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April 14, 1970 - Image 4

Resource type:
The Michigan Daily, 1970-04-14

Disclaimer: Computer generated plain text may have errors. Read more about this.

Gltr tn Bta'Ilg
Seventy-nine years of editorial f reedorn
Edifed and managed by students of the University of Michigan

420 Maynard St., Ann Arbor, Mich.

News Phone: 764 0552

EditorioIs printed in The Michigan Doily express the individual opinions of staff writers
or the editors. This must be noted in all reprints

I -- ,




Blasting off
By DAVE CHUDWIN iously con
THE SPACE PROGRAM, once the pet the gap af
project of the public and Congress, is landings o
slowly wasting away. Despite two success- Space a
ful moon flights and a third one underway, technologi
the space agency is hurting formoney. ye space exp
The budget of the National Aeronautics years of p1
and Space Administration (NASA) has en spaceci
been cut by almost 40 per cent in 'the last tion.
six years to the $3.3 billion requested by Several
President Nixon for 1970-71. held on th
With politicians concerned with more and NASA
popular issues such as pollution-and "law possible pr
and order," it looks as if Congress will
drop another $100 or $200 million off Nix- BUT TI
on's space request when the NASA au- in Vietnan
thorization comes up for Congressional ac- other gove
tion next month. to feel thi
The result has been a rash of resigna- NASA's bui
tions among top NASA officials, a stretch- agency's h
out of future moon missions, a drop in even more
space employment f r o m almost 400,000 It's been
people down to 110,000, an indefinite post- ing of thej
ponement in plans for manned exploration manned s
of the planets, and risky last-minute commitme
changes to save money. the decad
Some applaud the massive reductions in Followin
space spending, seeing it as a first step in landing las
"re-ordering the nation's priorities." But people, see
for those who regard the exploration of for themse
the unknown and the quest for scientific Amongt
knowledge as important, the cuts h a v e head of th
been dismaying. the head o
1o mission
THE PRESENT SITUATION is a far cry ject office
from 1959. when the Russians had just the Kenne
sent a heavy unmanned spacecraft to the tronauts.
moon and it looked like the United States At theC
would never outmatch t h e Russians in $4.2 billion
space. would hav
A congressional hearing transcript of pletion oft
that time shows angry representatives and constructio
senators asking then {NASA Administrator and severa
James Webb why he didn't have scientists in the sam
and engineers working 24 hours a day to usable spa
catch up with the Russians and offering lear rocke'
him as much money as he could use. launch oft
The beginning of the end for this ap- Tour ,of th
proach came in 1965, three years before
the first manned Apollo flight but after NIXON,
the United States had successfully carried thermomet
out Project Mercury and several two-man be one oft
Gemini flights. ening. Des:
In that year NASA officials began ser- port for th

sidering follow-on projects to fill
ter the completion of the Apollo
in the moon.
gency planners knew that in a
zal undertaking as complex as
loration it takes three to five
anning and testing before a giv-
raft actually goes into produc-
congressional hearings were
he future of manned spaceflight
A ordered numerous studies of
'ojects for the early seventies.
HE MASSIVE U.S. intervention
m had begun and, like so many
ernment agencies, NASA began
e pinch. President Johnson cut
udget for the first time in the
history and Congress slashed it
downhill ever since, with fund-
Apollo program and several un-
atellites but with no comparable
nt for any major project during
g the successful Apollo 11 moon
st July, a number of top NASA
ing little future in the program
lves, quit the space agency.
those who resigned w e r e the
he manned spaceflight program,
f the Apollo program, the Apol-
director, the lunar module pro-
director, the Apollo director at
dy Space Center and several as-
same time NASA submitted a
n budget request to Nixon that
e started funding for the com-
the Apollo program by 1972, the
n of a prototype space station
al unmanned planetary probes
e year, the development of a re-
ce shuttle by 1976, testing a nuc-
t engine a year later and. the
unmanned spacecraft on a Grand
he outer planets soon after.
er, judged that NASA should
the ma'in targets for belt-tight-
pite his pronouncements of sup-
he space program, NASA's bud-


