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October 11, 1968 - Image 4

Resource type:
Text
Publication:
The Michigan Daily, 1968-10-11

Disclaimer: Computer generated plain text may have errors. Read more about this.

Seventy-eight years of editorial freedom
Edited and managed by students of the University of Michigan
under authority of Board in Control of Student Publications

"I'd rather not answer any of those questions... 0I1't
want to upset the elections going on in the United States!"

JAMES WECHSLER-

Ed

Muskie,

-d St., Ann Arbor, Mich.

News Phone: 764-0552

Editorials printed in The Michigan Daily exp ress the individual opinions of staff writers
or the editors. This must be noted in all reprints.

Y, OCTOBER 1 1, 1968"

NIGHT EDITOR: ROB BEATTIE

Promise sister anything,
but give her Panhel

secret..,weapon
THE PREVAILING assumption about the state of the nation is that
large numbers of Americans are trembling with almost uncontroll-
able hysteria and prepared to accept most of the trappings of a police
state to achieve the illusion of serenity.
Certainly the successes recorded by George C. Wallace and the
favorable opinion-ratings accorded Mayor Daley's Chicago exercises
lend support to that nightmare.
But is that the whole story? If a kind of semni-madness is the dom-
inant and irretrievable national mood, what explains that remarkable
phenomenon named Edward S. Muskie of Maine?
His style and substance are the embodiment of reasonableness,
tolerance and a quiet passion for justice. Yet as the final month of the
campaign begins, he has obviously emerged as the secret weapon of
the embattled Democrats. It is still highly questionable whether a Vice
Presidential nominee can become a crucial decisive figure in a national
election. But Muskie is giving that proposition a noble trial.
AT THE TIME of Muskie's designation by Hubert Humphrey, his
name elicited much the same response evoked by Nixon's choice of
Spiro T. Agnew. In brief: "Who's he?"
The analogy was not quite fair; Muskie has been a widely respect-
ed figure in the Senate almost from the moment of his arrival there
in January, 1959. He showed a good deal of early spirit by tangling
with Democratic Senate leader Lyndon Johnson on moves for drastic
liberalization of the cloture rule. (Johnson's stand has come back to
haunt him in the Fortas case).
But Muskie won few national headlines; his diligent and enlighten-
ed labors were far better known to his colleagues and readers of Maine
newspapers than to the country
at large.v '

PANHEL once again has delayed imple-
menting an anti-discrimination clause
introduced over ten months ago. And ap-
proval of the clause -a imed atfemoving.
the most obvious mechanism for discrim-
ination, the alumni recommendation -
still remains doubtful in the face of fear-
fulhesitation by-individual sorority hous-
es.
The withdrawal of the black sororities'
from Panhel, coupled with this hesitation,.
makes it clear that the integrated appear-,
ance Panhel attempted to maintain was
merely a facade to cover its discrimina-
tory practices.
For the relationship between the black
sororities and Panhel was nota reciprocal
arrangement. The black houses gave Pan-
hel an exterior that fulfilled the sorori-
ties' definition of liberalism. Yet they re-
ceived no benefits f r o m Paynhel's pro-
grams.
BASICALLY, the purposes and programs
of the two organizations were not the
same. The black sororities1 were founded
not as social but as service organizations,
aimed especially at programs s u c h as
ghetto and tutorial projects.
Nor did the b 1 a c k sororities benefit
from Panhel's major activity - the rush
program. White girls politely talked to
black girls, black girls were ushered
through white houses. But each chose, or
were chosen, to remain vith their own

