Seventy-Third Yer EDITED AND MANAGED 30 STUDENTS OF THE UNIVERsITY O MICHIGAN h p A UNDER AUTHORITY OF BOARD IN CONTROL OF STUDENT PUBLICATIONS Truthre opinions areIFree STUDENT PUBLiCATIONS BLDG., ANN ARBOR, MICH., PHONE NO 2-3241 Editorials printed in The Michigan Daily express the individual opinions of staff writers or the editors. This must be noted in ale reprints. FRIDAY, JULY 3, 1964 NIGHT EDITOR: MICHAEL HARRAH 4 IL NOMINATIONS Lacking Compromise, GOP Heads for Defeat UN Withdraws from Congo; Instability Remains THE WITHDRAWAL Tuesday of the last contingents of the United Nations peace force from the Congo marks a four-year period of learning and matura- tion for both the newly independent na- tion and the UN. Difficulties are far from over for the young African nation, where bitter strife and internal dissension erupted almost immediately after it was granted independence from Belgium in June, 1960. And though the UN has with- drawn its military personnel from the scene, it will be a long time before it can hope to discontinue its economical and technological assistance there. But for the first time since it achiev- ed its hard-won-and premature-inde- pendence, the Congo must govern itself without the prop of UN troops. The in- stability of the new climate has already manifested itself in numerous ways. Pre- mier Cyrille Adoula, who has headed the Congo government since the UN quelled the Katanganese secessionist movement in January, 1963, announced his resigna- tion Tuesday, leaving the door open to political disarray. President Joseph Kasavubu then turn- ed to Moise Tshombe, leader of the Ka- taganese uprising, requesting him to study means of forming a caretaker govern- ment until the national elections nine months from now. This does not mean that Kasavubu will eventually invite Tshombe to form the new government; but whether or not he does, the interim before elections is bound to be stormy. TSHOMBE HAS INDICATED that he will attempt to form a government which he himself would rule. But to do so, he must unite the leaders of the many political factions throughout the nation. Though he enjoys the support of sev- eral influential leaders, he is handicap- ped by sentiment among followers of the late Premier Patrice Lumumba that he is responsible for Lumumba's death. Another major handicap which he or any other leader must face is the dis- organization and weakness of the Congo- lese military. Unable to quell uprisings in Kivu, Kwilu and North Katanga prov- inces, the military has been able to call upon UN peacekeepers there. Now, prompt, intensive recruitment and train- ing of forces is necessary to sustain the legitimacy of any government which may be formed. If the Congo can surmount these ob- stacles and somehow weather the inevi- table turmoil of the next nine months, it may well be on its way toward genuine self-rule. If, however, it should fail in this transitional period, it will neces- sarily have to rely once more-indefi- nitely-on the props of more powerful forces-whether they be those of the UN, Belgium, or Red China. Such a develop- ment, of course, would preclude a neu- tral, stable government from being es- tablished for perhaps decades. MOREOVER, THE UN would undoubt- edly find itself under severe duress should the Congo become enflamed once more. During its four-year peacekeeping operation, it has made numerous errors; its hesitancy to use force except in self- defense, prolonged the violence and con- fusion for over two years. Its ultimate decision to directly intervene in the Ka- tanganese strife was vigorously opposed by many member nations; yet, this re- versal was precisely the answer to the precarious situation. Since then, the UN has been continu- ously withdrawing its troops, providing instead technical experts and financial assistance to help set the nation on its feet. The expense-the most extensive ever undertaken by the organization-- of these combined efforts has been mon- umental. THE EXPENSE-and the efforts-will have been more than justifiable to member nations if the Congo manages to maintain some measure of stability. But if a new crisis takes hold, it is doubt- ful whether the UN or its members will be willing to underwrite another such mission of indefinite duration. At the same time, failure to do so would un- doubtedly lead to a lack of confidence in the UN and its ability to preserve world peace. Both the Congo and the UN have been severely challenged by the experiences of the last four years. The ultimate course which that nation pursues will reveal just how well they have met that challenge. -MARY LOU BUTCHER Associate Editor EDITOR'S NOTE: This is the last article in a series on the Republican party. By MICHAEL HARRAH OF LATE, there has been much talk about "the mainstream of Republicanism" and just which member of the party represents it. Gov. Nelson Rockefeller of New York claimed, on the night of his primary victory in Oregon, that he represented it. Sen. Barry Gold- water of Arizona claimed, on the night of his primary victory in California, that he represented it. Former Vice-President Richard Nixon and Michigan's Gov. George Romney claim it's somewhere in between. Nationally respected columnist Walter Lippmann claims it is bas- ed on an historically strong stand for civil rights;aformer Ambassa- dor to Viet Nam Henry Cabot Lodge implies that it is based on a spirit of bi-partisanship; and political broadcaster Paul Harvey claims it is based on an immov- able respect for the rights and freedoms of the