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July 11, 1964 - Image 2

Resource type:
Michigan Daily, 1964-07-11

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ie "pfi~2 Ae r11 5Y1inT Pwsuwrwws BDG., Awwe Aiwox, Mias., Pwojqe xo2.,24
Truth win Pil"
Editorials printed in The Michigan Daily express the individual opinions of staff writers
or the editors. This must be noted in all reprints.
he Negro as an Ind
Another Viewpoint


Spiegel' In

terviewDsG Oid ate
We should do something for the possibilities which we she d re- everything to app
reunification of Germany although alize if we want to tel these laws.
I do not really know a recipe for people: if you want to figt for * *
it. Cooperation with Germany is your freedom, we are willing to SPIEGEL: Do y
indispensable. Two world wars help you. you might have a

N EDITORIAL in these columns two
days ago presents perhaps the most
logical thesis yet to be heard from a
[orthern white liberal on the Negro's
truggle for civil rights.
The statement by Thomas Cop says
hat Hobart Taylor, executive vice-chair-
aan of the President's Commission on
qual Employment Opportunities, was
aistaken in asserting that "the major
eeds of the present civil rights issue is,
o recognize the Negro population as a
ody of diverse individuals."
Supposedly in contradiction, the edi-
orial states that "The fight for equal
ights and equal opportunities is not the
ight of a group of diverse individuals but
f a whole people."
XTHAT IS WRONG with the logic is that
both statements are true, and the sec-
nd does not refute the first. Taylor's as-.
ertion deals with the problem in terms
f long-range goals; Thursday's editor-
al deals with the means of alleviating?
he problem through action in the pres-
nt. The editorial fails to make the dis-
nction, and that's where confusion sets'
The real problem is that "those who
ttack the Negroes pay no heed to the
act that they are individuals," as the
dlitorial itself states. The prevailing view
mong those unwilling to grant. even
asic rights to the Negro-to say nothing
f respect-is that all Negroes are essen-
ally inferior.

The Law

Anyone thinking this way has only to
look at the Negro's efforts to refute that
stereotype. Those efforts include every
conception possible within two extremes
--all the way from the "don't-bother-me"
thinking of some nouveau riche Negroes
to the militancy of the Direct Action
Committee and the separatism of the
Black Muslims.
If this variety doesn't argue for the
diversity of the Negro population, noth-
ing will. For it is only a meager exam-
ple of a fact which should need no proof.
ON THE OTHER HAND, since Negroes
as a whole are treated as undifferen-
tiated, they have naturally developed a
community of interest. Moreover, the na-
ture of their most immediate need-to
be allowed to participate in our supposed-
ly "participatory" democracy - is one
which requires concerted action. Politi-
cal and social revolutions are not accom-
plished by diverse individuals working at
best in myriad different ways, at worst
at cross purposes.
But recognition of their individuality
is still the most basic and far-reaching
need of Negroes, however you look at
them. As James Baldwin put it in Com-
mentary, "I don't want to walk into a
room and have everyone assume I'm go-
ing to talk about civil rights."
Would the editorial writer have us ig-
nore the larger picture and give the Ne-
gro only his rights? Such a bequest could
succeed in alleviating the basic problem
only if the race issue were solely politi-
cal and had no psychological character-
WHAT TAYLOR SAID may have left
out the short-range goals of the Ne-
gro today, but that by no means makes it
invalid. Taylor simply dealt with long-
range goals.
"The civil rights issue is the battle of
a whole people," the editorial states. But
it is the battle of a people who want to
be recognized as individuals.
Bored Board
IT IS ENCOURAGING to see that some-
one cares about segregation in the
city's schools.
Ann Arbor CORE does. It expressed its
agreement last night with the Jones re-
port, a document detailing racial im-
balance in public schools here.
Ann Arbor's Board of Education doesn't
seem to care. Only four of its nine mem-
bers managed to attend a Board meet-
ing two nights ago. And when The Daily
sought a copy of the Jones report from
School Superintendent Jack Elzay, he
didn't have one. He did suggest helpfully
that we could obtain newspaper reprints
IF HE AND THE BOARD are too busy
and uninterested, I'm sure that those
who do care will be glad to integrate th
school system.