As such, few Negro girls decided to par-
ticipate in the massive formal rush. In-
stead, black sororities pledged most of
their members in the spring open rush,
thus forcing black houses to participate in
two major and exhaustive rush sets per
year.
Even if the 16 white houses who have
yet to sign the statement go through the
difficult process of convincing their na-
tional alumni to agree to the clause, it
will only be an exercise in token liberal-
ism. For the effectiveness of the clause
will be totally nullified without the pres-
ence of the black houses.
MOREOVER, it is remarkable that this
controversy arose in 1968. It has been
four years since blacks have been assured
total equality under the law. And Panhel's
hesitancy to commit themselves to even
this minor attempt to end discrimination
indicates they are sadly anachronistic in
their view of relations between black and
white today.
Yet, if the 16 white sororities were to
adopt the clause at their meeting next
week, their former actions still would not
be vindicated. The opportunity for a sin-
cere expression of intent passed ten
months ago. The ensuing hesitancy has
clearly shown their true interests do not
lie with the sentiment behind their anti-
discrimination clause.

Letters to the Editor

INDEED, WHEN HE was select-
ed as Vice-Presidential nominee,
there were those who wryly noted
that the choice was entirely con-
sistent with the hopes and desires
of Mayor Daley, who has a large
Polish-American constituency. Da-
ley, who studies family trees with
tender concern, was well aware
that Muskie's father had been a
Polish immigrant.
Whether or not Daley actually
played a hand in Humphrey's de-
cisiori, nothing Muskie has said or
done that night has suggested any
spiritual kinship with Daleyism.
In fact his patient, thoughtful
and dignified responses to young
dissenters on his campaign trail have set an
could fruitfully emulate.

4

-LESLIE WAYNE
iCkNixon and dirty books

RICHARD NIXON, reflecting the kind
of sophisticated concerns which have
dominated this election y e a r, probably
hit the highlight of his campaign Mon-
day, when he fervently promised that if
elected he would ask Congreds to pass a
Children's Anti-Obscenity Act, making it
a federal criminal offense to mail obscene
matter to children under 16.
In keeping with the law and order fet-
ish that has marked this uplifting Presi-
dential race, Nixon asserted ,that his ad-
ministration would vigorously enforce
such a law, "jailing the corrupters and
ending once and for all the use of the
United States mails to subvert the moral
standards of our children."
Unfortunately the issue is more corn-
plex than this, and Nixon's proposal
leaves some serious questions unanswer-
ed. For example, would only adults seek-
ing to subvert the morals of children be
punished or would children sending Qb-
scene matter to other children be incar-
cerated as well?
And what is Nixon going to do about
the growing postal deficit after he elimi-
Second class postage paid at Ann Arbor, Mi-higan,
420 Maynard St.; Ann Arbor, Michigan. 48104.
Daily except Monday during regular academic school
year.

nates one of the few kinds of mail that
actually pays for itself?
BUT THERE IS something seriously
alarming about an electorate which
applauds a candidate who boasts that he
is "somewhat of an expert'' in the field
of obscenity. Indeed, many of America's
problems become more comprehensible
when one takes into account the'fact that
the vast majority of the voters are ob-
sessed with obscenity.
Perhaps the Nixon speech merely rep-
resents an attempt to liven up an other-
wise stultifying campaign by injecting a'
perverse mixture of sadism, sex, and all
the other repressed desires of the would-
be censors to whom Nixon was speaking.
Unfortunately, it does not seem likely
that Nixon's speech was made purely for
entertainment. 't is far more probable
that his deep concern with obscenity ca-
ters to the desire for irrelevant repres-
sion among the middle-aged electorate in
this country.
Unable to comprehend the generation
gap, many of them seek to blame it on
left wing political propaganda which they
frequently confuse with obscenity.
-ANN MUNSTER

