,Tv Airmian R *, Seventy-eight years of editorial freedom Edited and managed by students of the University of Michigan under authority of Board in Control of Student Publications It's too early to leave the party, Gene 420 Maynard St., Ann Arbor, Mich. News Phone: 764-0552 Editorials printed in The Michigan Doily exp ress the individual opinions of staff writers or the editors. This must be noted in all reprints. THURSDAY, OCTOBER 31, 1968 NIGHT EDITOR: STEVE NISSEN For Congress . . . ...Vivian IN CONSIDERING the candidacy of Weston Vivian for Congress, the rele- vant question to ask is: just what is wrong with him? I find the question difficult to answer. For Vivian was an excellent member of Congress two years ago with a 100 per cent Americans for Democratic Action voting record. He did the most a freshman legislator can do in a body which is seem- ingly rigged against men with fresh ideas and creative programs. He lost two years ago in the Romney l anh d s l i d e by only 4000 votes. This Wasn't a total defeat. For apparently his campaigning had convinced a good num- ber of Republicans in this normally con- servative district that his approach to the problems of the cities (adequately financ- ed programs with the widest possible com- munity control) was the right approach. - A conservative district suddenly had be- come a marginal district. This can be attributed to a number of factors but primarily to the fact that Vivian had ful- filled his role as an educator, attempting to change the attitudes of his conserva- tive constituents. ALTHOUGH Vivian is subject to criti- cism forhis lukewarm stand on the Vietnam War two years ago, he is now so frustrated by that seemingly endless con- flict that he will vote against all military appropriations if the adrinistration's ef- forts to stop the war ari not successful. More importantly, he says he will ac- tively work to scuttle the anti-ballistic missile system. For the ABM system is the military-industrial complex's alternative to the war in Vietnam. Its passage will insure that federal funds are not divert- ed to the cities. These are brave assertions whether in Washtenaw County or in Manhattan's silk stocking district. Rep. Martin Esch, Vivian's opponent is simply'a good Republican Congressman as far as Republican congressmen go.- However, John Lindsay and Ogden Read are still a far cry from Esch's brand of Republicanism. ESCH voted for the omnibus crime bill with its repugnant features supposedly nullifying recent Supreme Court c i v i liberties issues. He voted for the amend- ment to the federal college loan bill which penalizes students who participate in demonstrations by cutting of ftheir loans. He voted for across-the-board federal budget slashes regardless of need. Esch is about the best moderate Repub- lican this district has to offer but Vivian would by any logic be a more liberal mem- ber of Congress.I The election of Vivian admitted- ly is not going to change the general con- servative tone of Congress. He alone isn't going to end the war. He alone isn't going to appropriate the vast amounts of money necessary to give the blacks both econ- omic and political equality. BUT Congressmen like Vivian must be elected now if Congress is ever to be- come an effective instrument for achiev- ing'social change. The election pf 47 additional Republi- can congressmen in 1966 is part of the reason the War on Poverty is such a farce. But it is almost the entire reason across-the-board slashes.in federal spend- ing were made with the result of cutbacks in funds for education, health and other areas where federal assistance has been meaningful. I doubt whether Congress will ever make the commitment to build the ne- cessary housing, schools and community centers needed to relieve the oppressive central cities. But we might as well get as much money as we can conceivably secure for these purposes. Vivian will work towards this goal. The election is not a choice between the lesser of two evils. Vivian will be a com- passionate, committed member of Con- gress. -MARK LEVIN Editor. .. Garskof W,~HILE the political dispositions ofI Bertram E. Garskof, New Politics candidate for Congress from the Second ,District, range in their strident leftism from pat and rhetorical to unstudiedly nihilistic, his candidacy remains the only one tenable in this inconsequential race. His first opponent, Rep. Marvin Esch, can be summarily dismissed. While he has been one of the "better Republicans" in the 90th Congress, Esch remains a poli- tical individual who can only be rated favorable when compared to his com- patriots. To say that his stances-ranging from a reactionary vote in favor of the liber- ties-infringing Omnibus Crime Bill to an eager acceptance of Richard Nixon's "Black Capitalism" program-are hardly panaceas is a great understatement. SAY that voters in the Second Dis- trict should endorse "muddle-of-the- road" Republicanism as the only hope for America is to say that we are in store for more of the same meaningless moderate reformism. Wes Vivian, the former congressman who is running on the Democratic side of the ballot, is harder to dismiss. While his voting record i his one term (from 1964 to 1966) received a 100 per cent rat- ing from Americans for Democratic Ac- tion, and while his belated ;opposition to any military spending in Vietnam is ap- pealing, Vivian still personifies nuch that is wrong with House of Representatives liberalism. VIVIAN predictates his fuinction in Washington on a fairly accurate per- ception of congressional policies. That is, he sees his job as putting forward that one vote on the liberal side of the roll call which, in almost all cases, makes