Seventy-Third Yer
EDITED AND MANAGED 30 STUDENTS OF THE UNIVERsITY O MICHIGAN
h p A UNDER AUTHORITY OF BOARD IN CONTROL OF STUDENT PUBLICATIONS
Truthre opinions areIFree STUDENT PUBLiCATIONS BLDG., ANN ARBOR, MICH., PHONE NO 2-3241
Editorials printed in The Michigan Daily express the individual opinions of staff writers
or the editors. This must be noted in ale reprints.
FRIDAY, JULY 3, 1964 NIGHT EDITOR: MICHAEL HARRAH
4 IL
NOMINATIONS
Lacking Compromise,
GOP Heads for Defeat
UN Withdraws from Congo;
Instability Remains
THE WITHDRAWAL Tuesday of the
last contingents of the United Nations
peace force from the Congo marks a
four-year period of learning and matura-
tion for both the newly independent na-
tion and the UN. Difficulties are far from
over for the young African nation, where
bitter strife and internal dissension
erupted almost immediately after it was
granted independence from Belgium in
June, 1960. And though the UN has with-
drawn its military personnel from the
scene, it will be a long time before it
can hope to discontinue its economical
and technological assistance there.
But for the first time since it achiev-
ed its hard-won-and premature-inde-
pendence, the Congo must govern itself
without the prop of UN troops. The in-
stability of the new climate has already
manifested itself in numerous ways. Pre-
mier Cyrille Adoula, who has headed the
Congo government since the UN quelled
the Katanganese secessionist movement
in January, 1963, announced his resigna-
tion Tuesday, leaving the door open to
political disarray.
President Joseph Kasavubu then turn-
ed to Moise Tshombe, leader of the Ka-
taganese uprising, requesting him to study
means of forming a caretaker govern-
ment until the national elections nine
months from now.
This does not mean that Kasavubu will
eventually invite Tshombe to form the
new government; but whether or not he
does, the interim before elections is
bound to be stormy.
TSHOMBE HAS INDICATED that he
will attempt to form a government
which he himself would rule. But to do
so, he must unite the leaders of the many
political factions throughout the nation.
Though he enjoys the support of sev-
eral influential leaders, he is handicap-
ped by sentiment among followers of the
late Premier Patrice Lumumba that he
is responsible for Lumumba's death.
Another major handicap which he or
any other leader must face is the dis-
organization and weakness of the Congo-
lese military. Unable to quell uprisings
in Kivu, Kwilu and North Katanga prov-
inces, the military has been able to call
upon UN peacekeepers there. Now,
prompt, intensive recruitment and train-
ing of forces is necessary to sustain the
legitimacy of any government which may
be formed.
If the Congo can surmount these ob-
stacles and somehow weather the inevi-
table turmoil of the next nine months, it
may well be on its way toward genuine
self-rule. If, however, it should fail in
this transitional period, it will neces-
sarily have to rely once more-indefi-
nitely-on the props of more powerful
forces-whether they be those of the UN,
Belgium, or Red China. Such a develop-
ment, of course, would preclude a neu-
tral, stable government from being es-
tablished for perhaps decades.
MOREOVER, THE UN would undoubt-
edly find itself under severe duress
should the Congo become enflamed once
more. During its four-year peacekeeping
operation, it has made numerous errors;
its hesitancy to use force except in self-
defense, prolonged the violence and con-
fusion for over two years. Its ultimate
decision to directly intervene in the Ka-
tanganese strife was vigorously opposed
by many member nations; yet, this re-
versal was precisely the answer to the
precarious situation.
Since then, the UN has been continu-
ously withdrawing its troops, providing
instead technical experts and financial
assistance to help set the nation on its
feet. The expense-the most extensive
ever undertaken by the organization--
of these combined efforts has been mon-
umental.
THE EXPENSE-and the efforts-will
have been more than justifiable to
member nations if the Congo manages
to maintain some measure of stability.
But if a new crisis takes hold, it is doubt-
ful whether the UN or its members will
be willing to underwrite another such
mission of indefinite duration. At the
same time, failure to do so would un-
doubtedly lead to a lack of confidence
in the UN and its ability to preserve
world peace.
