
ing to thwart their attempts to
form the "monome," a line of
students which totally blocks all
traffic. Seventy-five students were
taken by the police, several police-
men were injured, many cars mov-
ed and street signs torn down.
This traditional annual demon-
stration was for fun, and not at
all organized.
*~ * *
dents seem to be "contre" Presi-
dent Charles de Gaulle to the
point where they refuse to admit
he has done anything good for
France since 1945. But if there is
some doubt about the strength and
intensity of the opposition to de
Gaulle, there is no question as to
the universal and vitriolic opposi-
tion to the regime's educational
policy and in particular to the man
who has become a symbol of this
policy, Minister of Education
Christian Fouchet.
At all student political rallies
one hears the cry "Fouchet re-
sign!" The students claim that
Fouchet has no competence what-
ever in the field of education and
it is true that his prior experience
has been almost entirely in the
administration of overseas terri-
tories. However, as he has shown
recently before both the Senate
and the National Assembly, he
can be eloquent and extremely
facile in defending his policy. This

of course, makes the students hate
him all the more.
At the time of my interview
with Thoussel, the tension level
was lhher than usual, for the
minister had been refusing ,to see
the leaders of UNEF for two
months, an abnormally long period
of time.
WHILE liberal and radical stu-
dents in the U.S. talk of "the uni-
versity as an agent of social re-
form," French students speak of
the "role moteur de 'universit&'
in reforming the society. Their
main goal is a total reform of the
educational system, and they hope
to achieve this goal through a
personal study allocation or "stu-
dent salary" for all those in higher
education and a family allocation
for those in secondary education.
The individual student salary
would be about $100 per month. If
they attain this goal, the student
leaders claim, a total reform would
follow in train, because such a
salary would kill once and for all
"University Malthusianism."
According to UNEF, the children
of workers and farmers who ac-
count for 40 per cent of the French
population represent only 5 per
cent of the university population.
Following the ideal of a "regime
open to talent," hallowed by the
French Revolution the national
union of students seeks to end
the "class university" and to per-
mit higher education for all. Thus
the ultimate goal is to increase
the number of students in a sys-
tem already insufficient for the
present number.

Ideas about exact structural
changes seem to be in a somewhat
amorphous stage, but outlines
have been drawn up which would
hopefully lead to a university bas-
ed not on societal economic re-
quirements, but on human needs.
In general this means a more
liberal, less specialized education
for a longer period of time (an
idea not unlike one much dis-
cussed at the last Conference on
the University).
To this end UNEF demands the
formation of a permanent nation-
al committee to discuss educa-
tional reform. The committee
would be composed of representa-
tives of students, professors, the
government and other interested
THEORETICALLY the national
union of students considers itself
a union and will not take stands
which would tie them too closely to
one political party. When asked,
for example, if UNEF might sup-
port Gaston Defferre, socialist
mayor of Marseilles, the only
major candidate running against
de Gaulle in the approaching pres-
idential elections, Roussel began
hedging even though Deferre is
a firm opponent of the govern-
ment's educational policy. When
I suggested that UNEF should
speak to Deferre and convince him
to support certain specific edu-
cational goals Roussel seemed em-
barrassed and declined to com-
ment on this obvious tactic.
Most of the stands the organiza-
tion takes are either on universally
accepted principles such as peace

Advancing the Humanities

ways been a favorite election
topic of the politician. They are
easy to enunciate, easier to for-
get after November. Any politi-
cian knows that no one really
wants to realize national purposes
anyway. The fatherhood of God
can't slip by the Supreme Court.
The brotherhood of man becomes
tangled in Senate filibusters.
Only recently have less politi-
cal but much more crucial vi-
sions been conceived. These have

noted with concern the de-hum-
anization of human life. Rivet. is
replacing muscle. Physicist is dis-
placing philosopher. Must, the
goal-setters ask, the computerized
society rob man of his dignity
as well as his job?
The alarm has naturally cen-
tered on that which is most hu-
man: the study of humanities. In
1960 a presidential commission on
national goals contended that pos-
terity will"judge the nation's suc-
aess "by the creative activities
of its citizens in art, architec-

Woodruff's Art, Eclectic

After Goldwater Candidacy.
Party Realignment Near?

ARRING A MAJOR political turn-
about, Sen. Barry Goldwater will win
e Republican nomination today. It has
en said often that Goldwater will lead
e party to a resounding defeat if. nom-
ated. He probably will. But his nomina-
n could lead, to something far more
portant and far-reaching than this: It
uld hail a major change in the Ameri-
n political system, causing catastrophic
fects on its efficiency and validity.
Goldwater's candidacy and the prom-
ence of his forces in the party could in
ne lead to a major party realignment.
my liberals in the GOP have as much
threatened not to back a Goldwater
ndidacy. If Goldwater were to main-
.n control of the party after his de-
Lt this fall, these liberals could very
ssibly defect to the other major party.
Their reason would be that a Gold-
ter candidacy will lead to almost sure
feat for such Eastern GOP liberal sen-
Drs as Hugh Scott and Kenneth Keat-
Editorial Staff
NNETH WINTER.....................Co-Editor
VARD HERSTEIN ................... Co-Editor
RY LOU BUTCHER.............ASsociate Editor
ARLES TOWLE .................... Sports Editor
?REY GOODMAN .................... Night Editor
BERT HIPPLER ...................... Night Editor
YRENCE KIRSHBAUM ................ Night Editor