no difference in the final tallying. He recognizes the ineffectuality of Congress in foreign affairs, and reluc- tantly acknowledges the sacrosanct na- ture of the intelligence complex in rela- tion to its alleged congressional "watch- dogs." He deplores the average congress- man's voting on the basis of committee recommendations BUT VIVIAN seems content, albeit re- luctantly. Instead of insisting he will do battle with the evils he sees, he says wiretapping will continue "even if laws say it shouldn't;" he defends H o u s e Majority whip Carl Albert, the' man who gaveled the "new" party forces into sub- mission in Chicago as "not as bad as you might think." And what is perhaps worse, Vivian's concept of preserving electoral majorities reeks of cowardice and complacency. He has judiciously refused, as a leader of Washtenaw County Democrats, to insert ,himself into the issues and .personalities surrounding the possibility of re-election of Sheriff Douglas Harvey. He has pub- licly hedged on gun-control legislation in order to save for himself the votes of con- -servative Democrats in Ypsilanti Twp. ALL OF THIS merely underscores the irrelevance of his candidacy. The House as a whole is barely effective; even its appropriative powers aredemeaned by the supremacy of the committee struc- ture. And one liberal congressman plunk- ing his vote on the right side of an issue is merely a symbolic salve for the left-of- center conscience. So what should a Congressman do? If" nothing else, he can use the prestige of his position at least to assert what is right, not to bend ,to what must be ac- cepted. New York sent a Socialist Congressman named Vito Marcantonio to the House in the '30's and '40's, and though he had little or no powers on the floor, Marcan- tonio at least spent his time in construc- tive blasts at the way the federal govern- ment performed. With other Congress- men, Marcontonio was unpopular, to say the least. But he was an internal muck-j raler who conscientiously performed the function of the righteous nuisance. And this is what we should hope for from our one man out of 435. If Wes Vivian is afraid to do it, we must look elsewhere. Bert Garskof, irrational as he may often be, can at least be recognized as one who isz iiwillinr to bucikle to con-I By ROB BEATTIE and, RICHARD WINTER E UGENE McCARTHY put his foot in his mouth in a big way Tuesday when he kissed the Dem- ocratic Party good-bye. The Min- nesota Senator may never get it back out. In endorsing the candidacy of THubert Humphrey at the last .minute, McCarthy savedta great deal of face. In announcing that he would not seek office under the party banner again, he threw it all away. The McCarthy style of rhetoric makes it impossible to really know what his decision means. His statement-"I will not be a candidate of my party for re- election to the Senate from Min- nesota in 1970. Nor will I seek the Presidential nomination of the Democratic Party in 1972"-seems to indicate that he is leaving the party for good. HIS REFUSAL to work within the Democratic Party structure virtually eliminates any hopes that he will lead a takeover of the party by his followers during the next four years. He has left the grass roots movement which ral- lied about him before the Chicago convention without a strong lead- er within the party. McCarthy promised in his state- ment that he would work 'to change the party processes which led to his defeat in Chicago. In decliningsthe party's support he is abandoning his best chance for doing so. Assuming that Humphrey loses the upcoming election, the Demo- cratic Party is ripe for a take-over by the McCarthy forces. The Mc- Carthy supporters who captured several state Democratic organ- izations this year have a better chance of using their present pow- er base to win control of the na- tional party than any other dis- organized force. A MASSIVE grass roots effort could topple the established Dem- ocratic leadership by 1972 if it continues its work. By leaving the party, McCarthy removes the lead- ership which could unite this Democratic coalition in their ef- fort. Apparently McCarthy has hopes of leading a new party to victory in the next election. With the history of failure of third parties of the left in this country, he is attempting an impossible task. If he has hopes that the Dem- ocratic Party will dissolve after a Humphrey loss, allowing him to build a new force out of the re- mains, he is sadly mistaken. The Democratic Party, no mat- ter what it symbolized to McCar- thy and his supporters, is, and will continue to be, a highly developed political organization The various state parties which comprise the national party have too great a stake in their local backing from oil interests, George Wallace has failed to develop an organization capable of mobilizing a majority of the American vote. In fact, Wallace has not formed anything resembling a new party. All other third parties have floun- dered badly for a similar lack of organization. To begin with, McCarthy faces a major problem in thathe will probably not be re-elected to the Senate in 1970. If he holds to his promise of not running under the Democratic-Farmer Labor Party banner (the Minnesota version of the Democratic party), he stands very little chance of winning. THE MINNESOTA Democrats have been badly split in the past several years over a variety of issues.The most recent of these has been the battle between the backers of their two favorite sons, McCarthy and Humphrey. In an election pitting these two forces against each other on separate party tickets, the winner would undoubtedly be a Republican. If McCarthy decides to try to capture re-nomination within the present party he must defeat strong Humphrey forces, possibly Humphrey himself. His chances of doing this, particularly after his statement yesterday, are very slim, for Humphrey has strong control of the Minnesota party. 