Sewnty-Third Yeas'
EPam AND MANAGEDB Y S-rUnDETs aT THE 3OFTUN YRr o MuCHcMAN
_. UNDER AUTHORTY OF BOARD IN CONTROL OF STUDENT PUBLICATIONS
re Opinions Ate STUDENT PUBLICATIONS BLDG., ANN ARBOR, MicH., PHoNE NO 2-3241
ruth Will Prevail"
Editorials printed in The Michigan Daily express the individual opinions of staff writers
or the editors. This must be noted in all reprints.
ESDAY, JULY 22, 1964 NIGHT EDITOR: JEFFREY GOODMAN
"Looks Like Quite A Storm Brewing Up"
U
18TH CENTURY ADMIRERS
Jubilee Honors Shakespeare
CIT
Johnson, Compromises
More Than Goldwater
I
N
T'S INTERESTING to note that of the
two presidential candidates, the na-
tional press has treated Sen. Barry
Goldwater as an inconsistent, drifting
politician, while commenting on President
Lyndori B. Johnson's past record in an
occasional and oblique manner. The facts
show a different picture.
Goldwater by now has made it clear
that he definitely will take a stand on his
conservative principles, such as they are,
in the upcoming presidential election.
In doing this, he has confounded those
pundits who have hailed a Goldwater
"drift to the midle." As Walter Lipp-
mann has explained, it is now obvious
that "Goldwater is not an ordinary poli-
tician."
He in fact resembles, along with many
of his followers, what Eric Hoffer has
called a "true believer," who stands by
what he believes to be the true and eter-
nal principles of the world and of man-
kind, and philosophizes on the world
with an air of absolute certainty as to his
goals-"freedom," "courage," "individual
dignity," or whatever they may be.
OLDWATER IS ONE of those few poli-
ticians who seems to have no cogniz-
ance whatever of "the human condition"
-the uncertainty of most men concern-
ing all they do and think, over their
goals and aspirations. Goldwater lives
in a world of stately, smooth, shiny cer-
tainties, all of which are perfectly self-
evident to hin, and should be to every-
one else.
Liberalism
HE NOMINATION of Barry Goldwater
is a victory for liberalism at least in
the old.:sense of the term. it is both a
repudiation of :the. expert and a demon-
stration of faith in the common man.
Goldwater's nomination was won by the
rank and file members of the Republican
party. Perhaps it is correct that only
one out of four people polled who called
themselves Republicans wanted to see
Goldwater get the nomination; but it is
also true that no Republican had a great-
er plurality among these people than
Goldwater and that the people who ac-
tually are party members, not simply Re-
publican voters, were solidly for Gold-
water. The "Eastern bankers" in smoke-
filled rooms played less a role in this con-
vention than probably any other in a
good long while.
Thus Goldwater's nomination is a dem-
onstration of and victory for liberalism-
liberalism in the sense of use of the
democratic method.
BUT A FAR MORE important implica-
tion of the Goldwater victory is its
repudiation of the expert. Rockefeller,
Scranton, Romney, Milton Eisenhower,
Lippmann, Hughes, all big political names
who opposed Goldwater, were to some de-
gree experts. They had college educa-
tions; they saw the world as more com-
plex-sometimes far more complex-
than Goldwater saw it; and they saw his
solutions to the world's problems as far
too simple to be realistic or workable.
But what does the man in the street
know about the complexities of world af-
fairs? He knows that things haven't been
going that well for the United States the
last several years, and that the explana-
tions of the experts are not very satisfy-
ing and their policies are not very suc-
cessful. What he hears from Goldwater is
both comforting in that he can under-
stand it and satisfying in that it prom-
ises victory, freedom, end, ironically, real-
ism.
So the faith of the common man in the
expert, a faith that has actually held re-
markably long, has finally been lost. And
here too there is, in some sense, a vic-
tory for liberalism. Liberalism has faith
in the judgment of the majority, and that
judgment is now being exercised.