ing this fall. In time, the rest of the Re-
publican liberals would fall out of office
under a conservative party regime. Their
only political future would be to go to the
party where there were others - who
thought as they did - the Democratic
out, this Goldwater party, run largely
by the nouveau riche of the South and
West, would be very attractive for the
Southern Democrats who have been sit-
ting out national elections for years. It
would also be a fairly safe haven for
Midwestern conservatives. Thus there
could develop a true division between the
two major American parties-one solidly
conservative, one almost as solidly lib-
This would be almost wholly a bad
thing. Long ago, Lippmann referred to an
American political party out of office as
"a complete supply of spare parts." When
the leaderships of both parties have
thought largely the same, this has been
the case. But a Goldwater party would
not be a supply of new parts-it would
be an entirely new machine. And if it
were elected, or alternated with the Dem-
ocrats in holding office, federal policies
in both foreign and domestic areas would
be as unstable and unpredictable as ever
in the nation's history.
Even if the Goldwater party never
reached office. it would innvly S little

A COLLECTION of recent paint-
ings and drawings by Prof.
Hale Woodruff of New York Uni-
versity School of Education is
presently on exhibit through July
19 at the Museum of Art. Last
Thursday Woodruff gave a lecture
at the University on the "Negro
Artist in America."
His paintings and his lectures
bring to mind several questions,
the most pressing of which con-
cerns the relative ignomimity of
the Negro artist in the contem-
porary art scene. Why has the
American Negro, who long ago
male the significant gift of jazz
to the music field, and who has
currently gained recognition in
the literary field, failed to es-
tablish himself in the art world?
There is not one Negro painter or
sculptor who can match W. C.
Handy's St. Louis Blues or Rich-
ard Wright's Native Son. Why?
Perhaps one clue was revealed
in Woodruff's talk. He explained
the differences in approach in-
herent in the three media of ex-
pression. He claimed that subject
matter for the painter was not the
same thing as the story for the
writer. A painting cannot deal
with the topic of say, integration,
segregation or oppression, as a
novel or song can, this is because
painting is understood directly,
on one level, while a novel can
be appreciated not only for story
and organization, but for style as
well. Therefore, a painting should
not be concerned with story, for
if it is, art becomes propaganda
and is then second-rate.
* * *
FOR WOODRUFF, a painting's
content (meaning) and its form
(the artistic vocabulary or style)
must be perfectly fitted, rather
like having the punishment fit the
crime. This limits the artist to
dealing with essential truths and
makes it extremely difficult for
him to successfully treat any sub-
ject that has a story or message
embellishing its core of Truth, ac-
cording to Prof. Woodruff's stan-
This line of thought implies,
then, that the Negro artist even
If he wishes to do so, cannot
easily join his talents to those of

Lure, literature, music and the sci-
* * *
tional educator group-the com-
mission on the humanities - has
advocated the means to better in-
fluence posterity's final judgent.
In a 200-page report, the com-
mission proposes the establish-
ment of a National Humanities
Foundation established and part-
ly supported by the government.
It would preserve intellectual in-
tegrity by utilizing private mon-
ey and a staff of educators. The
intrusion of governmental bu-
reaucracy would be barred wher-
ever possible.
The foundation would do for the
arts, literature and philosophy
what the National Science Foun-
dation does for physics and biol-
ogy. It would provide a cultural
vision of the country and dis-
pense the funds to realize them.
The foundation could support
scholar, program, or institution
aimed at advancing the knowl-
edge of the humanities.
* * *
BUT HOW, the politicians will
say, do you go about "advancing"
the humanities? The commission's
program calls for these features
in the foundation:
-Support of the individual
would center on improving the
teaching of humanities. This im-
provement would be rendered by
grants for additional training and
fellowships for advanced educa-
This facet of the \program also
recognizes that humanities don't
begin in the classroom. One pro-
vision would make fellowships
available to school administrators
"to increase their appreciation of
the values and responsibilities in-
herent in humanities teaching."
-Support of groups and orga-
nizations would be achieved by
channeling funds to institutions
which are exploring better teach-
ing methods and curriculum for-
mats. The keynote of institution-
al support is a program of aid for
building and expanding libraries.
This support would spread to all
levels: for grammar school pub-
lic libraries as well as graduate
research libraries.
DESPITE its careful enuncia-
tions of the mechanics, the com-
mission was more interested in
the philosophy and values behind
the foundation.
They fear for and they hope
for the individual. In highlighting
education, the humanities foster-
ers are really re-claiming a classi-
cal view. Antiquity, the report
states, held a view of the indi-
vidual which emphasized his de-
velopment, his moral, religious and
esthetic ideas. It also was anxious
to foster his growth as a ra-
tional being and a responsible
member of his community.
The foundation's educational
support, although directed toward
academics, would set its highest
priority at bringing the humani-
ties into the everyday life of the
* * *
FOR HIM, the foundation would
create its goals. For him, the
foundation would outline a vision,
not merely of building the biggest