'One other alternative exists for re-election. McCarthy could try the tactic used by Robert Ken- nedy of adopting another state to represent. Such a political ma- neuver is so counter to American political tradition that it is doubt- ful that he would have any chance of succeeding. In the first place McCarthy would have to find a state party organization to back him. Sec- ondly, he would have to convince voters that switching states is legitimate. Kennedy smothered a less blatant case of, state switch- ing with his name. McCarthy lacks the charisma to do this. WITHOUT THE BASE of a seat in the Senate, McCarthy lacks a forum to present the ideals which he hopes to infuse into a new party. Outside the Senate and outside hi's party, he is in trouble. He lacks the organization, money and supporters to establish a mean- ingful force in national politics. Any effort outside the Demo- S -Daily-Andy Sacks Cutting his political throat Minnesota party mogul political position to all fall apart. If they stay together, the national party will continue to function. IF McCARTHY plans to develop a new party, he will have to build an , organization from scratch. Such a party would have to devel- op the resources of political power which _the major parties already have. This process is long and costly. Even with strong support from Southern voters and financial cratic Party will cost McCarthy his most valuable support. His massive following of young peo- ple in their political naivete may well follow him under a new ban- ner, but the professionals won't. The men within the Democratic Party power structure who did turn to McCarthy in the past year will be reluctant to leave their positions. This would mean that they were abandoning their posi- tions of power. Very few men would do this. WITHOUT these men McCarthy will lack the experience and polit- ical resources to form a meaning- ful third party. Having made the decision to work on his own, McCarthy is going to find himself ompletely alone. The task he seems to be choosing for himself is too big for one man. He would be much bet- ter off to continue what he start- ed, complete changeover of the Democratic partyl from within. After his statement of Tuesday, he' will have to do some fancy sidestepping to convince people that he is willing to work within the party. For most purposes, Eugene MVfcCarthy has cut his political throat. Rescuing the cities from dehumanization By FR}ANK BROWNING, ECUMENOPOLIS, Oct. 31, 2068 -It's 4:45 p.m. and you've just stepped into your sealed mid- town communter tube, leaving from Hill and South Division. Fourteen minutes and 300 un- derground miles later you leave the tube and step onto the quiet, still non-automobiled Mackinac Island - 300 above-ground feet from home. So Constantinous A. Doxiados, architect, planner, and dreamer, describes potentials for human transportation networks 100 years from now in the current issue of Science magazine. Director of the International In- stitute of Ekistics in Athens, he is integrally involved in urban de- sign and planning projects all over the world, including a multi-mil- lion dollar urban planning study in Michigan. DOXIADOS brings all the flour- ish and excitement of a McLuhan to his work, but he grounds his predictions in scientific analysis. Most importantly, though,, he proceeds in his analysis from the conviction that it is man for whom we ought to be planning the urban sprawl of the next century-a realization which Doxiados con- tends is all too frequently mis- understood. He writes: "The very term transportation may be misleading, since our real interest is man's movement. We tend to forget man's natural move- ment, based on his own forces, and this is why we have lost the human scale today in our cities. We do not allow people to walk, we 'tran- sport' them; we do not allow our children to grow normally; we leave ourselves no room in which to move." No muddle-headed anti-tech- nological humanist is there here, for what he proposes is a syste- matic examination of man and his city, attempting to identify sev- eral quantitative measures for studying that interaction. AN UNDERSTANDING, of the city, he says, "requires the ability to see it as a complex system" madeup of five basic units: na- ture, man, society (the system of relationships between me), shells (structures created by man), and networks-of transportation, pow- er, water supply, telecommunica- tions, etc. To get a clear understanding of how efficient transportation net- works are created, Doxiados posits initial formation of cities by what he calls men's "kinetic ekistic fields." That is, men consolidated non-organized walking fields into unified, organized patterns which had a radius of about 10 minutes. Based on such systems of man's walking field, Doxiados describes the types and dimensions of cities which have grown up historically. The first type, dependent upon the 10 minute walking radii, was generally no larger than two square kilometers with a 50,000 population. (Exceptions up to the nineteenth century, he maintains, were almost capital cities which tended to disintegrate as their respective empires faded.) THE EMERGENCE of these larger "B-level" cities in the last century was marked by wide boulevards and diagonal avenues aimed at 'transporting people quicker than was possible on the old-style gridiron structure. But even in the case of mid-nineteenth century London, these embryonic "retropolises" were little more than loose systems of villages. Add subways and elevated trains, and people could travel even fur- ther in that 10-minute time per- iod. Enter the automobile, cross- town freeways, and 69 mph intra- city speeds, and yet another level of urban complexity arises. But anyone who's ever been stuck on the Santa Monica Free- way in Los Angeles or on New York's Riverside Drive is painfully aware of what the expressway ad- vent failed to achieve: quick entry and exit, parking space, and block- traffic adequate to meet the in- crease spawned by freeway usage. ALL OF WHICH winds tis up in the st cky traffic molasses of 5 p.m. rush hour where )ne seri- ously begins to wonder if a single gigantic jam on the Washington- New York corridor might not strangle the whole nation in the midst of double yellow lines, car- bon monoxide, and mercury vapor lamps. The Doxiados solution: Start with a new attitude which pays attention to' "the small units of man's living space and hs per- sonal h um a n relationships." Translated into the analysis of multi-level city development, he argues that there remain good reasons for having some of the simpler more "primitive" urban organisms of the' past-walking fields which don't include auto- mobiles or trains. He is, in short, attempting to systematically incorporate that es- sential human component into the design of modern cities-the issue being how to assure that real human needs will be met in face of the overwhelming tendency to en- vision future transportation sys- tems merely as technological ex- trapolations of, the inadequate status quo. OUR DILEMMA is only com- pounded with the realization that while urban designers are strug- gling to solve these contemporary problems, the cities are evolving into yet a more complex stage. "It is not too early to worry about this; we already have hundreds of metropolises and about 14 mega- lopolises, without having arrived at any satisfactory solution of the transportation problem," Doxiados writes. Doxiados offers two alternative proposals for organizing urban life in the future. One is based on analogy between internal biolo- gical speeds of transmission and on parallel physical structures, the hypothesis being that biological organization points up ideal social .drganization. A second-and . I suspect far sounder-alternative posits a universal city or "ecu- menopolis" in which transporta- tion to any point takes the same length of time, and only the mode of transport varies. Regardless of the validity of Doxiados' specific proposals,' the important and exciting point is that we not only can, but must begin rationally and scientifically w to construct alternative models for social organization' in the future based not in extrapolations of the present world, but rather taking into accountaa primary consider- ation of what' human needs wif. be. THE ANSWER is not blindly to build bigger and better freeways with ever expanding lanes, but to find oqt where people want to go, what goods they need brought to them, what environments they prefer to live in, and then to go about creating transportation-or communication of power or water supply-networks which will serv- ice those needs. And that is-or at least it ought to be-the charge of the Univer- sity in 1968. As Doxiados told a national meeting of educators re- cently, "We can understand and plan now for the city of the future -we can affect the quality of life in them, humanize them. We must organize them around and out of the universities, but we 'have to start now in order to have an ef- fect 20 years from now." t LBehind the split in SDS To the Editor: G ARY ROTHBERGER'S account in Wednesday's Daily of the split in SDS was grossly inaccu- rate. Granted, the issue of "con- trolling our lives" isforemost in our minds, but this issue was not the basis of the split. Individuals with a control over the Voice bureaucracy were alienating young people and were insensitive to their politicalnviews and their levels of discontent. The crux of the , issue, rather, concerned new forms of organ- izing and communicating with large numbers of frustrated stu- c'ents in a personal way. We do not feel that tightly structured, inefficientaand irre- levant meetings or impersonal broad-based petitions were the mens o'~ f Petting voun- neon1e Der- hearts of the old leaders so that vital programs could be initiated without a split. Especially after talking to freshmen, we felt that students on campus had a realistic enough sense of a malaise to un- de. stand and want to confront power where it lives rather than isolate themselves with university reformist type issues. Unfortunate- ly, the old SDS leaders felt th-m- sc v s in the midst of a "power strug le" and hysterically e 'used to look at the issues or at the stu- dents. Anyone who knows Roth- berger personally knows that he was F'mong the loudest in the. t' u,1 : .,d heck n- . Th y 4U11Ie .OL :G:.-0, and as e now engaged in filling their petitions. That's fine. We support their work but in the meantime we are engaged in cam- positions on issues and actions rather than create and develop them and thereby grow together collectively. OUR MEETINGS in fact il- lust:.ate the positive power of con- sensus. As a iesult of our rapping in dorms, groups, of.students have Pided in the decision-making. kci" committees mpesnt to the e k'y n et ^cr hei: wo~k and the = esu s they have obtained. The committees are well attended and good substantive work is coming out o" them. Their decisions are t' r e collect- The ac. vi ;y thus far has been intense, vital, and inc.edibly ex- citing, and we s e it continuing th~s %7 ay after th"r st- k- and into 'WM" -K'7