individual. THE LIST could go on and on, but almost any sincere and well- grounded definition is probably right, for historically, the Repub- lican party has come to encompass a great range of philosophies. True, this is a lenient situation in which to nurture a political party, buttit must be recalled that the Republican party was founded as a negative reaction to the strength of the existing Demo- cratic party; as such, it came to encompass a good many dissenters. Yet, they were in agreement on one thing: Those Democrats had to go. And go they did. Although the first Republican candidate, John C. Fremont in 1856, did not win (the Democrats elected James Buchanan), he did make a rather good showing. FOUR YEARS LATER, Abra- ham Lincoln was victorious on a platform not only of opposition to slavery, but also of opposition to many aspects of the incumbent, Democratic party. In fact, Lin- coln's platform, viewed from that day and- age, was quite negative. Since that time, a whole .spec- trum of Republicans have captur- ed the leadership of the party, and for a time at least, they have managed to retain the support of all the factions within the party. There have been staunch sup- porters of the status quo: Ruther- ford B. Hayes, Benjamin Harrison, Calvin Coolidge; there have been reformers: Chester A. Arthur, Theodore Roosevelt, Herbert Hoover; there have been neutral compromisers: William Howard Taft, Warren G. Harding, Dwight D. Eisenhower. * * * YET, WHETHER the Republi- can candidate won or lost, in most cases they had the entire party behind them. (The split resulting from the Bull-Moose candidacy of Theodore Roosevelt in 1912 was a major exception to the rule.) A problem developed in 1940, however, when the interests of so- called Eastern Republicans ap- peared to differ from the interests of the rest of the party. From that time on, party history be- came one of a struggle for con- trol instead of one of compromise. In 1940, the convention was per- suaded to nominate unknown Wendall Willkie over Sen. Robert A. Taft of Ohio and Sen. Arthur W. Vandenburg of Michigan-a victory for the Eastern Republi- cans; in 1944 and in 1948, the convention chose New York's Gov- ernor Thomas E. Dewey, another Eastern choice to whom the rest of the party was unable Lo find a satisfactory substitute. IN 1952, the Eastern Republi- cans produced Dwight D. Eisen- hower, dislodging Sen. Taft once more; in 1960, the Easterners, in firm control of party machinery, slid Vice-President Nixon into the nomination. But ever since 1940, the pirit of compromise has been lackng noticeably. Disheartened P_~publi- cans, who saw theirdfavoritego to convention defeat, did ni~t cam- paign for the nominee whole- heartedly. Nominations ceased to be men who had the goodwill of all the party, and they began to be partisans of certain facti nrs. Today, the situation is no bct- ter. Of all the prominently men- tioned Republican hopefuls, not one represents a compromise be- tween all factions. Sen. Cold- water represents an aroused con- servative faction which is deter- mined to see its man nominated. If he is not, it shouldn't be hard to guess that they will give lack luster to the victor. Goldwater's chief opponent, yov. Scranton, is the handpicked candidate of the anti-Goldwater forces, who are admittedly determined to stamp out all traces of the Arizonian's influence. THIS THREATENED collision is not conducive to a compromise of any sort. 'Any candidate who could unite the party such as Milton Eisenhower or Thruston Morton is dismissed out of hand. Yet, historically, the compromise candidate seems to represent the "mainstream of Republicanism." This shouldn't be surprising. Any party which is comprised of such diverse factions, can only find its mainstream in all-agreed com- promise. And when the Republi- cans have failed to comprom.te, they have suffered defeat If history is any teacher, this bodes ill for the proceedings at San Francisco for the "mainstream of Republicanism" seems destined to be overlooked again. s tR/\ ,1~LF P CONSERVATIVE FALLACIES Mislocating Dignity, Freedom Residence Halls Mix-up PEOPLE WHO MAKE their residence hall payments today may be surprised to find that they will be asked to pay a penalty fee applied to late payments. The penalty fee has been levied all week, despite the fact that payments are not due until today., This mixup is a result of confusion in the cashier's office over when the pay- ments are due. The bills that the resi- dents of the various housing units re- ceived state plainly that the account is due "on or before the end of the second week of classes"-today. However, an employe of the cashier's office yesterday said the office received a letter Monday authorizing collection of the penalty payments. The penalty is defined as: "two per cent on all accounts Incongruity- THERE IS SOMETHING incongruous about Sen. Everett Dirksen-who is being widely hailed as one of the chief forces behind the passage of the civil rights bill-agreeing to nominate Sen. Barry Goldwater-who voted against the bill as being unconstitutional-for the GOP presidential candidate. Asked wheth- er he would accept a vice-presidential nomination on a Goldwater ticket, Dirk- sen said such a decision was "one of those speculative things." In light of his willingness to nominate the Arizona sen- ator, need much speculating be done? -- . L. B. due and unpaid at the close of business on the fifth day after date due. One- quarter of one per cent additional per day thereafter until paid." SHE ADDED, however, that