Seventy-Seven Years of Editorial Freedom
EDITED AND MANAGED BY STUDENTS OF THE UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN
UNDER AUTHORITY OF BOARD IN CONTROL OF STUDENT PUBLICATIONS
THE VIEW FROM HERE
The All-University Football Team
BY ROBERT KLIVANS
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Where Opinions Are Free, 420 MAYNARD ST., ANN ARBOR, MICH.
Truth. Will Prevail
NEWS PHONE: 764-0552
Editorials printed in The Michigan Daily express the individual opinions of staff writers
or the editors. This must be noted in all reprints.
TUESDAY, JANUARY 16, 1968
NIGHT EDITOR: NEAL BRUSS
Johnson to Trinh to Rusk:
Is the Peace Feeler Out?
BY ,SEEMING to meet the conditions for
negotiations outlined by President
Johnson last year at San Antonio, North
Vietnamese Foreign Minister Trinh has
thrown a wrench into the works of
As of last summer the Vietnam conflict
was costing the United States 200 lives a
week and well over $30 billion a year. By
anybody's reckoning, this was too much
to pay for a war which was officially
justified as a magnanimous gesture on
our part to preserve the freedom and in-
tegrity of South Vietnam. According to
the Gallup Poll, more and more Ameri-
cans were buying instead the cost-benefit
arguments of doves like Sen. Hatfield.
As always, the administration wanted
peace as badly as anyone. Only Hanoi's
stubbornness stood in the way of negotia-
tions. To prove it President oJhnson told
a San Antonio audience two months
ago that if he could be assured it would
lead to negotiations,-he would call a halt
to\American bombing of North Vietnam.
OF COURSE, no one in the administra-
tion believed Hanoi would call John-
son's bluff. As Johnson in one breath
pleaded for a chance to negotiate, Sec-
retary of State Rusk in another prepared
the country for an intensification of the
war, effort. In a speech which called to
mind the worst traditions of American
jingoism, Rusk painted a frightening pic-
ture of millions of Chinese crawling up
the beaches of California, swarming over
the Golden Gate. The treat of the "yel-
low peril" to our national interest re-
placed idealistic concern for the fate of
.the freedom-loving Vietnamese; by this
calculation, Rusk implied, the war was
indeed worth the cost.
So now we are playing for keeps. Baldly
military considerations gain precedence
as the war turns into a Machiavellian
nightmare. In a series of news leaks, the
administration last month introduced the
possibility of "hot pursuit" of enemy
troops over the Cambodian border. Now
Ambassador Chester Bowles is in Phnom
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Penh discussing the issue with the un-
predictable Prince Sihanouk. The Prince
promises Bowles last week that he would
do his own housecleaning, but the ex-
perts insist Cambodia's tiny military
can't handle the job. Given the admin-
istration's present mood and the shrill
demands of our military leaders (Gen.
Eisenhower said, "This respecting bor-
ders - it can be carried too far."), we
may fight in Cambodia yet.
As the fight becomes a "total war,"
pressure to silence the dissenters builds
up too. Hence General Hershey's renewed
call to reclaissify thse who, violate the
draft law -- as decided by General Hers-
hey and the local boards, not the courts.
IN THE MIDST OF ALL THIS, Trinh
changes "could" to "will" in the stock
North Vietnamese peace line. A bomb
halt will lead to meaningful discussions,
he announced in a New Year's day radio
address delivered in the presence of the
top North Vietnamese leaders. Washing-
ton ducked. What most commentators
thought an obvious change in policy
"needed more study," Rusk told a news
While some observers claimed the
Bowles mission was sent to Cambodia at
least partially to find out from sources
there what the broadcast meant, the
world began to ask the inevitable quest-
ion. How could Washington claim that
Hanoi was obstructing peace talks when
Hanoi had apparently met Johnson's San
Antonio condition? The British Manches-
ter Guardian Weekly put it succinctly:
"This is surely the statement that the
Americans claim they have been waiting
for. Unless they respond to it their pro-
fessed wish to negotiate will carry less
and less conviction."
With that embarrassing question to
mull over, the administration's newest
dilemma is apparent. In effect, Trinh
told Johnson and Rusk to pay up or
fold. It's Washington's move.
ROGER RAPOPORT, Editor
MEREDITH EIKER, Managing Editor
MICHAEL HEFFER ROBERT KLIVANS
City Editor Editorial Director
SUSAN ELAN.............Associate Managing Editor
STEPHEN FIRSHEIN ...... Associate Managing Editor
LAURENCE MEDOW ...... Associate Managing Editor
JOHN LOTTIER ........ Associate Editorial r1irector
RONALD KLEMPNER .... Associate Editorial Director
THE FOOTBALL SEASON is over-gasp-or so we
thought as it ended with a Super Whimper and not a
bang in Sunday's Second Annual Disappointment Bowl.
