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October 25, 1968 - Image 4

Resource type:
The Michigan Daily, 1968-10-25

Disclaimer: Computer generated plain text may have errors. Read more about this.

Ell Et tigan 43tl
Seventy-eight years of editorial freedom
Edited and managed by students of the University of Michigan
under authority of Board in Control of Student Publications

Do Not Bend, Fold or Debate This Candidate

420 Maynard St., Ann Arbor, Mich.

News Phone: 764-0552

Editorials printed in The Michigan Daily exp ress the individual opinions of staff writers
or the editors. This must be noted in all reprints.



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Doves coming
home to roost

IT'S BEEN a depressing autumn for
those anti-Humphrey diehards within
the Democratic Party. And as election
day approaches the pathos of their posi-
tion grows more and more apparent.
One is certain that Hubert Humphrey's
cigar - chomping advisors assured him
during the shambles of a Democratic Con-
ventiop last August in tones something
like these:
LeMav at Yale
TRADITIONALLY, it has been God and
Man at Yale. Wednesday it was God
and Curtis LeMay.
Bringing the Wallace crusade to the
"pseudo-intellectuals" in New Haven,
LeMay said during a question and answer
session that he favored legalized abor-
tions. LeMay defended this politically
unorthodox position by claiming, "I'm as
religious a man, as most."
The general elaborated by saying that
although he was not a man who insisted
on church attendance every Sunday, pi-
lots like himself often felt closer to God
than most other people.
Speaking before the school of forestry
LeMay lashed out at "the ecological rape
of mother nature" and promised a war to
the finish against \the destroyers of the
nation's natural resources.
in his. audience by sounding like a
Sierra Club position paper, LeMay unfor-
tunately let his Neanderthal foreign
policy views interfere with ;his vision of
an ecologically sound society.
Fi'rst 'LeMay explained his concern with
the purity of our environment was based
on a conviction that pollution and misuse
of resources are "going to kill us more
surely than any atomic bomb.".
Then in response to a :question from
the audience, LeMay contended that he
could not see that much ecological dam-
age had been done by the bombing and'
the defoliation in Vietnam.
Nonetheless, it is surprising that the
bombadier of' Wallace's irresponsible
flight across our political landscape
should forthrightly take highly com-
mendable positions on these two major
issues seemingly beneath the attention of
those responsible candidates of our two
fine major parties.
Second class postage paid at Ann Arbor. Mirhigan,
420 Maynard .St., Ann Arbor, Michigan. 48104.
Daily except Monday during regular academic school
Daily except Sunday and Monday during regular
summer session.
The Daily is a member of the Associated Press and
Collegiate Press Service.

"Don't worry, Hubert, just wait untilI
late October when those anti-war typesI
begin to really think about Richard Nixon
in the White House. You wouldn't have to
do a thing, they'll all come crawling
Apparently following this reassuring
advice to the letter, the Vice President
has done almost nothing to conciliate the
McCarthy and the McGovern forces since
the Convention.
While the blood was still flowing on the
streets of Chicago, the Democratic nomi-
nee said with boyish innocence that he
didn't see why anyone was upset with,
Mayor Daley.
Humphrey's major policy address on
Vietnam turned out to be merely a weary
reshuffling of Lyndon Johnson's old
oratory about conditions for a bombing
halt and signals from Hanoi.
BUT WITHOUT a signal from Hubert,
the peace legions are steadily rejoin-
ing the fold.
For instance, speculation is now rife
that Sen. Eugene McCarthy, the leading
hold-out, will announce a few days before
the election that he prefers Hubert Hum-
phrey to either his major opponents.
To be frank, one has long suspected
that practical politics would surmount
personal conviction and McCarthy would
breakdown and backhandedly endorse the
Vice President.
Watching all the doves coming home to
roost on the Vice President's blood-stain-
ed banners, it's easy to understand why
Humphrey's advisors were so confident
that time and the spectre of Richard Nix-
on would heal the bitter wounds of Chi-
AND YOU CAN be sure that these Demo-
cratic politicians understand the long
range implications of the pious anti-war
f o r c e s embracing Hubert Humphrey
while men still senselessly die in Vietnam.
For if these dissenters will crawl back
to Humphrey, they can be forever counted
on to back whatever mediocrity the Party
No comm ent a
THE SEARCH for a j u s t and durable
peace has been the key stone of Hu-
bert Humphrey's whole record in public
life. Truly it could be said that his slo-
gan is 'Make Peace, not War'."

anTrbue ynicteTh~ e Sypr
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t "n Gos. szEN t s " tt sac tfiil 6 .