Both the Congo and the UN have been
severely challenged by the experiences of
the last four years. The ultimate course
which that nation pursues will reveal just
how well they have met that challenge.
-MARY LOU BUTCHER
Associate Editor
EDITOR'S NOTE: This is the last
article in a series on the Republican
party.
By MICHAEL HARRAH
OF LATE, there has been much
talk about "the mainstream
of Republicanism" and just which
member of the party represents
it.
Gov. Nelson Rockefeller of New
York claimed, on the night of his
primary victory in Oregon, that
he represented it. Sen. Barry Gold-
water of Arizona claimed, on the
night of his primary victory in
California, that he represented it.
Former Vice-President Richard
Nixon and Michigan's Gov. George
Romney claim it's somewhere in
between.
Nationally respected columnist
Walter Lippmann claims it is bas-
ed on an historically strong stand
for civil rights;aformer Ambassa-
dor to Viet Nam Henry Cabot
Lodge implies that it is based on
a spirit of bi-partisanship; and
political broadcaster Paul Harvey
claims it is based on an immov-
able respect for the rights and
freedoms of the individual.
THE LIST could go on and on,
but almost any sincere and well-
grounded definition is probably
right, for historically, the Repub-
lican party has come to encompass
a great range of philosophies.
True, this is a lenient situation
in which to nurture a political
party, buttit must be recalled
that the Republican party was
founded as a negative reaction to
the strength of the existing Demo-
cratic party; as such, it came to
encompass a good many dissenters.
Yet, they were in agreement on
one thing: Those Democrats had
to go.
And go they did. Although the
first Republican candidate, John
C. Fremont in 1856, did not win
(the Democrats elected James
Buchanan), he did make a rather
good showing.
FOUR YEARS LATER, Abra-
ham Lincoln was victorious on a
platform not only of opposition to
slavery, but also of opposition to
many aspects of the incumbent,
Democratic party. In fact, Lin-
coln's platform, viewed from that
day and- age, was quite negative.
Since that time, a whole .spec-
trum of Republicans have captur-
ed the leadership of the party,
and for a time at least, they have
managed to retain the support of
all the factions within the party.
There have been staunch sup-
porters of the status quo: Ruther-
ford B. Hayes, Benjamin Harrison,
Calvin Coolidge; there have been
reformers: Chester A. Arthur,
Theodore Roosevelt, Herbert
Hoover; there have been neutral
compromisers: William Howard
Taft, Warren G. Harding, Dwight
D. Eisenhower.
* * *
YET, WHETHER the Republi-
can candidate won or lost, in most
cases they had the entire party
behind them. (The split resulting
from the Bull-Moose candidacy of
Theodore Roosevelt in 1912 was a
major exception to the rule.)
A problem developed in 1940,
however, when the interests of so-
called Eastern Republicans ap-
peared to differ from the interests
of the rest of the party. From
that time on, party history be-
came one of a struggle for con-
trol instead of one of compromise.
In 1940, the convention was per-
suaded to nominate unknown
Wendall Willkie over Sen. Robert
A. Taft of Ohio and Sen. Arthur
W. Vandenburg of Michigan-a
victory for the Eastern Republi-
cans; in 1944 and in 1948, the
convention chose New York's Gov-
ernor Thomas E. Dewey, another
Eastern choice to whom the rest
of the party was unable Lo find
a satisfactory substitute.
IN 1952, the Eastern Republi-
cans produced Dwight D. Eisen-
hower, dislodging Sen. Taft once
more; in 1960, the Easterners, in
firm control of party machinery,
slid Vice-President Nixon into the
nomination.
But ever since 1940, the pirit
of compromise has been lackng
noticeably. Disheartened P_~publi-
cans, who saw theirdfavoritego
to convention defeat, did ni~t cam-
paign for the nominee whole-
heartedly. Nominations ceased to
be men who had the goodwill of
all the party, and they began to
be partisans of certain facti nrs.
