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October 31, 1968 - Image 4

Resource type:
The Michigan Daily, 1968-10-31

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,Tv Airmian R *,
Seventy-eight years of editorial freedom
Edited and managed by students of the University of Michigan
under authority of Board in Control of Student Publications

It's too early to leave the party,


420 Maynard St., Ann Arbor, Mich.

News Phone: 764-0552

Editorials printed in The Michigan Doily exp ress the individual opinions of staff writers
or the editors. This must be noted in all reprints.



For Congress . . .

IN CONSIDERING the candidacy of
Weston Vivian for Congress, the rele-
vant question to ask is: just what is
wrong with him? I find the question
difficult to answer.
For Vivian was an excellent member of
Congress two years ago with a 100 per
cent Americans for Democratic Action
voting record. He did the most a freshman
legislator can do in a body which is seem-
ingly rigged against men with fresh ideas
and creative programs.
He lost two years ago in the Romney
l anh d s l i d e by only 4000 votes. This
Wasn't a total defeat. For apparently his
campaigning had convinced a good num-
ber of Republicans in this normally con-
servative district that his approach to the
problems of the cities (adequately financ-
ed programs with the widest possible com-
munity control) was the right approach.
- A conservative district suddenly had be-
come a marginal district. This can be
attributed to a number of factors but
primarily to the fact that Vivian had ful-
filled his role as an educator, attempting
to change the attitudes of his conserva-
tive constituents.
ALTHOUGH Vivian is subject to criti-
cism forhis lukewarm stand on the
Vietnam War two years ago, he is now so
frustrated by that seemingly endless con-
flict that he will vote against all military
appropriations if the adrinistration's ef-
forts to stop the war ari not successful.
More importantly, he says he will ac-
tively work to scuttle the anti-ballistic
missile system. For the ABM system is the
military-industrial complex's alternative
to the war in Vietnam. Its passage will
insure that federal funds are not divert-
ed to the cities.
These are brave assertions whether in
Washtenaw County or in Manhattan's
silk stocking district.
Rep. Martin Esch, Vivian's opponent is
simply'a good Republican Congressman
as far as Republican congressmen go.-
However, John Lindsay and Ogden Read
are still a far cry from Esch's brand of
ESCH voted for the omnibus crime bill
with its repugnant features supposedly
nullifying recent Supreme Court c i v i
liberties issues. He voted for the amend-
ment to the federal college loan bill which
penalizes students who participate in
demonstrations by cutting of ftheir loans.
He voted for across-the-board federal
budget slashes regardless of need.
Esch is about the best moderate Repub-
lican this district has to offer but Vivian
would by any logic be a more liberal mem-
ber of Congress.I
The election of Vivian admitted-
ly is not going to change the general con-
servative tone of Congress. He alone isn't
going to end the war. He alone isn't going
to appropriate the vast amounts of money
necessary to give the blacks both econ-
omic and political equality.
BUT Congressmen like Vivian must be
elected now if Congress is ever to be-
come an effective instrument for achiev-
ing'social change.
The election pf 47 additional Republi-
can congressmen in 1966 is part of the
reason the War on Poverty is such a
farce. But it is almost the entire reason
across-the-board slashes.in federal spend-
ing were made with the result of cutbacks
in funds for education, health and other
areas where federal assistance has been

I doubt whether Congress will ever
make the commitment to build the ne-
cessary housing, schools and community
centers needed to relieve the oppressive
central cities. But we might as well get
as much money as we can conceivably
secure for these purposes. Vivian will
work towards this goal.
The election is not a choice between the
lesser of two evils. Vivian will be a com-
passionate, committed member of Con-