'if they vaItn
To the Editor:
BELIEVE the withdrawal and
mass walkout of Alpha Kappa.
Alpha and Delta Sigma Theta so-
rorities at Wednesday night's Pan-
hellenic Presidents' Council meet-
ing constituted a very childish dis-
play of irrationality and emotion.
Last year when they wanted our
help in securing housing in Ox-
ford, they supported Panhellenic
wholeheartedly. Now that they
have their housing, they h a v e
turned their backs on us.
Sororities that do not have a
national organization or a system
of recommendations cannot appre-
ciate the fact that the rulings of
national organizations that haye
existed long before Michigan's
Panhellenic cannot be changed
overnight.
IF THE MEBERS of these so-
rorities had taken the time to re-
view the Panhellenic Membership
File, they would have seen that allr
the University sororities have been
working with their national or-
ganizations since the original res-,
olution was passed toward the eli-
mination of binding recommenda-
tions.
By withdrawing and setting up
their own organization the black
sororities are in effect creating a
"lily-white" Panhellenic. I there-
fore must challenge their belief in
the elimination of discrimination:'
if this was their goal, they would
have stayed to help us achieve it.
-Wendy Kress
Personnel Director,
Panhellenic Association
Oct. 11
Write-off ?
To the Editor:,
I WAS sorry to see that y o u r
McCarthy feature on Saturday's
editorial page was about as un-
fair and prejudiced as the inter-
view with the Wallacite, Peggy

Collins, even though the Wallac-
ites were given an objective treat-
ment in the "sympathetic" por-
trait in Friday's paper.
Rick Perloff tried very hard to
bring up and exaggerate the neg-
ative aspects of the present Mc-
Carthy write-in campaign in
Michigan, namely the discourage-
ment and disillusionment of some
who are for the ti e-beipg tired
of fighting, and the decrease in
size of this McCarthy movement in
comparison to pre-convention ef-
forts; both aspects are to be ex-
pected. He did a poor job if inter-
preting most of what he did re-
port.
I'd like to mention a few of the
significant items he omitted. We
have been collecting names since
registration and have a, list of
400 volunteers. (This summer's list
had 900 names). He overlooks the
first organizational meeting where,
according to The Daily, 400 at-
tended. He chose to emphasize the
second iweekly meeting where with
attendance optional f o r already
active volunteers, at least 50 peo-
ple came. It featured Wes Vivian,
Democratic candidate for the con-
gress from this district.
Most importantly the write-in
effort is not really concerned with
electing a' president - Mr. Perloff
is wrong here that hero worship
keeps us going - but with keepr'g
the issues of the war, poverty, and
justice in the forefront of public
attention.
The glamor of these activities is,
probably not so attractive as was
that of campaigning in national
primaries, and some people a r e
tired of politics- In fact, the Young
Democrats and the Young Repub-
licans, each of which usually hs
a memb~ership of 500 have only
150, apiece this y e a r, of wbich
about one third are active.
However, not everyone has giv-
en up on electoral politics, as The

Daily evidently would like to see.
What the present McCarthy or-
ganization wants and is accoin-
plishing is to maintain an inter-
e s t e d continuing organization.
which would be better experienced
and more effective than one that
would start over again for the 1972
presidential election.
-Patricia Larsen
Staff Chairman
Oct. 8
Enlightenment
To the Editor:
I FOUND Steve Daniel's letter,
printed in The Daily of October
9, highly enlightening. I envy his
confidence in the validity of his
views and position, but at the same
time I am deeply troubled by the
fact that he appears to be so un-
shakeably sure that he is rijht in
all that he contends.
Surely as scholars, if we learn
anything, we learn to be wary of
inferences a n d generalizations
drawn from our own limited ex-
perience. Perhaps broader inquiry
on Mr. Daniels' part would reveal
to him that there exists in the
faculty a strong willingness to re-
examine goals, procedures, assum-
ptions, rather than blindly obstin-
ate opposition to change predicted
on the belief that we have all the
answers we need and that which
exists is of necessity "best" for all
concerned.
In particular I detect no evi-
dence of an unwillingness on the
part of faculty or administrative
officers at this institution to com-
municate intelligently with stu2
dents and to participate in ration-
al debate aimed at improving the
functioning of the University as a
majorinstrument foreeducation,
whatever that may mean.
-Harvey E. Brazer
Chairman, Economics
Department
Oct. 9 1

to end bias, they shodd help aus'