and racial integration or on poli-
cies bearing on education. Even
the stands of principle have some
relation to French education, UN-
EF opposes France's "force de
frappe," independent nuclear
striking force, not because it is
opposed to all nuclear armament,
but also because this expensive
project requires money which
otherwise might be used for higher
Strong stands against apartheid
and segregation in the U.S. are
intended to show a feeling of
solidarity withhNegro students.
Draft policy is carefully watched
to keep interference with educa-
tion at a minimum.
the material problems of student
life and run the gamut from a
demand for free polycopies to a
firm opposition to any extention
of student part time labor. It is
not clear what criteria are used
to determine if a question is a
legitimate subject of student con-
cern. UNEF's was one of the few
French voices raised against the
recent French intervention in Ga-
bon which resulted in a continua-
tion of the regime of Leon M'ba;
but UNEF has not taken and wvill
probably not take a stand on
French recognition of China, the
Cyprus crisis and other affairs of
international importance. How-
ver, the collection of policy state-
ments published by UNEF ends
with a forceful "Platform of De-
mands of the Movement" stating
in decisive terms exactly what is
sought from the government.
In recent months, the organiza-
tion has been moving farther to
the left. The July general assembly
added two Communists to the staff
of the national office. The name of
Bernard Schriener, president, of
UNEF is generally associated with
the Christian Democratic party
but most of the members of the
of the national bureau are social-
ists or Communists of varying
have their own union (Union des
Etudiants Communists). The
French Communist Party (C.P.F.)
is hostile to several main theses
of UNEF. The C.P.F. stresses quan-
titative aspects of the university
crisis (lack of funds, of professors,
of space) rather than qualitative
aspects (pedagogical problems,
rapport between instructors and
pupils). Moreover it opposes the
study allocation for everyone
while stressing inter-union unity
and the struggle against the re-
Within the Union des Etudiants
Communists (U.E.C.) there has
been a serious split between ortho-
dox Communists (thorezian, so
called after Communist leader
Morice Thorez) who have never
accepted the educational orienta-
tion of UNEF and left wing Com-
munists. The present educational
policy of UNEF has been defined
to a large extent by these left
wing Communists. Thus, the di-
vision within the UEC is curiously
mirrored within UNEF.
Within UNEF the orthodox
thorezians find their support in
right wing students who favor
apoliticism, and it is rumored that
a coalition of thorezians and
"apolitiques" may gain control of
the powerful political bureau at
the end of the summer.
The present bureau does not
hesitate to demonstrate with the
French Communists against de
Gaulle's nuclear policy and for
over a year now UNEF has been
a member of U.I.E., the world
union of socialist students. Roussel
claims that U.I.E. is becoming
more open and democratic than
it formerly was.
* * *
THE FRENCH national union of
students is plagued by many of
the problems which bother US-
NSA. For America students, the
extremely interesting facet of

UNEF is not only the stands which
it takes, but its extremely impor-
tant role in French political life.
Oan the eve of the recent UNEF
congress, France-Soir, the French
newspaper with the largest cir-
culation,ppublishedha special10
page edition dealing entirely with
Usually, concrete student de-
mands are discussed with a nation-
al minister roughly equivalent in
rank to a U.S. cabinet member.
One can easily follow student poli-
tics by reading a section entitled
"University News" in the good
newspapers. The attention which
the public gives to student politics
is an eloquent tribute to the im-
portant role of the student in
French life.
And the dynamic movement of
French students is partly a cause,
partly a symptom of the impor-
tant role which students have tra-
ditionally played in French con-
temporary history.
PITY THE POOR Convention
gendarmes. At last night's Re-
publican Convention session, un-
der orders to "clear the aisles,"
one of them has to arrest a tele-

--Daily-Kamalakar Rao
THIS PAINTING, entitled "Black and While" is now on exhibit at
the University Museum of Art along with other paintings and
drawings by Prof. Hale Woodruff of New York University. The
collection will be on display through Sunday.

their earnings to such groups as
the Congress of Racial Equality
and the National Association for
the Advancement of Colored
People, buttheir talents have not
produced significant works in
either the mainstream of con-
temporary art or in the realm of
the exponents of a social-cultural
group. They are only "distinguish-
ed" by their anonymity.
* * *
WOODRUFF seems to have for-
gotten about the first-rate works

sembles something like the Greek
ideals of Beauty and Truth with-
out t h e i r anthropomorphized
This method may be feasible,
although not proven, for the Ne-
gro who wishes to be an artist,
but it is not a sufficient program
for the Negro who wants to be a
Negro artist,
Why has the American Negro
remained almost anonymous in
the art world? This is a difficult
question-it iiivolves the problem
of a lack of an artistic heritage

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