.. Garskof
W,~HILE the political dispositions ofI
Bertram E. Garskof, New Politics
candidate for Congress from the Second
,District, range in their strident leftism
from pat and rhetorical to unstudiedly
nihilistic, his candidacy remains the only
one tenable in this inconsequential race.
His first opponent, Rep. Marvin Esch,
can be summarily dismissed. While he has
been one of the "better Republicans" in
the 90th Congress, Esch remains a poli-
tical individual who can only be rated
favorable when compared to his com-
To say that his stances-ranging from
a reactionary vote in favor of the liber-
ties-infringing Omnibus Crime Bill to an
eager acceptance of Richard Nixon's
"Black Capitalism" program-are hardly
panaceas is a great understatement.
SAY that voters in the Second Dis-
trict should endorse "muddle-of-the-
road" Republicanism as the only hope for
America is to say that we are in store for
more of the same meaningless moderate
Wes Vivian, the former congressman
who is running on the Democratic side
of the ballot, is harder to dismiss. While
his voting record i his one term (from
1964 to 1966) received a 100 per cent rat-
ing from Americans for Democratic Ac-
tion, and while his belated ;opposition to
any military spending in Vietnam is ap-
pealing, Vivian still personifies nuch that
is wrong with House of Representatives
VIVIAN predictates his fuinction in
Washington on a fairly accurate per-
ception of congressional policies. That is,
he sees his job as putting forward that
one vote on the liberal side of the roll
call which, in almost all cases, makes no
difference in the final tallying.
He recognizes the ineffectuality of
Congress in foreign affairs, and reluc-
tantly acknowledges the sacrosanct na-
ture of the intelligence complex in rela-
tion to its alleged congressional "watch-
dogs." He deplores the average congress-
man's voting on the basis of committee
BUT VIVIAN seems content, albeit re-
luctantly. Instead of insisting he will
do battle with the evils he sees, he says
wiretapping will continue "even if laws
say it shouldn't;" he defends H o u s e
Majority whip Carl Albert, the' man who
gaveled the "new" party forces into sub-
mission in Chicago as "not as bad as you
might think."
And what is perhaps worse, Vivian's
concept of preserving electoral majorities
reeks of cowardice and complacency. He
has judiciously refused, as a leader of
Washtenaw County Democrats, to insert
,himself into the issues and .personalities
surrounding the possibility of re-election
of Sheriff Douglas Harvey. He has pub-
licly hedged on gun-control legislation in
order to save for himself the votes of con-
-servative Democrats in Ypsilanti Twp.
ALL OF THIS merely underscores the
irrelevance of his candidacy. The
House as a whole is barely effective; even
its appropriative powers aredemeaned by
the supremacy of the committee struc-
ture. And one liberal congressman plunk-
ing his vote on the right side of an issue
is merely a symbolic salve for the left-of-
center conscience.
So what should a Congressman do? If"
nothing else, he can use the prestige of
his position at least to assert what is
right, not to bend ,to what must be ac-

New York sent a Socialist Congressman
named Vito Marcantonio to the House in
the '30's and '40's, and though he had
little or no powers on the floor, Marcan-
tonio at least spent his time in construc-
tive blasts at the way the federal govern-
ment performed. With other Congress-
men, Marcontonio was unpopular, to say
the least. But he was an internal muck-j
raler who conscientiously performed the
function of the righteous nuisance.
And this is what we should hope for
from our one man out of 435. If Wes
Vivian is afraid to do it, we must look
elsewhere. Bert Garskof, irrational as he
may often be, can at least be recognized
as one who isz iiwillinr to bucikle to con-I