Letters Why Mrs. Newell stalled

Choosing Sodom
or GomoTrrah
LAST WEEK'S Alfred E. Smith dinner suggested that Francis Car-
dinal Spellman has left Archbishop Terence Cooke with an em-
barrassment of riches.
In 1960, Sen. John F. Kennedy and Vice President Richard Nixon
established the tradition that both major party candidates would come
to raise their words if not their thoughts above partisan quarrel at the
Cardinal's table; President Johnson may have established the tradition
that the President of the United States joins them at the Archbishop's
table too.
THE RESULTANT FEAST is altogether too much, being rather
like a Saints and Sinners lunch where the saints look inattentively down
and the sinners wriggle through streams of self-consciousness.
The Alfred E. Smith. dinner has become then an occasion for
paddock inspection of the horses, with, in this case, not quite enough
faith in Mr. Nixon, not enough hope for Mr. Humphrey, and much too
little charity for either.
I confess that the choice in this election seems to me a little too
much like a discussion of whether one would rather live in Sodom or
in Gomorrah. Still there is a residential affection for b'oth Nixon and
Humphrey which made it Vem rather cruel to be sitting there and
noticing how, in each's embarrassment, each had acted according to
his habit.
Mr. Nixon said that the Cardinal
would have looked down upon this
scene with the twinkle in his eye
which captured us all. Think, he
went on, of three men who served
as Vice Presidents of the United
States all sitting at the same table
together, and then collapsed in
chortles, as though he were not
describing an experience horrid
enough to have left visible scars
on all three. Mr. Johnson, he went
on, was the hardest-working Pres-
ident we had ever had, a President
devoted to peace, deeply concerned
with the lives of all our young
THE GENERAL judgment was
that he had gotten away 'with it.
Mr. Humphrey rose, borrowed a
few spent embers from the live coals of Sen. Kennedy's performance
on the same scene in 1960 and then could not stop, going on and on
in quotations of himself.
And Mr. Nixon looked at him the way a coach looks at the game
films of next week's opponent. One felt, so awfully, the concentration
of two men looking at one another with intense and nervous calculation
while no one else in the country was looking at either.
Mr. Humphrey finished; Mr. Nixon put his watch in his pocket and
stood up and applauded. He had been timing Mr. Humphrey; who but
Mr. Nixon cares to measure how much too long Mr. Humphrey goes on?
THE PRESIDENT was stronger than either, now bullyng both a
little, Mr. Nixon more, lifting self-pity to something like dignity, ending,
quite touchingly, with a coda about how, whatever the last eight
years have done, they have made Americans care about "the poor, the
black, and the deprived."
He seemed to be saying, as the first sergeants used to say to the
new troops, that they would see worse than he before they would see
better. And you could believe it with the vista of that dais; as against
whoever will take his place, Mr. Johnson: seems to convey immense
authority, even if it is the authority of failure.
James A. Farley also delivered a long and affecting reniiniscence
about Alfred E. Smith, cut short in order to get the President on before
midnight. His memories of the past seemed much pleasanter than the
anticipations suggested by these men of the future.
IF THERE HAD BEEN no speaker except Mr. Farley, one decided
that the archdiocese would have left us happier; its dinner, although
less noticeable, might be more comfortable as an occasion of family
memory rather than as a ceremony informed by the ill-concealed des-
peration of one candidate who is afraid that he is going to lose and
another who is afraid he is going to win.
As for the English of this cereiony, boW Mr. Nixon and Mr.
Humphrey are in that exhausted condition where the performance of
neither argues persuasively agaisnt these traditionalists who insist that
the Church erred when it decided not to confine liturgy to Latin.
(c) The New York Post