the penalty had been waived for students com- plaining about the assessment. The very fact that -the penalty could be waived should have alerted the cashier's office that something was wrong. Apparently it didn't. Another person in the cashier's office said that she hadn't known of any mixup, but that if there was one, it was probably due to the fact that residence hall payments are "usually collected five days after the beginning of classes." However, Leonard A. Schaadt, business manager of residence halls, said that the "five day rule" didn't exist, and that the payments were due whenever his office said they were due. He also noted that he had not heard of any question being raised over the due date or the penalty. TO FURTHER EMPHASIZE the lack of communication present, a repre- sentative of the cashier's office plead that she just collected the money and didn't have anything to do, with the policy- which is true. She added, however, that Schaadt had the matter well in hand, and was issuing a letter to the cashier's office which would "straighten the whole thing out." Schaadt said he knew nothing concerning such a letter, but promised he would look into the situation and clear up any error. Until then, it seems that the only way the bureaucratic tangle between the resi- dence halls and the cashier's office can I i i EDITOR'S NOTE: This is the sec- ond of two articles evaluating the lWashtenaw County Conservatives. By JEFFREY GOODMAN THE NATURE of ideological arguments is such that it is extremely difficult for one side ever to prove its case against the other. At best, both contenders can assert their own interpretations of the facts on which the issue is based. Even the existence of only one valid body of facts which both parties accept hardly settles the issues; by definition ideology is subjective. * *, * THEREFORE any discussion of ideology must be subjective. Yet this is not to say that one inter- pretation may not be more con- sistent, more feasible, more in line with social reality. Nor, in an ideological discussion with a group such as is presently making itself heard in Ann Arbor -the Washtenaw County Conser- vatives-is there even necessarily jagreement on basic facts. For far from simply rendering its own pe- culiar version of reality, the Con- servatives do not recognize or un- derstand that reality. According to the statement of principles of thistrelatively new force in city politics, the con- servative "instinctively" holds that "In the long run, the forces of collectivism, including socialism, and the trends toward centralized government authority restrict in- dividual freedom. "THEY ARE unworkable in a free society which cherishes the dignity and freedom of the in- dividual human being and are in opposition to and contrary with the principles of liberty and free- dom implanted by the founding fathers . .. Thequestions begin on the level of interpretation. For instance, just what does the "dignity and freedom of the in- dividual" mean? To the Conser- vative way of thinking, a human organism is ipso facto dignified and deserves freedom simply be- cause it exists. This is tantamount to saying that a human being can be conceived of apart from the society in which he lives. BUT THE very terms dignity and freedom are meaningless out- side a social context. Dignity is a feeling of worth, and worth re- quires not only other people as comparisons but also the develop- ment in the individual mind of a conception of what is worthy. Such a conception, even if it is simply a feeling of being at peace with oneself, necessitates ideas and hopes which arise from in- dividual consciousness. Yet an or- ganism has no consciousness of its individuality until it is aware of other organisms and its relation to them. By the same token, freedom is a completely innocuous concept if applied to an organism existing Dignity is therefore a product of the interplay between individual -though socially-derived-desires and the actual social condition of the individual. Freedom is a func- tion of the opportunity to achieve that dignity through the expres- sion or exercise of those desires. And since opportunity is also a function of interaction, both dig- nity and freedom are necessarily social concepts. Whether a society does or does not "cherish" dignity and freedom affects the basic nature of the society, only as it is able to change the social pattern in which people live and theconditions under which they must conceive of, de- velop and express their dignity and their freedom. BUT IT IS NOT only this as- sertion that is alien to the Con- servatives. Indeed, since it is an assertion, the argument might well stop here, with the Conserva- tives simply saying, on a sub- jective level, that they do not accept it. The discussion can pro- ceed, however, because from here we get into the realm of facts, and it is not as easy-nor as com- mendable-to quibble over what actually exists, over whatvin fact, the conditions of society are in 20th century America. Those conditions are such that if dignity and freedom are ever to be secured at all, the trend toward "collectivism, socialism and centralized government au- thority" may be wholly necessary -to say nothing of workable. The fact that they are both necessary and workable today and werenot, so when the founding fathers conceived of this nation derives directly from the fact that the nation they knew is simply not the nation we know today. IN AMERICA TODAY it is not possible for every individual to achieve dignity and freedom on