Moreover, the common man has not
really had the opportunity to make deci-
sions for himself before. Previously the
candidates for both parties have been ex-
perts chosen by experts, and while those
candidates may not have had identical
The fact that anyone questions his
abhorrence of centralized government
mystifies him beyond belief. For to him
it is obvious that "the laws of God and
nature have no dateline." And he sees
no valid criticism of this: "The Conserva-
tive approach is an attempt to apply the
wisdom and experience and revealed
truths of the past to the problems of to-
day."
What has become increasingly obvious
is that Goldwater, though he occasion-
ally has modified his positions, is a man
just not capable of compromising his
principles-as is, for example, President
Lyndon B. Johnson. Goldwater's views to-
day are more or less consistent with the
gospel he has been preaching for years
(his nomination acceptance speech and
civil rights vote were straight out of Con-
science of a Conservative). In contrast,
the Lyndon Johnson of today and the
Lyndon Johnson of ten or even five years
ago are completely different individuals.
WHEN JOHNSON was much deeper in
Texas Democratic politics than he is
now, he consistently favored the conserv-
ative, rock-ribbed wing of his party.
During his early years in the Senate
and all his years in the House, Johnson
referred to civil rights legislation with
derision and ridicule. He opposed it all,
and his votes show it. Only after he be-
came majority leader in the Senate did
he reluctantly show any tolerance to-
ward "civil rights." That's how he used
the expression until the early fifties-
only in quotes. And it was always pre-
ceded with the word "oppressive."
It can be argued that a man must
compromise to be a decent politician-
although perhaps not as extremely as has
Lyndon Johnson. But on the other hand,
Barry Goldwater has compromised very
little, in comparison to Johnson. And he
is doing all right, considering his aims.
This is what must be called the prin-
cipal difference between the two candi-
dates. Though both are extremely suc-
cessful politicians, what one has done by
compromise-"let us reason together"-
the other has done with a policy of stand
fast, divide and conquer. It is this great
contrast in personalities which, in the
absence of any well-debated issues, will
mold the character of the coming cam-
paign.
-ROBERT RIPPLER
Fair Housing
CITY COUNCILMAN Bent F. Nielsen,
acting as mayor at last night's Coun-
cil meeting, told his peers that he would
vote against two proposed amendments
to Ann Arbor's fair housing ordinance be-
cause the constitutionality of the ordi-
nance is presently in question. At base,
that statement was merely an excuse-
and a rather thinly disguised one at that.
In almost the same breath Nielsen told
Council that he had no objection to the
amendments per se. It was simply that
Municipal Court Judge Francis O'Brien
had ruled the ordinance unconstitution-
al on the issue of self-incrimination and
state Attorney General Frank Kelley had
said the law didn't stand because state
law pre-empted the civil rights field.
Yet at the same Council meeting City
Attorney Jacob Fahrner reasserted his
claim that the ordinance still stands,
pending his appeal of O'Brien's decision*
to Circuit Court. And that assertion is
based on the most commonplace of legal
procedure.
EVIDENTLY NIELSEN did not want to
listen to Fahrner. Yet even if Fahrner
had not contended that the ordinance
still stands, Nielsen's reasoning would be
rather weak. In essence, he said Council
should not act now because in a couple
of months, when the constitutionality
question is settled, it might have to re-
verse its action.
This could mean that Nielsen is more
concerned about some kind of sacred-
and in this case unnecessary-formal
procedure than about meeting community
needs. Or it could mean he thinks it
cnctlP o eet comunity needs now.
o9- DE . CONENTIO
~110
fir' G L ' ? #,, C C'...- "^'
P Tr r . i5'*
By JEFFREY CHASE
ALTHOUGH this year marks
the 400th anniversary of the
birth of William Shakespeare,
there have been many people un-
convinced that the English bard
really did live!
This skepticism of Shakespeare's
existence resulted primarily from
the adulation of his eighteenth
and nineteenth century promoters
especially the energetic and
imaginative David Garrick. Gar-
rick's plan was for a great jubilee
in Stratford, Shakespeare's birth-
place, in 1769.