And though the Green Bay Packers may be undisputed
champions of the whole wide world (Vince Lombardi may
resign as Packer coach to become Secretary of Defense),
these remains one last word on the subject of football be-
fore we close our bloodshot eyes for a five month respite.
The following are The Daily all-star selections for
defense and offense on the All-University football squad.
Anyone who has thrilled through the excitement of this
violent campus season will recognize the players and their
ALL-STAR DEFENSIVE UNIT
DEFENSIVE FRONT FOUR-Without hesitation, to
the administration's own fearsome foursome, Vice-Pres-
idents Pierpont, Cutler, Norman, and Smith. With the
sagacity and fortitude of a stone wall, they have only
grudgingly relinquished ground to the opposition. Special
recognition goes to "Doc" Cutler, the pucker-smoking
right end who was penalized five years for roughing the
protesters during a fierce fall battle, and "Peerless" Pier-
pont, the deceptively small left guard who was acclaimed
for a brilliant purse-string tackle in the closing moments
of the Administration-Residential College contest. (Who
will ever forget?-the Residential College so close to the
goal and a new building, but "Peerless" and his fearsome
aids batling to keep them contained within their own
territory, East Quad.)
MIDDLE . LINEBACKER-To Roofie-of-the -Year
Robben Fleming (no relation to Green Bay Packer tight
end Mary Fleming), who was forced to sit on the bench
the entire 1967 season to await the retirement of aging
Defensive Captain Harlan "Mad" Hatcher. (Hatcher is
best remembered for kicking up a fuss by trying to
lengthen all collegiate gridirons to 150 yards "in honor
of the Sesquicentennial"). Once on the field, Fleming
showed his agility and quick moves by throwing Visita-
tion Policy for a loss. Though Fleming claims he intends
to play for all sides and players, seasoned observers of the
University grid scene discount this: "A middle linebacker,"
says one, "can only play for one side."
RIGHT LINEBACKER-To John Feldkamp, husky
Director of University Housing and a prime obstacle to
any student seeking progress on the field of play. Feld-
kamp, who only eight years ago was SGC quarterback for
a stagnant student unit, made a controversial-Jump-to the
opposition several years ago. "The pay is better- with the
administration eleven," conjectured one teammate.
LEFT LINEBACKER-To William Perigo, superin-
tendent of the Student Vehicle Bureau, who displayed
brilliant moves during the season in thwarting student
advances. Though his opponents have pledged to send
players of all classes driving through his zone, linebacker
Perigo and his allies are committed to hold the line. "If
any student tries to drive by me," he pledges in sports-
manlike fashion, "they'll be expelled from the game."
CORNERBACKS AND SAFETIES-To choice selections
from the University's Board of Regents, who prefer the
light contact far from the hard-hitting line play. Though
older and slower than the rest of the defensive unit, the
Regents are virtually impossible to penetrate or bypass.
Says one enlightened all-star Regent safety selection:
"Ain't nothin' gonna get by us."
ALL-STAR OFFENSIVE UNIT
OFFENSIVE LINEMEN-To choice selections from
Student Government Council, who have consistently
brokes holes in the defensive line during a season of
relatively rugged play. Though habitually prone to trip-
ping up their own runners and talking better than block-
ing, the SGC players have so improved the left side of
their line that they are now a threat to break open
in several directions.
LEFT END-To Karen Daenzer, chairman of Voice-
SDS and the only female on the squad. Mrs. Daenzer, who
is dangerous on the short pass but disavows the long
bomb, was at the center of a loud rhubarb last month
when the defense charged her with offensive interference.
The charge was dismissed when the faculty referees said
they weren't watching.
RIGHT END-To Leonard Greenbaum, chairman of
the faculty Student Relations Committee and the only
non-student to gain a starting position on the all-star
offensive unit. Anchoring down the right side of the stu-
dent line, Greenbaum and his SRC collegues have been
instrumental in several contests, including some brilliant
downfield blocking on the infamous student power play.
QUARTERBACK-To Bruce Kahn, SGC President
and controversial advocate of the old hit-em hard, three-
years-and-a-cloud-of-dust style of play. Off the field a
reserved, dapper student, once on the gridiron Kahn be-
comes a wild signal-caller but, to his opponent's relief,
he is only a passing threat.
HALFBACK-To Peter Steinberger, chairman of Joint
berger is widely hailed for engineering the brilliant
Judiciary Council and a fancy broken-field runner. Stein-
packing of JJC that broke the back of the stunned ad-
ministration defense. Steinburger's flashy moves have
contributed to bringing freshmen late night football to
There you have The Daily's all-star team. If you are
wondering, it's no picture coincidence that administrators
are on defense and students are on offense. That's just
the way the game is being played these days..