AILY EDITOR H. Neil Berkson was
arrested yesterday, taken to the Ann"
bor police station, and questioned. The
arge? Littering.
4 started Thursday when a meter maid
ought she spied Berkson throwing two
ces of paper on the ground in the Daily
rking lot. She called the police sta-
n, and two officers in a shiny new
r were there within three minutes.
They couldn't think up a charge, so
rkson temporarily escaped their grasp..
sterday, the two policemen spent all
y making trips to the Student Publi-
tions Bldg.-with a search warrant-
search for Berkson. The fourth time
ey found him, frisked him, and ar-
ted him. He finally paid $10 bond;
trial is Monday.
) TWO POLICEMEN, their shiny new
car, and a meter maid spent about a
y and a half chasing a person accused
littering. It is gratifying to know that
e people of Ann Arbor have enough
c money to finance such widespread.
Forts on apparently almost any alleged
raction, no matter how small.
he Associated Press is exclusively entitled to the
of all news dispatches credited to it or otherwise
dited to the newspaper. All rights of re-publication
ll other matters here are also reserved.-
he Daily is a member of the Associated Press and
legiate Press Service..
ublished daily Tuesday through Saturday morning.
amer subscription rates $2 by carrier, $2.50 by mail.
econd class postage paid at Ann Arbor, Mich.

EDITOR'S NOTE: The following
is a translation of an interview with
Sen. Barry Goldwater of Arizona
published in the July 8 issue of
"Der Spiegel," a weekly magazine
published in hamburg. The Inter-
view took place in Sen. Goldwater's
Washington office on June 30. The
translation was done by Hans
Werner, Grad, a graduate of the
University of Hamburg.
SPIEGEL: Senator Goldwater,
many politicians of your party
are trying by all means to prevent
your nomination as the candidate
of the Republican Party at the
coming Convention in San Fran-
cisco. What are the actual reasons
for this struggle in your party?
GOLDWATER: There is a wide-
spread opinion-and I have never
heard anybody denying it-that
the big banks, i.e., the money
aristocracy of the East Coast,
could always manipulate the se-
lection of the Republican candi-
dates. They want'to have influence
upon the foreign policy, that is
not the foreign policy with re-
spect to war and peace as you and
I understand it, but the foreign
policy in terms of interest rates,
gold provisos, bonds, and so forth.
Since these groups know that they
cannot control me, they try to
push me out.
* * *
SPIEGEL: In America and
Europe people see in you a rep-
resentative of the extreme right.
Are you a radical?
GOLDWATER: No. I am com-
mitted to our Constitution. If that
is radical-then I am a radical.
But I havernever considered my-
self an extremist. *
SPIEGEL: What do you under-
stand by extreme right?
GOLDWATER: Extreme right is
fascism, extreme left is Commun-
ism. Only a tiny little wing in
both American parties could be
called "extreme right." None in
Congress is to be categorized under
this term.
SPIEGEL: Some have criticized
you as being an impulsive man
who likes to shoot fast even in
important matters.
GOLDWATER: That may be
true. However, my "quick-firing"
was usually accepted by the whole
country. When the Berlin Wall
was built I said: "Tear it down!"
The American press was shocked.
Only two weeks later, however,
our ambassador said exactly the
same. And today everyone thinks
that the wall should disappear. I
was amongathe first who pleaded
for an improvement of the NATO
equipment and weapons. There
people used to say: this man tries
to push us into a nuclear war. To-
day my former' critics approve of
a similar policy.
* * *
SPIEGEL: After all, you are
said to have suggested using nu-
clear weapons in South Viet Nam
in order "to defoliate the jungle."
Would that, in your opinion, be an
applicable policy?
GOLDWATER: One and a half
months ago I was asked a tech-
nical question on a TV program
of how one could obtain access to
the secret paths of the Vietnamese
jungles. I had served in the jungle
of Burma and therefore know
that one can proceed in itonly
through "defoliation." I replied,
strictly speaking technically, that
the use of small atomic bombs
could be a solution. I emphasized,
however, that this of course could
not be considered.
SPIEGEL: You have called the
peaceful coexistence an illusion
and you declared: Between Com-
munists and those who believe in
a transcendental spiritual order a
compromise is impossible in the
long ,run. How do you want to
preserve peace without such a
GOLDWATER: To' begin with,
there are two definitions of the
term "coexistence"." The first is

living together with other people
in this world. We have always
been doing this. On the other
hand, this struggle today is a
struggle between pious and impious
people. Or if you wish between
slavery and freedom. It is a world-
wide struggle. I claim that we
cannot live with these two ways
of thought forever on earth. One
day, there will remain just one
of them. We fight, however, not
against the Russian or against
the Chinese people. It is a con-
flict between governments and a
struggle for the better kind of
SPIEGEL: What choice do we
have after all but negotiation
between the two different gov-
Goldwater: I am not extremely
,skeptical. However, out of 52 trea-
ties which we had signed with
the Communists since the end of
the war they have broken 50 or
even 51. If you deceive me once
I would forgive you, probably. But
at the second time, it might be
difficult for me to do so. I say
therefore: the Russians should
prove first by facts that we can
trust them.
* * *
SPIEGEL: Would you really