Tncle Sam
get was cut $900 million in the budgeting
In response, NASA Administrator Thom-
as Paine announced in January that an-
other 50,000 space jobs would be eliminat-
ed. With space employment down from
400,000 in 1964-65, unemployed aeronauti-
cal engineers in California are working in
pizza parlors.
Paine added that the Apollo program
would be stretched out into 1974. with
flights once every six rather than three
months. Earlier, space officials claimed
such a low launch rate would be danger-
ous because crews would get out of prac-
The flight of an unmanned Mars space-
craft was put off.from 1972 to 1974. sev-
eral smaller probes were eliminated, ad-
ditional flights to the prototype space sta-
tion were dropped and funding c u t by
more than $200 million, money for devel-
opment of the nuclear engine and space
shuttle was drastically reduced, and noth-
ing was included for the Grand Tour.
While Nixon recently did make a state-
ment in support of a "balanced space pro-
gram" that would include slow develop-
ment of the space shuttle and a space sta-
tion, he did not outline an Apollo-type
goal to organize the space effort in the
NASA officials and his own Space Task
Group committee had recommended that
Nixon commit t h e nation to a manned
Mars landing, possibly as early as 1981.
In his statement, however, Nixon merely
said that the country would eventually ex-
plore the planets, probably putting off such
missions to the 1990's according to many
space observers.
AS IT LOOKS NOW, the 1974 flight of
Apollo 19 will be the last U.S. manned
spaceflight for four or five years after
that, until the shuttle is developed.
The result is that the space agency is
willing to do things it thought unwise be-
fore in order to save money. E v e n six
months ago it would have been unthink-
able to substitute an astronaut in a flight
crew the day before a launch.
To save $800,000, though, NASA added
rookie astronaut John Swigert to the crew

1974, The RIg ter
and Tribun'e Syndicae l"1


of Apollo 13 last week when Thomas Mat-
tingly was exposed to the German measles,
surprising many long-time observers of
the space program.
From the beginning of the two-m a n
Gemini series in 1965 the space agency had
an unwritten rule that individual crew
members could not be substituted within
several weeks of launches.
NASA officials reasoned that intricate
space maneuvers require such close coop-
eration between the three pilots that to
add a new man to the crew would be risky.
The policy became that if one member was
replaced, the entire' crew would be sub-
stituted with the back-up crew.
Either waiting for Mattingly to regain
his health or training the entire back-up
crew would have involved the $800,000 de-
lay, however, so NASA took the unpre-
cedented step of adding Swigert.
While all continue to go well with Apol-
lo 13 (and hopefully its success will con-
tinue through splashdown next Tuesday),
one cannot help but wonder if NASA is
pushing its luck.
It's important for government agencies
to save money but it's certainly not worth
risking the lives of three American astro-



Hoffman for 'law and order

Shervington withdraws from VP consideration

chosen to serve as j edge in the "con-
spiracy to incite riot" trial of 12 members
of the Weatherman- faction of Students
for a Democratic Society.. This develop-
ment raises several issues, among them
being the legal and political role of the
controversial Judge Hoffman. Most im-
portantly, the trial will raise the issue of
the political actions of the indicted
The Weatherman defendants have been
indicted for their actions preceding the
"Days of Rage" in Chicago during mid-
October of last year under t h e slogan
"Bring the War Home." The use of that
slogan, in addition to the specific acts of
violence against police and property in
Chicago, was justified by the Weather-
men as a revolutionary act. That is the
prime political fact of t h e upcoming
F IT TAKES PLACE (none of the named
defendants are presently in police
custody), the conspiracy trial of the 12
Weathermen will likely be a confusing
jumble of court upheaval. The Chicago
Eight trial raised questions concerning>
the Anti-Riot Act, the judicial system,
and the political issues which originally
brought those men to Chicago for the
1968 Democratic Convention. The defense
held that the Anti-Riot Act was uncon-
stitutional, that the judicial system is re-
pressive and inequitable, and finally that
they and others had the right to come to
Chicago to protest.
THE PRESENCE of Judge Hoffman as
presiding judge will only complicate
and compound the jumbled court case.
The fact that he has already heard an
earlier case involving the same laws and
some of the same issues will make it even
less likely that he will have any reserva-

tions about gagging and jailing the de-
Furthermore, during the trial of the
Chicago Eight, Judge Hoffman demon-
strated a prejudice against the ,defend-
-ants by consistently ruling for the pros-
ecution, and overruling all motions made
by the defense, mispronouncing the de-
fense counsel's name, and by sentencing
e a c h defendant to jail for contempt.
And now, Judge Hoffman will preside
over another "conspiracy to incite riot"
case. Hoffman's participation will mean
several things to the nature of the trial.
IF THE TRIAL ever begins, Judge Hoff-
man will undoubtedly try to become a
center of attention. His demands for "or-
der in the court" and "respect for the au-
thority of the court" will likely be met
with even more resistance than before.
An ironic and foreboding fact is that
the Supreme Court last week upheld the
authority of judges to bind and gag "un-
ruly" defendants. One lesson to be drawn
from that is that Judge Hoffman is not
a law and order quirk. He is a representa-
tive of the judicial system in general.
Because it is almost certain that the
Weathermen did indeed conspire to break
the 1968 Anti-Riot Act, their trial will
tend to legitimize the use of the Anti-
Riot Act in the eyes of many people who
were upset about it being used against
the Chicago Eight.
In all, the upcoming case of the men
and women of the Weathermen faction
looks to be a confusing political event,
with Judge Hoffman playing much the
same role as in the Chicago Eight trial.
The make-up of the trial is such that the
only probable victor will be "law and or-