As far as I know, this was the
grandest, most extravagant cele-
bration, either before or since,
that thatecity has ever seen (ex-
cept maybe for this year's an-
niversary celebration).
LONG BEFORE the opening
of the three-day jubilee, Garrick
had aroused interest by a storm
of publicity. Then, for the festivi-
ties he hired an Italian fireworks
specialist, who brought with him
cartloads of the finest spectacular
explosives. Thirty cannons 'and
twelve mortars 'were emplaced
along the banks of the Avon River.
A wooden amphitheater for a
thousand spectatorsrandwanor-
chestra of one hundred was built
near the river. A chandelier con-
taining seven hundred wax candles
hung from its roof,
A statue of the bard was brought
from the Town Hall and placed
as background on the speaker's
platform.
AT FIVE A.M. on the first day,
Sept. 6, a cannon announced the
jubilee with a blast that shook
the town. Then a parade with
wind instruments and drums
marched through the streets,
iI
TODAY AND TOMORROW
Extremism A dvocates
Unlawful Actions
By WALTER LIPPMANN
HERE IS a furor which is not
mere word-slinging since Sen.
Barry Goldwater justified extrem-
ism, saying that in "the defense of
liberty" it "is no vice," and attack-
ed moderation, saying that "in the
pursuit of justice" it "is no virtue."
Coming from a candidate for Pres-
ident, these wise cracks can inter-
fere dangerously with the main-
tenance of law and order in this
time of mounting lawlessness.
Since he uttered the words in
his acceptance speech on Thurs-
day, the senator has been defend-
ing himself. What he had to say
to Gen. Dwight Eisenhower, who
felt "confused," makes it quite
clear that Senator Goldwater does
not understand the meaning of
extremism and that he has never
realized the fundamentalprinciple
which is at stake in the argument
about it.
According to his campaign man-
ager, Denison Kitchel, the senator
said to Eisenhower: "The most ex-
treme action that you can take
in the defense of freedom is to go
to war. When you led those troops
across the Channel into Nor-
mandy, you were being an ex-
tremist."
THE CRUCIAL truth is that,
when Eisenhower went to war, he
was not a private individual. He
was not a member of a private
and secret society. He was the
commander appointed by the legi-
timate governments of Great Bri-
tain and the United States. He
was commanding troops recruited
by due process of law. He was en-
gaged in a war which had been
authorized by the two govern-
ments.
The essence of the matter is
that to be an extremist is to en-
courage and condone the taking
of the law into unauthorizedpri-
vate hands. It is in truth shocking
that the Republican candidate for
President is unconscious of this
sovereign truth. For the distinc-
tionbetween privateviolence and
public force is the central prin-
ciple of a civilized society.
It has been a long, and as yet
uncompleted, struggle to extend
the reign of law. In the course of
it civilized men have sought, and
in a certain measure they have
succeeded, in establishing a para-
mount rule: that no individual or
society of individuals may decide
for themselves that the defense of
liberty and the pursuit of justice
require them to go to war or to
commit violence. The private de-
fense of liberty and the private
administration of justice are lynch
law. Private killing is murder. Pri-
vate war is insurrection.
IT IS NOT only in the deadly
business of private violence that
extremism is intolerable. A civil-
ized society does not condone any
breach of the peace, such as spit-
ting in an ambassador's face, no
matter how ardently it is done in
the self-induced conviction that
it is in the defense of liberty and
the pursuit of justice.
It is extremism to say that Com-
munism is the enemy of the
United States and then to declare
that Gen. Eisenhower or the New
York Times or the anti-Goldwater
columnists are working for the
public enemy. No private individ-
ual has a private right to brand
American citizens as traitors. That
can be done only by due process
of law, and to do it privately is
libelous. The laws of libel do not
permit the private assassination of
private character.
If ever there was time, it is
tion in which the challenging con-
tender is telling the inflammable
crowd that extremism may be no
sin and that moderation may be
no virtue?
(c), 1964, The Washington Post Co.
awakening anyone the cannon's
jolt had missed.