Today, the situation is no bct-
ter. Of all the prominently men-
tioned Republican hopefuls, not
one represents a compromise be-
tween all factions. Sen. Cold-
water represents an aroused con-
servative faction which is deter-
mined to see its man nominated.
If he is not, it shouldn't be hard
to guess that they will give lack
luster to the victor. Goldwater's
chief opponent, yov. Scranton, is
the handpicked candidate of the
anti-Goldwater forces, who are
admittedly determined to stamp
out all traces of the Arizonian's
influence.
THIS THREATENED collision
is not conducive to a compromise
of any sort. 'Any candidate who
could unite the party such as
Milton Eisenhower or Thruston
Morton is dismissed out of hand.
Yet, historically, the compromise
candidate seems to represent the
"mainstream of Republicanism."
This shouldn't be surprising. Any
party which is comprised of such
diverse factions, can only find its
mainstream in all-agreed com-
promise. And when the Republi-
cans have failed to comprom.te,
they have suffered defeat
If history is any teacher, this
bodes ill for the proceedings at
San Francisco for the "mainstream
of Republicanism" seems destined
to be overlooked again.
s tR/\ ,1~LF P
CONSERVATIVE FALLACIES
Mislocating Dignity, Freedom
Residence Halls Mix-up
PEOPLE WHO MAKE their residence
hall payments today may be surprised
to find that they will be asked to pay a
penalty fee applied to late payments. The
penalty fee has been levied all week,
despite the fact that payments are not
due until today.,
This mixup is a result of confusion in
the cashier's office over when the pay-
ments are due. The bills that the resi-
dents of the various housing units re-
ceived state plainly that the account is
due "on or before the end of the second
week of classes"-today.
However, an employe of the cashier's
office yesterday said the office received
a letter Monday authorizing collection of
the penalty payments. The penalty is
defined as: "two per cent on all accounts
Incongruity-
THERE IS SOMETHING incongruous
about Sen. Everett Dirksen-who is
being widely hailed as one of the chief
forces behind the passage of the civil
rights bill-agreeing to nominate Sen.
Barry Goldwater-who voted against the
bill as being unconstitutional-for the
GOP presidential candidate. Asked wheth-
er he would accept a vice-presidential
nomination on a Goldwater ticket, Dirk-
sen said such a decision was "one of
those speculative things." In light of his
willingness to nominate the Arizona sen-
ator, need much speculating be done?
-- . L. B.
due and unpaid at the close of business
on the fifth day after date due. One-
quarter of one per cent additional per
day thereafter until paid."
SHE ADDED, however, that the penalty
had been waived for students com-
plaining about the assessment. The very
fact that -the penalty could be waived
should have alerted the cashier's office
that something was wrong.
Apparently it didn't. Another person
in the cashier's office said that she hadn't
known of any mixup, but that if there
was one, it was probably due to the fact
that residence hall payments are "usually
collected five days after the beginning of
classes."
However, Leonard A. Schaadt, business
manager of residence halls, said that the
"five day rule" didn't exist, and that the
payments were due whenever his office
said they were due. He also noted that
he had not heard of any question being
raised over the due date or the penalty.
TO FURTHER EMPHASIZE the lack
of communication present, a repre-
sentative of the cashier's office plead that
she just collected the money and didn't
have anything to do, with the policy-
which is true. She added, however, that
Schaadt had the matter well in hand,
and was issuing a letter to the cashier's
office which would "straighten the whole
thing out." Schaadt said he knew nothing
concerning such a letter, but promised
he would look into the situation and
clear up any error.
Until then, it seems that the only way
the bureaucratic tangle between the resi-
dence halls and the cashier's office can
I
i
i
EDITOR'S NOTE: This is the sec-
ond of two articles evaluating the
lWashtenaw County Conservatives.
By JEFFREY GOODMAN
THE NATURE of ideological
arguments is such that it is
extremely difficult for one side
ever to prove its case against the
other.
At best, both contenders can
assert their own interpretations of
the facts on which the issue is
based. Even the existence of only
one valid body of facts which both
parties accept hardly settles the
issues; by definition ideology is
subjective.