MUSKIE HAS DULY undertaken the role of emissary to the Polish
bloc, so many of whose members are widely described as activists in
the "white backlash."
But he has fastidiously avoided any pandering to frustration and
prejudice.
In Cleveland the other day the scene for his major appearance was
a convention of 700 Polish-Americans. Recalling that his father was a
Polish tailor who fled oppression to breathe the free air of America,
he said:
"You and I should be the first to'reject those, who parade under
the banner of suppression disguised as law and order."
Then he added in firm tones: "Suppression breeds discontent and
discontent breeds rebellion . . . You and I know that no one can be
free unless we are all free. You and I who have gained so much in this
great land - and we have - should be in the forefront of those who
want to help Americans who have suffered from discrimination."
IN A SPEECH delivered in Daleyland the other day Arthur Schle-
singer Jr. recalled what Abraham Lincoln said in 1855 about Know-
Nothingism:
"Our progress in degeneration appears to me to be .pretty rapid.
As a nation we began by declaring that all men are created equal. We
now practically read it all men are created equal, except Negroes, When
the Know-Nothings get control, it will read all men are created equal
except i4egroes and foreigners and Catholics, When it comes to this, I
shall, prefer emigrating to some country wher they make no pretense
of loving liberty - to Russia, for instance, here despotism can be
taken pure, and without the alloy of hypocrisy."
In his own fashion Muskie has imparted a Lincolnesque note to the
squalid, strident sound of contemporary debate. Pis performance has
achieved a certain special distinction because of the blumiders of Mr.
Agnew; but that is hardly its sole merit. Almost alone, he has sounded
as if he had deliberately chosen to address himself to the better in-
stincts and intelligence of the nation., The recognition he has won in so
brief an interval must be some reassurance to those - at home and
abroad - who believe America is sick beyond salvation.
It is also conceivable that his solid presence encouraged Humph-
rey's independent declaration on Vietnam last week.
(Copyright 1968 N. Y. Post)

e
M

.A

example that Humphrey

EDITOR'S NOTE: The following are
excerpts from a paper by Prof. Max
Mark of Wayne State University read
at the annual convention of the
American Political Science Association
early last month. Mark is looselysallied
with~ younger political scientists who
are dissatisfied with the current direc-
tion their discipline is taking.
By MAX MARK
'HERE IS A STARTLING in-r
congruity between the revo-
lutionary character of our age
and the conservatism of our dis-
cipline. While such an age would:
require aWpolitical science of rele
vaney, of concern with direction
and goals. of crystallization of is-
sues for moral commitment, we
have a discipline preoccupied with
techniques, with a focus upon
means and anisistence upon the
possibility and desirability, of a
value-free political science.
What 'has greatly contributed
to the traditional conservatism
of the academic social sciences--
and at the same time has hidden
this character-has been a redefi-
nition of social science.
Ideally derived from various
sources of cognition, pursued and
organized on the basis of hierar-
chically ordered needs to know,
social science has become any kind

rzcism:
with power, provided that this
knowledge is easily testable.
TIAT THE social sciences could
have been subjected to such a
cavalier treatment has been the
result of what I would call the
naive abandon with which our
empiricists have pursued their re-
searches.
One would be entitled to expect
that the adoption of a particular
methodology would be the result.
of searching ontological and epis-
temological probings. At least, one
could expect that researchers
would be aware of the implicit on-
tological and epistemological as-
sumptions of their work ...
LET ME START with that ul-
timate reality, man himself, as
he is implied in empiricism. There
is now such a thing as "empirical
man," that is man as he emerges
from his dissection into discrete
pieces of observed' behavior.
What strikes ohe in "empirical
man"is that He does not convey
any central concerns - and he
could not, because he lacks an in-
ner core. There is no connection
between the statistical aggregates
into which he has been dissolved.