To the Editor:
HAVE today turned over to
Student Government Council a
voucher for expenses in connection
with the establishment of an SGC,
Inc. lam anxious that my reasons
for the past delay and the con-
ditions of final approval be per-
fectly clear.,
The idea of incorporation is not
being' opposed by the University
administration. As a matter of
fact, legal assistance was provided
by the University to SGC in the
drawing of incorporation papers.
The Regents, however, did ex-
press at their April meeting what
they called "a strongly adverse re-
action" to some elements of incor-
poration. Of particular concern
was the use of University-collected
funds in the operation of an in-
dependent corporation.
IN APPROVING the voucher
for expenses in connection with
the establishment of SGC, Inc., I
have made it clear to SGC that I
cannot approve transfers of Uni-
versity funds to the corporation
unless the corporation is prepared
to handle those funds within the
same framework of budgetary con-
trols which apply to all units of
the University, or unless the Re-
gents direct a change of proce-
The budgetary controls of the
University spring from the Mich-
igan Constitution, not from a Re-
gents' bylaw, as your editorial yes-
terday suggests. The Constitution
requires the Regents to exercise
"control and direction of all ex-
penditures" of University funds.
This office is responsible for audit
and review of expenditures of Stu-
dent Government Council.
It is quite true that SGC funds
come from student fees. It also is

true that, according to the Con-
stitution, these are University
funds, no less than legislative ap-,
propriations, and consequently
must be controlled. by the Regents
or by officers acting, for the Re-
gents. SGC apparently is question-
ing this obligation.
IN DELAYING delivery of the
voucher for expenses in, connection
with establishing SGC, Inc., this
office was not passing on the
merits of incorporation itself.
The delay, rather, was to ascer-
tain the accessibility of University
funds for 0SGC, Inc. I believe the
isue of the autonomy or control
of state funds used by SGC or
SGC, Inc., is now clear.
I appeared before my SACUA
advisory committee on student re-
lations to definiate the problem,
and' I have offered SGC my full
cooperation in presenting its views,
ideas, and proposals to the Re-
-Barbara W. Newell
Acting Vice President
Office of Student Affairs
Oct. 24
To the Editor:
II AM gratified by the extensive
a n d flattering report on my
candidacy for the County Board
of Supervisors in yesterday's fea-
ture article. But I would like to
clarify some quoted remarks as-
cribed to me.
I have not charged the sheriff's
department with "corruption;" I
have said that its policies a n d
practices should be carefully sup-
ervised by the Board.
I have not s a i d "the county
should take greater command of
issues affecting the city;" I do

advocate county coordination of
the planning, water, and sewage
policies of cities and townships.
I have not spoken at all on the
matter of "individual city zoning
and inspection," as this subject ;s
not within the purview of t h e
County Board of Supervisors.
-Marjorie C. Brazer
Oct. 24 t
Political Olympics
To the Editor:
REGARDING the editorial in
Saturday's Daily by Howard
Kohn and Doug Heller, if the
Olympics are to become a political
forum perhaps the IOC should en-
courage medal winners to display
posters. I suggest for a track win-
ner, "Humphrey runs like a
champ," or for a Czech medalist,
"How do you like that, Kosygin?"
It seems a shame to waste the
propaganda opportunities of this
great show by leaving it merely a
contest among the greatest ath-
letees of the world.
-Prof. Richard J. Porter,
of the Zoology department
Oct. 21
To the Editor:
PROF. STYAN is quite mistaken
in regarding the English sur-,
vey course as "spoon feeding." I
found that thecourse presents lit-
erature in a way that is more un-
ified and structured than usual. I
am glad that I had the opportuni-
ty to take it. It remains fresh in
my mind and is still continuously
useful. More "engaging" and "in-
tensive" classes, including Mr.
Styan's, have been of Secondary,
-Harold D. Hartley, '64
Oct. 18




-Pamphlet -distributed by
Washtenaw County Humph-
rey for President Committee

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Victors after the


EDITOR'S NOTE: The author, a
senior majoring in Russian studies,
spent the past year studying at the
Institut d'Etudes Politiques-Mit-
terand'si almaa mater-in Paris.
Daily Guest Writer.
now the elections. No won-
der the American people have
totally forgotten the convulsions
of Paris in the springtime.
Fortunately the visit to cam-
pus t h i s Sunday of Francois
Mitterand, until recently the
leader of the anti-Gaullist Fed-
eration of the Left, may serve,
to remind us of the implications
of the French experience. '
However, the pervasive mis-
conceptions held by Americans
regarding French politics seem
to be symbolized, in the almost
comic billing of Mitterand as
"the next President of France."
FOR A "MODERATE radical"
or a "radical liberal," a. lost rev-
olution in France inspires mixed
reactions of relief and bitter-
ness. Relief, because I really
couldn't see all those students
and workers running a country
and bitterness, because maybe
I could.
The strange admixture of eu
phoric spontaneity, picayune
ideological debate, complicated
reformist constructions a n d
sharp political infighting is still
after four months back from
Paris, hard to understand, let
alone evaluate.