returns. In order to achieve these
concessions we should make use
of the urgent need of Russia to be
acknowledged by us. I would not
do this over night, of course. One
would have to consult our friends,
our allies, first.
* * *
SPIEGEL: You declare again
and again that we should be con-
cerned with a victory rather than
peace in the Cold War. How do
you mean that?
GOLDWATER: This does not
necessarily mean a military victory
but rather an ideological one by
virtue of which our conception of
government and freedom replaces
the wrong conception of Com-
munism. This cannot be done from
today to tomorrow. I think that
we can achieve this goal without
* * *
SPIEGEL: But you would go
close to war, wouldn't you?
GOLDWATER: Yes. Exactly like
your country had gone close to
war in the course of the years
and had been very successful by
doing so. We, too, have made this
attempt successfully already; in
Formosa, Lebanon, Egypt, Greece
-and in Berlin as well-we came
closer to peace than at any time
before, by that policy. Hitler Ger-
many never would have started
the war if the United States of
America had been a strong mili-
tary power and had proved quite
clearly that an aggression by Hit-
ler would have found a response
from us of intervention.
SPIEGEL: What would you do
in case of another blockade of
West Berlin?
GOLDWATER: We should re-
spond to all uses of coercion with
the same means-we should not
however, shoot immediately, but
apply diplomatic weapons at the
beginning or build another "air
bridge." In other words, we should
prove and demonstrate our strong
will that nobody blockade our
access to West Berlin without our
consent, and that we want to keep
it open in any case. We could, on
the other hand, also use economic
pressure. Russia's economic situ-
ation is not very rosy. And it is
exactly here that we have real
possibilities to win.
* * *
SPIEGEL: The NATO is in a
crisis. Do you know a recipe for
greatest organization created for
the defense of peaceand as a
political and economic device.
NATO is going to fall apart be-
cause we do not provide it with
modern weapons. NATO has no
commanding rights over its own
weapons. This is a problem which
we have to face much more ef-
fectively because we can demon-
strate by this to our potential
enemy that the United States of
America is willing to support fully
its partners in NATO.
SPIEGEL: Do you also plead for
the suggestion to give to the dif-
ferent member states in NATO
full rights of applying nuclear
GOLDWATER: No. These weap-
ons should be in the hands of
the NATO organization; and also
a certain amount of control should
be maintained. The control should
be, however, to the largest pos-
sible extent in the hands of the
SPIEGEL: About which weap-
ons are you talking?
GOLDWATER: I am thinking
of tactical nuclear weapons with
smaller destructive power. It is
indispensable that the chief com-
mander of NATO could make an-
other decision besides merely
calling the White House. I think
that the chief commander should
have more freedom of decision-
making in applying these weapons.

SPIEGEL: Do you see in de
Gaulle a man who weakens NATO,
or do you share the opinion of
the French president about the
GOLDWATER: I acknowledge
the interests of de Gaulle. He is
French. And France is the largest
country of West Europe. In case
of war he would have to take over
the responsibility of defense for
a large part of Europe. We should
support him in developing his
own nuclear weapons. This is not
so important, however, since he
will get them anyhow. But we
could have satisfied de Gaulle
by giving scpecial and modern
weapons to NATO.
* * *
SPIEGEL: What do you think
should be the political and mili-
tary role of Germany? .
GOLDWATER: Well, I would
say-not, however, because you
represent a German magazine-
that the peace of the world de-
pends upon a long-range alliance
between the U.S. and Germany.
75) 'FT *

ly the existing
You think that
4chance to win

have proved it. Though I give all
respect to our own military I
would say that if Germany would
have been under the chief com-
mand of men-or rather one man
-who did not know anything
about leading a war, Germany
would have won both wars.
* * *
SPIEGEL: Do you still agree
with those who suggest support-
ing possible rebellions in East
Europe-together with an ultima-
tum to Moscow-by troops which
are equipped with "appropriate
atomic weapons?"
GOLDWATER: If it were neces-
sary I would do it. For instance,
march into Hungary. If the Unit-
ed States would have fulfilled its
obligations toward Hungary in
1956 in this way Hungary would
be a free country today. These are

we thank you for this interview,

* * *
SPIEGEL: You are enthusias-
tically in favor of freedom for
those countries which are sup-
pressed- by Communism. Why then
did you vote in the Senate against
EDIT galley 3 Spiegel .. Myron3
the Civil Rights Bill which sup-
posedly will promote the freedom
of the Negroes?
GOLDWATER: I voted against
it for constitutional reasons.
SPIEGEL: How would you deal
as President with a law which
was passed, in your opinion, un-
constitutionally? Would you re-
fuse to enforce it?
GOLDWATER: No. I could not
do that because I am bound to
my oath. I think that our diffi-
culties in this scope came about
because the government did not do

the election against President
GOLDWATER: As the situation
looks right now, my answer must
be "no." I do not think that in
this very moment any Republican
has such a chance. However, one
thing is for sure: no Republican
could win against Johnson with-
out the support of the South. And
in the South neither Scranton nor
Rockefeller nor Lodge could be
successful. Perhaps Nixon could.,
I, however, could be supported
by the South to a large extent-
but how far-I don't know. To say
once again: inrthis very moment
I would not dare;say that I could
defeat Johnson in the South. On
election day, however, it might
look different.
SPIEGEL: Senator Goldwater,
we thank you for this interview,