foot in his mouth in a big way
Tuesday when he kissed the Dem-
ocratic Party good-bye. The Min-
nesota Senator may never get it
back out.
In endorsing the candidacy of
THubert Humphrey at the last
.minute, McCarthy savedta great
deal of face. In announcing that
he would not seek office under
the party banner again, he threw
it all away.
The McCarthy style of rhetoric
makes it impossible to really
know what his decision means.
His statement-"I will not be a
candidate of my party for re-
election to the Senate from Min-
nesota in 1970. Nor will I seek the
Presidential nomination of the
Democratic Party in 1972"-seems
to indicate that he is leaving the
party for good.
HIS REFUSAL to work within
the Democratic Party structure
virtually eliminates any hopes that
he will lead a takeover of the
party by his followers during the
next four years. He has left the
grass roots movement which ral-
lied about him before the Chicago
convention without a strong lead-
er within the party.
McCarthy promised in his state-
ment that he would work 'to
change the party processes which
led to his defeat in Chicago. In
decliningsthe party's support he
is abandoning his best chance for
doing so.
Assuming that Humphrey loses
the upcoming election, the Demo-
cratic Party is ripe for a take-over
by the McCarthy forces. The Mc-
Carthy supporters who captured
several state Democratic organ-
izations this year have a better
chance of using their present pow-
er base to win control of the na-
tional party than any other dis-
organized force.
A MASSIVE grass roots effort
could topple the established Dem-
ocratic leadership by 1972 if it
continues its work. By leaving the
party, McCarthy removes the lead-
ership which could unite this
Democratic coalition in their ef-
Apparently McCarthy has hopes
of leading a new party to victory
in the next election. With the
history of failure of third parties

of the left in this country, he is
attempting an impossible task.
If he has hopes that the Dem-
ocratic Party will dissolve after a
Humphrey loss, allowing him to
build a new force out of the re-
mains, he is sadly mistaken.
The Democratic Party, no mat-
ter what it symbolized to McCar-
thy and his supporters, is, and
will continue to be, a highly
developed political organization
The various state parties which
comprise the national party have
too great a stake in their local

backing from oil interests, George
Wallace has failed to develop an
organization capable of mobilizing
a majority of the American vote.
In fact, Wallace has not formed
anything resembling a new party.
All other third parties have floun-
dered badly for a similar lack of
To begin with, McCarthy faces
a major problem in thathe will
probably not be re-elected to the
Senate in 1970. If he holds to his
promise of not running under the
Democratic-Farmer Labor Party
banner (the Minnesota version of
the Democratic party), he stands
very little chance of winning.
have been badly split in the past
several years over a variety of
issues.The most recent of these
has been the battle between the
backers of their two favorite sons,
McCarthy and Humphrey. In an
election pitting these two forces
against each other on separate
party tickets, the winner would
undoubtedly be a Republican.
If McCarthy decides to try to
capture re-nomination within the
present party he must defeat
strong Humphrey forces, possibly
Humphrey himself. His chances
of doing this, particularly after his
statement yesterday, are very
slim, for Humphrey has strong
control of the Minnesota party.
'One other alternative exists for
re-election. McCarthy could try
the tactic used by Robert Ken-
nedy of adopting another state to
represent. Such a political ma-
neuver is so counter to American
political tradition that it is doubt-
ful that he would have any chance
of succeeding.
In the first place McCarthy
would have to find a state party
organization to back him. Sec-
ondly, he would have to convince
voters that switching states is
legitimate. Kennedy smothered a
less blatant case of, state switch-
ing with his name. McCarthy lacks
the charisma to do this.
in the Senate, McCarthy lacks
a forum to present the ideals
which he hopes to infuse into a
new party.
Outside the Senate and outside
hi's party, he is in trouble. He
lacks the organization, money and
supporters to establish a mean-
ingful force in national politics.
Any effort outside the Demo-


-Daily-Andy Sacks
Cutting his political throat

party mogul

political position to all fall apart.
If they stay together, the national
party will continue to function.
IF McCARTHY plans to develop
a new party, he will have to build
an , organization from scratch.
Such a party would have to devel-
op the resources of political power
which _the major parties already
This process is long and costly.
Even with strong support from
Southern voters and financial

cratic Party will cost McCarthy
his most valuable support. His
massive following of young peo-
ple in their political naivete may
well follow him under a new ban-
ner, but the professionals won't.
The men within the Democratic
Party power structure who did
turn to McCarthy in the past year
will be reluctant to leave their
positions. This would mean that
they were abandoning their posi-
tions of power. Very few men
would do this.
WITHOUT these men McCarthy
will lack the experience and polit-

ical resources to form a meaning-
ful third party.
Having made the decision to
work on his own, McCarthy is
going to find himself ompletely
alone. The task he seems to be
choosing for himself is too big for
one man. He would be much bet-
ter off to continue what he start-
ed, complete changeover of the
Democratic partyl from within.
After his statement of Tuesday,
he' will have to do some fancy
sidestepping to convince people
that he is willing to work within
the party. For most purposes,
Eugene MVfcCarthy has cut his
political throat.