his own. Since 1890, there has been no frontier beyond which a restless soul could finl work and independence. The lone laborer has not been able to bargain for improved working conditions since mass production necessitated large factories and enabled management to amass sufficient profits to ex- pand and consolidate. Individual states within the na- tion have not been able to defend first itme that a unified nation themselves militarily since the opposed them collectively-a time which antedates even the Ameri- can Revolution. Individuad states and cities would have been totally unable to pull themselves out of the depression and could never have supplied themselves with electric power the ,way the Ten- nessee Valley Authority or other such projects in the West have done. And in a thousand other ways the states have simply ceased to be vital or even viable agents for the ensuring of basic amenities or the granting of basic rights to always be assumed to have the opportunities within his social context-to have the freedom, that is-to bring those desires to fruition. At stake, therefore, is the Con- servatives' very basi cignorance of the fact that asserted freedom and asserted dignity just do not imply the existence of actual free- dom and actual dignity. It is that basic discrepancy which his the most relevant an dmost uncontro- vertible fact about American-or any other-society. * * , FOR THE CONSERVATIVES to state, therefore, that extending the authority of central govern- ment is unworkable in a free society and contradictory to its love for individual dignity and freedom is to ignore the fact that dignity and freedom may-and often do-require such authority. And ignoring this fact implies that the Conservatives have ig- nored something even more basic, even if more controversial: the assumption that only by existing in a society does on individual exist at all, tnat only when a specific social context has been given is it possible even to discuss the terms dignity and freedom. For if the Conservatives once realized the necessary connection between the real social milieu and the abstractions they "cherish," they would have no choice but to remove their heads from the sand and look around them. LETTERS TO THE EDITOR SNCC Workers Need Northern Assistance To the Editor: JOSEPH HARRISON, one of the seven volunteer Freedom Fight- ers from SNCC (Student Non- Violent Coordinating Committee) made a report yesterday on the situation in Mississippi. There is a great need of assistance from the North. The situation there is be- coming desperate and all efforts AT RACKHAM Summer Piano Series Of f with a Bfang PROGRAM Fantasy and Fugue in G minor ........................ Bach-Liszt Fantasy in C major, Op. 17........ ............... Schumann Fantasia quasi Sonata (Apes une lecture de Dante) ........ Liszt Fantasy in F minor, Op. 49 ................................ Chopin Variations on a Theme by Paganini, Books 1 and 11 .... Brahams GYORGY SANDOR is the first of four pianists to appear in this summer's concert series. His concert last night was programmed (as are the others) with a gratifying number of substantial works of substantial composers. The theme of the program was apparently "Bombastic Works of Romantic Composers," and Sandor tackled them with a dauntless verve. The first number must, by a referee's decision, go to Liszt rather than Bach; but I am not at all sure that the fantasy, anyway, is not just as well off played with a passion. The Fugue was done clearly and rationally, but with perhaps a little too much arbitrariness of dynamics. THE SCHUMANN, which is a tremendously difficult piece, came off best in the loud parts, even the impossible broken-chord passages for the left hand in the second movement which Sandor played about as cleanly as anyone can. Records, with their possibilities for multiple trials and inter- cutting, have jaded listeners and produced in them expectations of of the Freedom Fighters may be wasted for lack of supplies. Already, three workers have dis- appeared. Since the philosophy of SNCC is nonviolent, the students plan to fight back only with politi- cally democratic means and edu- cation. In order to do this, three main areas of assistance were specified by Mr. Harrison. -1 The need for the donation of a car of the sale of a car at a reduced price. This is necessary in order to transport material, and to be able to make a quick escape from Klansmen who chase any known integrationist in an effort to capture, torture, or murder. The few cars which the workers have are mostly old and cannot be relied upon. -2 Mimeographing machines, stencils, paper, ink, etc. At least three mimeographing machines are necessary for the Southwest area in order to print the material necessary to awaken both Negroes and whites to a realization of where hate, humiliation and de- gradation are leading them. These machines are necessary for poli- tical and educational purposes. It is well known that the education of both races is far below the na- tional level-a situation which furthers the already intolerable conditions there. Most of the Ne- gro population is disenfranchised. -3 Money. Money is greatly needed for bond as well as sup- plies. Volunteer Freedom Fighters are picked up for going over or under the speed limit, or for minor violations, such as jay-walking, and are kept in jail for months. In order that the Freedom Fighters -most of whom are in Mississippi only for the summer-can carry out their great task, we must keep them out of jail and supplied with