(Copies of the following letter
have been sent to President Rob-
ben Fleming and Office of Stu-
dent Services Vice-Presidential
Search Committee Co-Chairman
Law Prof. Frank Kennedy and
Steve Nissen, '70).
Dear Mr. Fleming:
I AM COMING to you and writ-
ing to request that you withdraw
my name from consideration as
one of the candidates for the Of-
fice of Vice-President for Student
Services. There are several reasons
which have led to this decision, in-
dependent of Mr. Locke's an-
nouncement, that I feel I should
share with you. Before doing so,
however, I want to assure you that
my comments are not destructive
attack on the administration. but
hopefully a view, critical
thobugh it may be, that could
be helpful s in c e it comes
from one who might h a v e
served to direct the Office of Stu-
dent Services. It is rumored that
many faculty, students, and poli-
ticians are at odds with you for
your handling of the BAM strike,
feeling that you were too soft. It
is also rumored that many still are
angered by what they saw as your
mishandling of the negotiations
with BAM. thereby prolonging the
strike. Certainly I am aware of
your present burdens and wish not
to add to them. Clearly I feel that
the University of Michigan needs
you as its leader and do not want
to lend any suport to factions
wishing to threaten that leader-
ship by my critical remarks.
casion is what I have come toeae-
lieve is the administration's de-
veloping view on the Office of
Student Services. What I feel is
developing is a gradual but sure
position that the Office of Stu-
dent Services is unnecessary. Per-
haps I have misjudged the events
leading to this perception but I

don't think so. While I am certain
that there are rational reasons for
developing such a view and making
the changes that have been made,
I fear that dissolution of the Of-
fice or reduction in its power and
comprehensiveness, while, b e i n g
possibly efficient, may serve to
create a severe problem in student
morale. That is. a problem 'more
severe than presently exists. In my
view what is needed is a very
strong Office and one which can
both serve and unite students
through its strength and leader-
ship. I
I HAVE STATED from the be-
ginning that the Vice-President of
Student Services would have to
establish himself as a strong ex-
ecutive officer among the other
executive officers, in order to serve
students effectively through that

part of his role which is executive.
This will be no easy task since I
suspect he will be viewed w i t h
suspicion in his role as the repre-
sentative of students and because
he may be viewed as less than a
peer if he is young and vigorously
pursues the role of a student ad-
vocate. This is especially true if he
is viewed as coming into executive
office without passing through the
established administrative p a t h-
ways. Thus he must have some
power behind him that the other
executive officers can respect, fi-
nancial aids and admissions would
represent such power. Financial
aids, because it is money and the
power that money wields, and ad-
missions, because of the import-
ance of students to the existence of
the University. My suspicions are
reinforced by the transfer of fi-
nancial aids and admissions to

Vice-President Spurr, and parti-
cularly so when Acting Vice-Presi-
dent Barbara Newell stated that in
her view admissions should h a v e
come to her office instead of re-
moving financial aids. Is this a
simn of decreasing importance of
the Office of Student Services? Is
this a way of insuring that such
vital functions to the University
are secured away from the hands
of students vis-a-vis the possible
influence of students on the OSS?
Many wonder about these' two
WHEN WE MET in January. It
was my impression that a decision
would be reached in ten days. Ex-
cept for one brief letter, I have had
no communication from any mem-
ber of the administration about
the Vice-Presidency or any related
matter for approximately f o u r

President Fleming's Catch-22

To the Editor:
and white are being victimized by
an institution whose racism they
dared to challenge. Their actions
were no different than literally
hundreds (perhaps thousands) of
their fellow students. The intent
of Galler et. al. in bringing charg-
es against Peter Denton, M a r c
Van der Hout and Randy Clark is
a transparent attempt to elimi-
nate trouble - some student mili-
tants. Likewise charges against
the three blacks are to serve no-
tice what President Fleming real-
ly thinks of blacks "who don't
know their place."
However these are really just
bonuses. The real reason why the
faculty and Fleming are pushing
for the prosecution of these stu-
dents i.e., the reason why Flem-
ing never granted the original