* *, *
THEREFORE any discussion of
ideology must be subjective. Yet
this is not to say that one inter-
pretation may not be more con-
sistent, more feasible, more in line
with social reality.
Nor, in an ideological discussion
with a group such as is presently
making itself heard in Ann Arbor
-the Washtenaw County Conser-
vatives-is there even necessarily
jagreement on basic facts. For far
from simply rendering its own pe-
culiar version of reality, the Con-
servatives do not recognize or un-
derstand that reality.
According to the statement of
principles of thistrelatively new
force in city politics, the con-
servative "instinctively" holds that
"In the long run, the forces of
collectivism, including socialism,
and the trends toward centralized
government authority restrict in-
dividual freedom.
"THEY ARE unworkable in a
free society which cherishes the
dignity and freedom of the in-
dividual human being and are in
opposition to and contrary with
the principles of liberty and free-
dom implanted by the founding
fathers . ..
Thequestions begin on the level
of interpretation.
For instance, just what does the
"dignity and freedom of the in-
dividual" mean? To the Conser-
vative way of thinking, a human
organism is ipso facto dignified
and deserves freedom simply be-
cause it exists. This is tantamount
to saying that a human being can
be conceived of apart from the
society in which he lives.
BUT THE very terms dignity
and freedom are meaningless out-
side a social context. Dignity is a
feeling of worth, and worth re-
quires not only other people as
comparisons but also the develop-
ment in the individual mind of a
conception of what is worthy.
Such a conception, even if it is
simply a feeling of being at peace
with oneself, necessitates ideas
and hopes which arise from in-
dividual consciousness. Yet an or-
ganism has no consciousness of its
individuality until it is aware of
other organisms and its relation
to them.
By the same token, freedom is
a completely innocuous concept if
applied to an organism existing
Dignity is therefore a product
of the interplay between individual
-though socially-derived-desires
and the actual social condition of
the individual. Freedom is a func-
tion of the opportunity to achieve
that dignity through the expres-
sion or exercise of those desires.
And since opportunity is also a
function of interaction, both dig-
nity and freedom are necessarily
social concepts.
Whether a society does or does
not "cherish" dignity and freedom
affects the basic nature of the
society, only as it is able to change
the social pattern in which people
live and theconditions under
which they must conceive of, de-
velop and express their dignity and
their freedom.
BUT IT IS NOT only this as-
sertion that is alien to the Con-
servatives. Indeed, since it is an
assertion, the argument might
well stop here, with the Conserva-
tives simply saying, on a sub-
jective level, that they do not
accept it. The discussion can pro-
ceed, however, because from here
we get into the realm of facts,
and it is not as easy-nor as com-
mendable-to quibble over what
actually exists, over whatvin fact,
the conditions of society are in
20th century America.
Those conditions are such that
if dignity and freedom are ever
to be secured at all, the trend
toward "collectivism, socialism
and centralized government au-
thority" may be wholly necessary
-to say nothing of workable. The
fact that they are both necessary
and workable today and werenot,
so when the founding fathers
conceived of this nation derives
directly from the fact that the
nation they knew is simply not the
nation we know today.
IN AMERICA TODAY it is not
possible for every individual to
achieve dignity and freedom on
his own. Since 1890, there has
been no frontier beyond which a
restless soul could finl work and
independence. The lone laborer
has not been able to bargain for
improved working conditions since
mass production necessitated large
factories and enabled management
to amass sufficient profits to ex-
pand and consolidate.
Individual states within the na-
tion have not been able to defend
first itme that a unified nation
themselves militarily since the
opposed them collectively-a time
which antedates even the Ameri-
can Revolution. Individuad states
and cities would have been totally
unable to pull themselves out of
the depression and could never
have supplied themselves with
electric power the ,way the Ten-
nessee Valley Authority or other
such projects in the West have
done.
And in a thousand other ways
the states have simply ceased to
be vital or even viable agents for
the ensuring of basic amenities or
the granting of basic rights to
always be assumed to have the
opportunities within his social
context-to have the freedom,
that is-to bring those desires to
fruition.