Rescuing the cities from dehumanization

ECUMENOPOLIS, Oct. 31, 2068
-It's 4:45 p.m. and you've
just stepped into your sealed mid-
town communter tube, leaving
from Hill and South Division.
Fourteen minutes and 300 un-
derground miles later you leave
the tube and step onto the quiet,
still non-automobiled Mackinac
Island - 300 above-ground feet
from home.
So Constantinous A. Doxiados,
architect, planner, and dreamer,
describes potentials for human
transportation networks 100 years
from now in the current issue of
Science magazine.
Director of the International In-
stitute of Ekistics in Athens, he is
integrally involved in urban de-
sign and planning projects all over
the world, including a multi-mil-
lion dollar urban planning study
in Michigan.
DOXIADOS brings all the flour-
ish and excitement of a McLuhan
to his work, but he grounds his
predictions in scientific analysis.
Most importantly, though,, he
proceeds in his analysis from the
conviction that it is man for whom
we ought to be planning the urban
sprawl of the next century-a
realization which Doxiados con-
tends is all too frequently mis-
understood. He writes:
"The very term transportation
may be misleading, since our real
interest is man's movement. We
tend to forget man's natural move-
ment, based on his own forces, and
this is why we have lost the human

scale today in our cities. We do not
allow people to walk, we 'tran-
sport' them; we do not allow our
children to grow normally; we
leave ourselves no room in which
to move."
No muddle-headed anti-tech-
nological humanist is there here,
for what he proposes is a syste-
matic examination of man and his
city, attempting to identify sev-
eral quantitative measures for
studying that interaction.
city, he says, "requires the ability
to see it as a complex system"
madeup of five basic units: na-
ture, man, society (the system of
relationships between me), shells
(structures created by man), and
networks-of transportation, pow-
er, water supply, telecommunica-
tions, etc.
To get a clear understanding of
how efficient transportation net-
works are created, Doxiados posits
initial formation of cities by what
he calls men's "kinetic ekistic
fields." That is, men consolidated
non-organized walking fields into
unified, organized patterns which
had a radius of about 10 minutes.
Based on such systems of man's
walking field, Doxiados describes
the types and dimensions of cities
which have grown up historically.
The first type, dependent upon
the 10 minute walking radii, was
generally no larger than two
square kilometers with a 50,000
population. (Exceptions up to the
nineteenth century, he maintains,
were almost capital cities which

tended to disintegrate as their
respective empires faded.)
larger "B-level" cities in the last
century was marked by wide
boulevards and diagonal avenues
aimed at 'transporting people
quicker than was possible on the
old-style gridiron structure. But
even in the case of mid-nineteenth
century London, these embryonic
"retropolises" were little more
than loose systems of villages.
Add subways and elevated trains,
and people could travel even fur-
ther in that 10-minute time per-
iod. Enter the automobile, cross-
town freeways, and 69 mph intra-
city speeds, and yet another level
of urban complexity arises.
But anyone who's ever been
stuck on the Santa Monica Free-
way in Los Angeles or on New
York's Riverside Drive is painfully
aware of what the expressway ad-
vent failed to achieve: quick entry
and exit, parking space, and block-
traffic adequate to meet the in-
crease spawned by freeway usage.
ALL OF WHICH winds tis up
in the st cky traffic molasses of
5 p.m. rush hour where )ne seri-
ously begins to wonder if a single
gigantic jam on the Washington-
New York corridor might not
strangle the whole nation in the
midst of double yellow lines, car-
bon monoxide, and mercury vapor
The Doxiados solution: Start
with a new attitude which pays