BAM demand for amnesty is as
simple as Apple Pie: They want
to make sure that we are not able
to effectively protest when their
paper promises are slowly shown
to be just that. We have been re-,
peatedly "assured" money will be
made available in the schools and
colleges to fund the BAM de-
mands. But what do we do when
some department head balks?
Since there has been no legally
binding contract delivered, how
do we enforce the BAM demands?
In a couple of years when we find
that there are not 10 per cent
blacks among us, what do we do
then? Do we.have Sheriff Harvey
throw Fleming in jail for con-
tempt of humanity? Do we send
the National Guard after Bernard
Galler for "disrupting" the as-
pirations of minority groups? Ob-
viously the police and national
guard are Fleming's tools. We
have only one kind of power. In
short, the power which gave us the
partial victory we scored is the
only power we have to protect that
SO NOW PERHAPS it is clear
why Fleming's one non-negotiable
demand was amnesty. That is his
Catch-22. He intends to make sure
that we will not be able to even
again wage such a struggle. The
word has gone down: make exam-
ples of them; make it clear that
mere participation in such a strike
will be grounds for expulsion. It is
an old and trusted technique of
the right. In the South, an oc-
cassional lynching served the pur-
pose: in occupied France, the in-
discriminate executions of peas-
ants in a troublesome village.
While these examples are obviously
extreme, the principle remains the
same. Students will think twice
about joining a picket line if they
know it could easily mean expul-.

ham board has provisions for two
'token students, but since Grad'
Assembly seems reluctant to pro-
vide quislings the board can avail
themselves of their clever ruling
which says that a quorum is exact-
ly equal (you guessed it) to the
number of faculty on the board.
Little worider Galler "has faith" in
such a star chamber.
justice cannot be had from such
boards-the establishment "grinds
slowly but exceedingly fine." Den-
ton has already been told inform-
ally that he is finished at the
University and should look else-
where to finish his education.
Finally we should notice the tim-
ing of these proceedings. Fleming,
Spurr, and Hays ohave decided to
hold the board sessions during
exams. Besides the obvious psycho-
logical hardship of enduring such
proceeding while hurredly study-
ing for finals, there is more than
simple sadism here. During exams
the Daily stops publishing and so
the administration can do its ugly
work without a prying press to re-
port on it. Secondly, students who
would ordinarily desire to witness
the proceedings will be so tied up
with exams that they wouldn't be
able to spare the time.
To combat these repressive moves
of the faculty and administration
we have set up an Ad Hoc Com-
mittee to Fight BAM reprisals. We
intend to take several actions. 1)
To circulate a Complicity State-
ment: "We engaged in the very
same acts as those committed by
the thirteen students charged by
various University functionari.s.
The sinjling out of a few is an'
undisguised act of repression. If
any are to be tried, then we must
all bp tried." 2) This statomint
will be delivered to the admin-

months. It appears by that neglect
that the position is not as execu-
tive as claimed. Certainly the ad-
ministration is extremely busy, but
it is difficult to understand the
apparently low priority for such
an executive office. It is even more
difficult for me to understand
since I, for one, made clear to the
Search Committee that there were
other important offers which I
was considering and which needed
a response. Further, I was in-
formed that this information was
conveyed to the administration. In
a way, I am angered that no at-
tempt has been made to help me
handle that responsibility to oth-
ers, by the maintained silence.
And, if indeed, I have not been an
active candidate in the minds of
the administration for any amount
of time, I am even more angered.
Vice-President for Student Serv-
ices be a vital, potent and signifi-
cant force within the University in
terms of both students and the
administration. Otherwise, the
VPSS will be a facade and every-
body's "whipping boy." I fear it.Is
presently more likely to be the
latter two. That I will not be and
so am requesting that my candi-
dacy be withdrawn. I empathize
with the difficulties of your ad-
ministrative responsibilities and
the difficulties attending y o ur
search for the right person for this
position and that person's accept-
ance of the job. That is, if there
is going to b~e such a job.
-Walter W. Shervington, M.D.
Department of Psychiatry .
April 11,1970
Soviet Jews
To the Editor:
THOSE OF US who signed the
March 22 petition to protest the
treatment of Soviet Jews feel fur-
ther obliged to answer Mr. Carl
Goldberg's recent letter. In his
belief that oppression does not
exist, Mr. Goldberg seems to ig-
nore the overwhelming evidence,
even from Communist sources,
that oppression is very real.
Such letters assured a world.
that did not care very much to
begin with, that "Zionists" were
causing unnecessary alarm over
some mild Germanic repressions.
Goldberg is presumably correct in
his assumption that there are no
organized Nazi-style death camps
now operating in the Soviet Union,
but what a delicate morality it is
that discerns no cause for alarm
merely because the smell of flesh
is not in the air.
TO SUPPOSE, as Goldberg does,
that the support of civil liberties
for Soviet Jews is a "plot" to pop-
ulate Israel is as perverse as sug-
gesting that any black man who
objects to apartheid policies in
Rhodesia has designs on Detroit or




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