At stake, therefore, is the Con-
servatives' very basi cignorance
of the fact that asserted freedom
and asserted dignity just do not
imply the existence of actual free-
dom and actual dignity. It is that
basic discrepancy which his the
most relevant an dmost uncontro-
vertible fact about American-or
any other-society.
* * ,
FOR THE CONSERVATIVES to
state, therefore, that extending
the authority of central govern-
ment is unworkable in a free
society and contradictory to its
love for individual dignity and
freedom is to ignore the fact that
dignity and freedom may-and
often do-require such authority.
And ignoring this fact implies
that the Conservatives have ig-
nored something even more basic,
even if more controversial: the
assumption that only by existing
in a society does on individual
exist at all, tnat only when a
specific social context has been
given is it possible even to discuss
the terms dignity and freedom.
For if the Conservatives once
realized the necessary connection
between the real social milieu and
the abstractions they "cherish,"
they would have no choice but to
remove their heads from the sand
and look around them.
LETTERS TO THE EDITOR
SNCC Workers Need
Northern Assistance
To the Editor:
JOSEPH HARRISON, one of the
seven volunteer Freedom Fight-
ers from SNCC (Student Non-
Violent Coordinating Committee)
made a report yesterday on the
situation in Mississippi. There is a
great need of assistance from the
North. The situation there is be-
coming desperate and all efforts
AT RACKHAM
Summer Piano Series
Of f with a Bfang
PROGRAM
Fantasy and Fugue in G minor ........................ Bach-Liszt
Fantasy in C major, Op. 17........ ............... Schumann
Fantasia quasi Sonata (Apes une lecture de Dante) ........ Liszt
Fantasy in F minor, Op. 49 ................................ Chopin
Variations on a Theme by Paganini, Books 1 and 11 .... Brahams
GYORGY SANDOR is the first of four pianists to appear in this
summer's concert series. His concert last night was programmed
(as are the others) with a gratifying number of substantial works of
substantial composers. The theme of the program was apparently
"Bombastic Works of Romantic Composers," and Sandor tackled
them with a dauntless verve.
The first number must, by a referee's decision, go to Liszt rather
than Bach; but I am not at all sure that the fantasy, anyway, is
not just as well off played with a passion. The Fugue was done
clearly and rationally, but with perhaps a little too much arbitrariness
of dynamics.
THE SCHUMANN, which is a tremendously difficult piece, came
off best in the loud parts, even the impossible broken-chord passages
for the left hand in the second movement which Sandor played
about as cleanly as anyone can.
Records, with their possibilities for multiple trials and inter-
cutting, have jaded listeners and produced in them expectations of
of the Freedom Fighters may be
wasted for lack of supplies.
Already, three workers have dis-
appeared. Since the philosophy of
SNCC is nonviolent, the students
plan to fight back only with politi-
cally democratic means and edu-
cation. In order to do this, three
main areas of assistance were
specified by Mr. Harrison.
-1 The need for the donation
of a car of the sale of a car at a
reduced price. This is necessary in
order to transport material, and
to be able to make a quick escape
from Klansmen who chase any
known integrationist in an effort
to capture, torture, or murder.
The few cars which the workers
have are mostly old and cannot be
relied upon.
-2 Mimeographing machines,
stencils, paper, ink, etc. At least
three mimeographing machines
are necessary for the Southwest
area in order to print the material
necessary to awaken both Negroes
and whites to a realization of
where hate, humiliation and de-
gradation are leading them. These
machines are necessary for poli-
tical and educational purposes. It
is well known that the education
of both races is far below the na-
tional level-a situation which
furthers the already intolerable
conditions there. Most of the Ne-
gro population is disenfranchised.
-3 Money. Money is greatly
needed for bond as well as sup-
plies. Volunteer Freedom Fighters
are picked up for going over or
under the speed limit, or for minor
violations, such as jay-walking,
and are kept in jail for months. In
order that the Freedom Fighters
-most of whom are in Mississippi
only for the summer-can carry
out their great task, we must keep
them out of jail and supplied with