YO WA f T STMP o BRo'TI*R~oot. INTo' E y?
7orro '--TheMark Of a Legend

. ___.

"May We Peek?",

At Cinema Guild
armies reign. The countryside
Is ridden with terror and the
peasants or settlers have to strug-
gle to make a living under the
iron fist of the dictatorial villain.
All seems hopeless. A nadir of
despair is reached and suddenly, as
if delivered to earth by a god, a
lone stranger arrives.
He has a sharp tough visage that
does not hesitate to break into
a wide human smile or even a
full belly laugh. He is aloof from
the local gentry and peasants and
oppressors. But his heart sees the
injustice of it all, and only out
of this sense of duty does he decide
to help. No one knows where he
has come from, but he is a god-
Alone at first, this hero, solid
of muscle, quick of spirit, sharp
of thought and daring of skill,
stands up against the villain
powers. Ultimately, the dormant
goodness and spirits of the coun-
tryside come to the fore and the
evil oppression is thrown off.
*. * *
AND JUST as quietly as he
entered the picture, the hero
leaves, without waiting for the
whole-hearted "Thanks" of the
local population.
This is the American legend of
a lone man setting right over
might, of living outside his society,
but still correcting its ills by his
superior fortitude and objectivity.
It has been told many times by
many cultures in the past. Amer-
ica had adopted it in its own way
to produce "The Lone Ranger"
and "Superman" and other leg-
Cinematically, the aloof hero

the target squarely. And George
Stevens' "Shane" is probably the
closest thing ever to this general
* * 0
THE SPIRIT of this theme has
penetrated many other movies,
from the shores of the Riviera to
the sands of Iwo Jima. By some
form of osmosis, it has affected
just about every country on the
globe, especially Japan where
Akira Kurusawa works. He East-
ernized the Western with brilliant
satirical bites to produce "Yojim-
bo" and "Sanjuro" with Toshiro
Mifune becoming the John Wayne
and Gary Cooper of the Orient.
The Cinema Guild, in bringing
back famous old silents this sum-
mer, is now showing Douglas
Fairbanks in "The Mark of Zorro."
It is as corny as all get out, while
at the same time generally follow-
ing the script of the lone hero
sowing vengeance on evil.
Replete with gymnastic en-
deavors, romantic involvements
and low comedy, "Zorro" belongs
in a showcase for all to see. It
goes a bit beyond the hero theme
and becomes a Hollywood "ad-
venture" film. Actually, all films
are adventures, but a certain sim-
plicity is needed to bring it down
to the level of the freckled eleven-
year old next door-an age most
of us never grow out of in a sense.
"Zorro" has this simplicity.
SEEN FROM} the heights of
1964, this 1920 release is un-
abashadly sentimental. In its day
it must have been a wild romp,
joyously fun-packed, perfectly
molded for Dad out on the town
with Mom on Saturday night,
trying to relive certain boyhood
vr oa a.mr ,

awesome power of the nuclear
bomb, we can only offer a yawn
to these past exploits. We aren't
forgetting the individual in this
complex society, but we can't
stand that celluloid character run-
ningdaround in. those simple-
minded days.
cannot be very highly recom-
mended. The comedy comes in
spurts while that straight face
with the stiff upper lip stumbles
through a variety of nonsensical
events. However, it has one r'e-
deeming point. The action is so
removed from any sense of reality
that the film seems to come
around full circle and offer some
comment on reality from an angle
that we were never before aware
For instance, the plight of the
Indian preparing to burn Keaton
at the stake possesses such a fine
comedic timing that the Indian's
ineptitude and Keaton's brilliant
footwork seem to point out that
the foolish may yet inherit the
earth. So many of the silent com-
edies gave this impression that
we can look at reality with a
lighter head and a more amiable
Harold Lloyd creates this same
sense of reality in his "Never
Waken," also on the program.
Imaginative and hilarious comr-
motions started by our hero Har-
old almost upset the smoothly-
running and solid-looking state of
the skyscraper city.
ALL THE ACTION is carefully
directed to put the hero on the
mntal skeeton of a risinrg sky-



-- - - -,-,..---M C

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