After the procession, Garrick
was made Steward of the jubilee.
As a fitting symbol of his high
office, he was presented with a
wand made from Shakespeare's
mulberry tree and a wooden me-
dallion from the same source.
An admirer sent him a pair of
gloves reported to have been worn
ay Shakespeare himself ; these
Garrick wore for the remainder of
the festival.
FOLLOWING the ritual break-
fast, the celebrators marched to
Trinity Church (where Shake-
speare is burried) for a presenta-
tion of Bickerstaff's oratorio
"Judith," with music by Dr.
Thomas Arne. Then to the amphi-
theater for a grandiose dinner
which extended into early evening.
Fireworks and dancing occupied
the night.
Stratford was so congested with
people, that the nobility who had
failed to reserve rooms for them-
selves had no choice but to sleep
in their carriages. Visitors com-
plained of the high prices charged
and the meagerness of the ac-
commodations,
Almost all of the literary men
of prominence were there-except
Dr. Samuel Johnson.
* * *
BUT DURING the first night
heavy rains began to fall and
continued incessantly throughout
the next day. Garrick had bad
luck, too, because his barber ac-
cidently cut his face on the sec-
ond morning and had difficulty
stopping the bleeding. Yet, the
jubilee continued.
The high point of the second
day was Garrick's recitation of his
"Ode Upon Dedicating a Building
and Erecting a Statue to Shake-
speare," which he had written for
the dedication of the Town Hall
the year before.
For this reading Garrick ap-
peared in a richly embroidered
brown coat, decorated lavishly
with gold lace. His gloved hands
clutched the precious wand; the
sacred medallion adorned his neck.
He proclaimed himself champion
of the bard and challenged anyone
to question Shakespeare's pre-
eminence.
AS GARRICK had cleverly
planned, an actor dressed as a
"commedia dell' arte" character
stood up and dared to criticize
the great playwright. Garrick call-
ed upon thefaudience to come to
the bard's defense, and the hired
actor was forced to rescind.
In fact, the people were so en-
tranced with the "act" that they
barely noticed when a section of
the amphitheater collapsed from
the weight of the crowd.
The second night's festivities in-
cluded a masquerade in which the
participants dressed as Shake-
spearean characters.
But the rains wore on and by
now the flooding Avon was slowly
claiming all the dry ground in
Stratford. The people had to wade
to the amphitheater and back.
* * *
FOR THE THIRD DAY Garrick
had planned a lavish procession
of the main characters in Shake-
speare's plays but the mud and
inclement weather prevented all
this. Instead, the crowd spent
their time at a horse race (which
ran, despite the weather) in near-
by Shottery Meadows, where the
prize was a jubilee cup decorated
with Shakespeare's arms.
So the jubilee dwindled to a
close in a torrent of rain and a
flood of complaints about the
exorbitant prices for food, lodging
and souveniers.
Regardless. Garrick had man-
aged to splash the name of his
demigod in the most opportune
places. If it did nothing else, this
extravagant jubilee planted in the
popular consciousness the thought
that Shakespeare was more than
human; that he was all-knowing
and all-wise.
It is interesting to note, how-
ever, that during the whole Jubilee
not a single play and only a few
short lines of the bard's poetry
were heard.
LETTERS
Birch-
Ed itorial.
To the Editor:
N OW THAT the editorial writers
of The Daily such as Jeffrey
Goodman, letter writers such as
James McEvoy and other local
groups have proven by such logical
forms of reasoning from stereo-
types, guilt by association arid the
principle' of Post hoc ergo propter
hoc that the campaign urging
the support of the local police is
some kind of a dirty, if not clearly
understood plot, I am looking for-
ward to their next episode.
I am on tenterhooks to learn
whether or not the John Birch
Society ever has recommended we
seek to prevent forest fires. If the
Birch Society has come out
against forest fires, I am sure
Goodman, et al will be able to
prove Smokey the Bear is a dirty
fascist symbol. Smokey with his
military hat, his gruff authorita-
tive mannerthisassociation with
the power ite and his emphasis,
of propert' values over human
values obviously is defending the
vested interests and probably
Barry Goldwater. By, the reason-
ing processes usedon the police
stickers this should be positive
proof of Smokey's disaffection and
that we should not attempt to
prevent forest fires.