attention to' "the small units of
man's living space and hs per-
sonal h um a n relationships."
Translated into the analysis of
multi-level city development, he
argues that there remain good
reasons for having some of the
simpler more "primitive" urban
organisms of the' past-walking
fields which don't include auto-
mobiles or trains.
He is, in short, attempting to
systematically incorporate that es-
sential human component into the
design of modern cities-the issue
being how to assure that real
human needs will be met in face of
the overwhelming tendency to en-
vision future transportation sys-
tems merely as technological ex-
trapolations of, the inadequate
status quo.
OUR DILEMMA is only com-
pounded with the realization that
while urban designers are strug-
gling to solve these contemporary
problems, the cities are evolving
into yet a more complex stage. "It
is not too early to worry about
this; we already have hundreds of
metropolises and about 14 mega-
lopolises, without having arrived
at any satisfactory solution of the
transportation problem," Doxiados
Doxiados offers two alternative
proposals for organizing urban
life in the future. One is based on
analogy between internal biolo-
gical speeds of transmission and
on parallel physical structures, the
hypothesis being that biological

organization points up ideal social
.drganization. A second-and . I
suspect far sounder-alternative
posits a universal city or "ecu-
menopolis" in which transporta-
tion to any point takes the same
length of time, and only the mode
of transport varies.
Regardless of the validity of
Doxiados' specific proposals,' the
important and exciting point is
that we not only can, but must
begin rationally and scientifically w
to construct alternative models for
social organization' in the future
based not in extrapolations of the
present world, but rather taking
into accountaa primary consider-
ation of what' human needs wif.
THE ANSWER is not blindly to
build bigger and better freeways
with ever expanding lanes, but to
find oqt where people want to go,
what goods they need brought to
them, what environments they
prefer to live in, and then to go
about creating transportation-or
communication of power or water
supply-networks which will serv-
ice those needs.
And that is-or at least it ought
to be-the charge of the Univer-
sity in 1968. As Doxiados told a
national meeting of educators re-
cently, "We can understand and
plan now for the city of the future
-we can affect the quality of life
in them, humanize them. We must
organize them around and out of
the universities, but we 'have to
start now in order to have an ef-
fect 20 years from now." t

LBehind the split in SDS

To the Editor:
in Wednesday's Daily of the
split in SDS was grossly inaccu-
rate. Granted, the issue of "con-
trolling our lives" isforemost in
our minds, but this issue was not
the basis of the split. Individuals
with a control over the Voice
bureaucracy were alienating young
people and were insensitive to
their politicalnviews and their
levels of discontent.
The crux of the , issue, rather,
concerned new forms of organ-
izing and communicating with
large numbers of frustrated stu-
c'ents in a personal way.
We do not feel that tightly
structured, inefficientaand irre-
levant meetings or impersonal
broad-based petitions were the
mens o'~ f Petting voun- neon1e Der-

hearts of the old leaders so that
vital programs could be initiated
without a split. Especially after
talking to freshmen, we felt that
students on campus had a realistic
enough sense of a malaise to un-
de. stand and want to confront
power where it lives rather than
isolate themselves with university
reformist type issues. Unfortunate-
ly, the old SDS leaders felt th-m-
sc v s in the midst of a "power
strug le" and hysterically e 'used
to look at the issues or at the stu-
dents. Anyone who knows Roth-
berger personally knows that he
was F'mong the loudest in the.
t' u,1 : .,d heck n- .
Th y 4U11Ie .OL :G:.-0,
and as e now engaged in filling
their petitions. That's fine. We
support their work but in the
meantime we are engaged in cam-

positions on issues and actions
rather than create and develop
them and thereby grow together
OUR MEETINGS in fact il-
lust:.ate the positive power of con-
sensus. As a iesult of our rapping
in dorms, groups, of.students have
Pided in the decision-making.
kci" committees mpesnt to the
e k'y n et ^cr hei: wo~k and the
= esu s they have obtained. The
committees are well attended and
good substantive work is coming
out o" them. Their decisions are
t' r e collect-
The ac. vi ;y thus far has been
intense, vital, and inc.edibly ex-
citing, and we s e it continuing
th~s %7 ay after th"r st- k- and into

'WM" -K'7<Z.4rc- i

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