The methodology of

conservatism

piricism has of social reality. So-
cial reality is seen a sa conglom-
erate of social phenomena, each a
separate entity, and each on a co-
ordinate level with the rest. There
is housing, schooling, the job mar-
ket, marriage and divorce, etc. All
of these parts in summation make
up the whole of society.
Hence, in order to understand
society one has to have an inte-
grated picture of the whole. So-
cial science must start out with
the whole, must organize itself
for an understanding of the de-,
tails from the standpoint of the
whole.
Given the fact that empirical
studies inhregard to problems
which are insoluble within the as-
sumptions of our society lead no-
where. there is a tendency toward
proliferation of such studies where
the same ground is gone over time
and again.
But not only this. There has
arisen in many cases that unholy
alliance between the researcher
eager for more research and those
in power who are unwilling or un-
able to act. Under the guise that
more research is needed, action
is being postponed indefinitely,

out as "givens." Under the im-
pirical dispensation it is not the
researcher who defines the prob-
lem--except in a merely technical
sense. The problem is defined for
him. He is not in a position to ex-
plore purposes other than those
that govern society at a particu-
lar time. Alternative purposes
which would transcend the frame-
work of existing society are pre-
cluded. The focus is upon the
limited choices of the present.

There are two alternatives be-
fore the scholar. He may on the
basis of his social consciousness
decide to apply to the phenom-
enon of dilapidated houses, the
concept of slum or of some equi-
valent of it - with all the pre-
scriptive implication which such
concept will carry - or he may
wait until society decides to pay
attention to the social meaning
of dilapidated houses, and t h e n
start with his investigations.

WHEN WE NEXT COME to the,
problem of understanding process
and development empiricism shows
a particular weakness. The em-
piricist does not analyze social
phenomenalin terms of 'becoming.',
This leads to a concentration upon
the superficial, including superfi-
cial similarities.
The absence of the dynamic
element in empiricism makes for
a failure to appreciate the new in
the developmental process. Devel-

..................... ..,. .... ......:.... ........ . ............'.......a.,,::. .: :."::,....:. .: 4': 4 { { J. :J ::: ...J..J':t .......h ..: J:.. ... ......,J
"We are trying to say that social consciousness-or social values-gives rise to
the concepts which are the heart of the social sciences. The question then be-
comes, 'Whose values?' . . . concepts themselves are value-laden, of course.
What content we give to these concepts amounts to a loading of the dice, and
the outcome of our investigation is to a great extent determined by the way we
have loaded them."
... ........*.. ..::: :::::.: ...... ..*....::: ,...........:::::.v , ...,,::: ...:.: . "..: .:.. ,..:::::4.::.: .,......:,.4* .4. ...... ...

result of a diolectical process bet-
ween traditional nationalism and
'the forces of transnationalism al-
ready has a strong component of
internationalism is only too easily
overlooked.
SINCE FOR THE EMPIRICIST
the purposes of society are "giv
ens" his attention is drawn to how
the system works. His concern is
not and cannot be why and how
the system has arisen. His field of
vision is means and not ends, his
field of vision is power.
The conservative implications of
a political science based upon
power is derived from the inclina-
tion to subordinate the signifi
cance of ideas to the significance
of "power." Ideas become mere
rationalizations in the struggle for
power.
According to the power theory,
the facts of life are that there are
always the strong, the elites, and
the rest, and this willalways. be
so. The more things change the
more they are the same.
Why get excited about change,
particularly radical change - af-
ter much turmoil we have ex-
changed one set of rulers for ano-

RELATED TO THE QUESTION
of definitions of problems is the
question of conceptualization,
In the social sciences we do not
de with obiects of sensorv nov-

We are trying to say that social
consciousness - or social values
- gives rise to the concepts which
are the heart of the social scienc-
es The questionthen bcms

opments do proceed along dialecti-
cal lines. There is always the mix-
ture between the old and the new,
But since our empiricists in their
caution rnutth, i flhii,.~rdi ,nf

i

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