-Ross Wilhelm
Business Administration
School
Publicity
To the Editor:
YOUR FRANTIC appraisals of
the Republican Party and its
two main candidates for the nom-
ination certainly holds the Dem-
ocratic line.
Why all the uproar if you are
so sure Johnson will be relected
by "thinking" voters? It sounds
more like whistling past the grave-
yard to me.
Linking the "Support your Lo-
cal Police" sticker to the Birchers
is another case in point. You a-
tomatically discredit this cam-
paign because it might be spon-
sored by them. If the Democrats
had sponsored it, you would say
it was wonderful.
* * *
THE CONSTANT publicity you
give to civil rights demonstrators
is also a spur to more unrest. It
has gotten tothe point now,that
no one can have any rights but
them. And people like you en-
courage 'them.
-Harold A. Rhein
Oak Park, Mich.
PARTY UNITY
Romney Conducts
Laudable Oppositio
EDITOR'S NOTE: This is the sec- Goldwater the obviou
and in a series of articles analyzing Romney was first to S
the Republican convention. delnayiws vorst
delegation's votes.
By MICHAEL HARRAH *
SINCE THEN he has
FOM THE Republican stand- the right to conduct his
point, one of the heroes of the campaign in a manners
day must be Michigan's Gov. be calculated to bring
George Romney, who demonstrat- victory, but he has pled
ed quite clearly that he has learn- so within the framewo
ed the lesson of partisan unity party. Surely Goldwater
well. politician himself, will u
For Romney was the only one the necessity of this: A
of all the serious opposition to in Michigan cannot be
Sen. Barry Goldwater who con- as a campaign in Missi
ducted his opposition in a digni- the two Republican parti
Pied and commendable manner. the same. Yet, as Gov.
He did not engage in name- pointed out, there shouli
calling or wild statements to the for them both- under
press or over radio and television; banner.
he maintained, staunchly and This is a different Ron
against terrific pressure, his vow the one who ran for go
that he was not a serious candi- 1962. The old Romne;
date and that he was solely con- fierce independent, deter
cerned with the adoption of a disassociate himself fror
good platform. ments of his party whic
strictly conform to his n
UNLIKE the forces of Pennsyl- determined to drive th
vania's Gov. William Scranton, his baliwick.
Romney sought to amend the Today, he clearly reco
platform in a sensible manner-in importance of his party
a way that might have had some and even more importan
chance of success, for certainly it ognizes that Republicr
cae ecloser than Scranton's fiery Democrats, can work for
attempts port members of, theirc
Romney's proposed amendment with whom they do no
on civil rights made its point agree, and they can do
without attempting to embarrass fervor and sincerity.
Goldwater,the obvious nominee,
and his amendment on extremism
repudiated irresponsible elements
without denouncing and ostracizing . .. --..
whole groups, individuals of which
might be quite responsible Ameri-
cans and good, hard-working Re-
publicans.(-
What is more, the governor had
the good sense to forego his pro-
posed amendment opposing a na-
tional right-to-work law, with the
knowledge that if he offered three
proposals this would spread his
chances too thin.
* * *1
IN ADDITION, he wisely oppos-
ed any action on Scranton's pro-
posed amendment on nuclear
weapons and the delegation of
their use, as an issue ill-befitting
the political arena-an issue that
might have attracted extreme ele-
ments to the party fold.
Moreover, he encouraged his
badly torn delegation to advance
his name as a favorite son and
he steadfastly held to this, rather
than releasing them which prob-
ably would have caused a per-
manently divisive war.
At the Cow Palace, Romney
spoke in support of his proposals
in a positive spirit, and his words wr amyrcieulk hs
wer warmy receivednunlie thos
of Gov. Nelson Rockefeller who
was booed. When the roll call of
the states was completed, and
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