hind the barricades, singing the
Internationale, chanting the lat-
est revolutionary slogans, call-
ing the Communists "Stalinist
creeps" - all this seemed like
the birth pangs of a new society.
ways constructed systems, con-
trols, tightly administered un-
its. And ' the French have also
always griped, dreamed of a
"factory without bosses, a so-
ciety without exploitation and a
nation without a state."

Perhaps that is all there is to
it -+ the French have to vent
their anarchistic impulses once
a generation so they can then
have the "courage'" to contend
with authoritarian bureaucra-
cies, rigid educational struc-
tures, and the eight to f i v e
That's ; what the American
press a n d paradoxically their
arch-enemy General de Gaulle
believe and would have us be-
lieve. They would also have us
accept that all would have been

well in France - and the world
for that matter - if the trouble-
makers (who, alas, must be al-
lowed to speak in our liberal
democracies) didn't meddle with
politics and society.,
events of last May seems to have
been highly popular h e r e i n
America. According to the news
media, "Danny the Red" start-
ed the whole thing and then a
bunch of radicals moved in and
stirred up the basically apa-
thetic, career and sex oriented
French students.
Then, according to the preva-
lent mythology, the workers put
down their drill presses and
stopped driving t h e i r garbage
trucks because they wanted both
more money and relief from the
monotony of their menial jobs.
After that, the mysterious so-
ciological force known as a
"mass movement" took over.
The American press also pro-
vided a beautifully exotic view
of the student demonstrations.
They depicted students wildly
tearing up paving stones to build
barricades or tossing them at
black rain - coated, helmeted,
French police. When the paving
stone supply was exhausted, the
students then began. cutting
down trees and overturning Re.-
The residual effects of this
coverage has neatly conditioned
America to dismiss the whole

voted against Mitterand instead.
For no one in France represents
the "old politics" m o r e than
Francois Mitterand.
An alumnus of the "right
schools," veteran of both Vichy
collaboration and the Resis-
tance, a prominent wheeler-
dealer in murky Fourth Repub-
lic politics, Mitterand has con-
sistently put his own ambitions
over ideals and programs. In an
American context, we might see
him as combining the worst
qualities of Richard Nixon and
Hubert Humphrey.
In May, Mitterand played a
predictable role. He started by
using the student unrest to crit-
icize Gaullism. T h e n, as the
crisis grew more serious, he tried
to out-maneuver the Commun-
ists (who were frantically call-
ing for a combined Federation
of the Left and Communist pro-
gram) so that he alone could
take over the vacated Gaullist
The problem was that his op-
ponent was still De Gaulle, an
infinitely more experienced ma-
neuverer, who managed to ride
his "certain idea of France" to
overwhelming victory.
The "Old Politics" with a few
added slogans and much more
rightist power base has trium-
phed in France. It would be un-
fair to De Gaulle not to note his
good intentions. He believes in
his reforms and is trying to push
them through.
De Gaulle's profound educa-


France, Giscard d'Estaing and
Waldeck Rochet had with the
events of May was that the re-
sulting elections .have changed
their political fortunes. To use
a F r e n c h student slogan:
"Bourgeois, vous n'avez pas
compris!' (Bourgeois, you have-
n't understood!)
One certainly cannot expect
t. n1r3 nnl+itiri +- o mnati7.Ps

caught up by the spirit, of in-
numerable historical precedents
started living their revolution.
For a month, they went to a
"restructured University." The
law school published a two
hundred page critique of t h e
previous system of legal educa-
tion. The political science school
created their own mini-Nation-
ai Asembl. comnltp with nar-

that/ the "revolution" offered no
really workable alternative to
the previous system. Street bat-
tles are very effective in mo-
bilizing people, but they cannot
overthrow a modern industrial
society. Incapable of accom-
plishing their revolution, the
strikers (which included one-
fifth of the population of

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