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MR CHAIRMAN, Congressmen:
In our presentations this
morning, we started by defining
the objectives of our government's
policy in Vietnam. Securing a Ko-
rea-type settlement emerged as the
nub of these.
The essentiality of this objective
is defended on a variety of
grounds, which we can perhaps be
ultimately reduced to:
(a) Stopping the spread of.Com-
(b) Defense of non-Communnist
nationalism in Southeast Asia.
(c) Demonstrating the credibil-
ity of our commitments not only
in Vietnam and Southeast Asia,
but in all parts of the world.
WE THEN tried to demonstrate
that we' are not fighting World
Communism, Asian Communism,
or China in Vietnam, but native
Vietnamese communist national-
ism. We went on to point out that
a Korea-type settlement is unat-
tainable for a number of reasons.
We concluded that the Korean
analogy is inapplicable to Viet-
First of all, the North Korean
government was a satellite regime
imposed by the Soviets in 1945,
devoid of national legitimization,
while the government of Syngman
Rhee-with all its inadequacies-
was a genuine carrier of Korean
nationalism. This very fact barred
the way to effective subversion by
the North Korean regime in South
was not imposed upon the Viet-
namese by the Soviets, the Chinese
Communists, the French or any
other foreign power but emerged
as a genuine nationalist leader
during the struggles against
French colonialism. Moreover, he
has maintained this position of
leadership in spite of his com-
THUS IN Vietnam the satellite
is not the North, but the South,
which is governed by a regime that
can survive only with the backing
and support of foreign powers,
most notably the United States.
This fact was dramatically driven
home in the testimony by Mr.
Poats, Deputy AID Administrator
before the Foreign Operations Sub-
committee of the Committee on
Appropriations last May. '
Due to these hard political re-
alities the entire character of the
war in Vietnam differs markedly
from Korea. The differing polit-
ical situations sap the southern
regime in Vietnam of its national
and nationalist legitimacy, thus
opening the way to far-reaching
subversion. As a result, while in
Korea we were fighting a con-
ventional war in support of a legi-
timately based regime, in Vietnam
we are fighting a guerilla war
against national communism and
in support of a regime which at
most enjoys the allegiance of 20
per cent of the people.
Moreover, we are fighting in
support of a regime which has
Today's article is the conclusion of a six-part
series by five leading Asian scholars, four from the
University, who have analyzed America's involve-
ment in Vietnam and proposed solutions to the con-
flict. The team of experts, led by Prof. Alexander
Eckstein, director of the University's Center for
Chinese Studies, appeared before a bi-partisan
group of 19 Congressmen in Washington on Nov.
28, 1967. The hearing was called by Rep. Donald
W. Riegle, Jr., a Republican from Flint.
Dr. Eckstein is a professor of Economics at the
University and is regarded as one of the leading
American scholars in the field of Communist
China's economic development. In his final piece,
Dr. Eckstein summarizes the arguments of his col-
leagues and proposes a settlement for Vietnam.
Furthermore, our present course
not only undermines our capacity
to meet commitments in other
parts of the world, but it is bound
to discourage other nations from
asking our help against subversion
and from invoking the commit-
ments we have made to them.
Thus, the lesson we seem to be
teaching in Vietnam is that the
only way to beat subversion and
fight national liberations was is
by Americanization, destruction,
and national suicide.
The lesson of Vietnam may turn
out to be that nations threatened
by national liberation wars will
think twice before inviting U.S.
ON THE other side of the ledger,
the alternative need not be col-
lapse, the domino theory not-
withstanding. The alternatives are
not escalation or abandonment.
This would hold only is we were
to pull out of Vietnam suddenly
from one day to the next, an al-
ternative that no thoughtful and-
responsible analyst can serious
Our analysis suggests that a
carefuly phased withdrawal -cou-
pled with a political settlement
based on a compromise has a much
better cance of maintaining stabil-
ity and protecting the non-Com-
munist nations of Southeast Asia
than our present course.
THIS pattern of settlement
might be based on the 'following
1 -C 'satinn of th hnmhing in
assure basic security in the coun-
try and United States forces
should move out.
4. When basic security is estab-
lished by the United Nations
forces, free and open elections
should be held - under United
Nations supervision with full par-
ticipation by all citizens of voting
age - and new constitutional
forms should be crystallized.
5. United Nations forces should
remain in Vietnam at least until
a government based on the elec-
tions has been formed.
6. Guarantee of the territorial
integrity and boundaries of Viet-
nam, Laos, Cambodia and Thai-
7. Neutralization of Laos and
Cambodia at the least, interna-
tionally guaranteed by North and
South Vietnam, Thailand, the
U.S., the U.S.S.R., and Commun-
8. PQssible neutralization not
only of the two smaller states but
of Thailand and Vietnam as well,
internationally guaranteed by
Communist China, the Soviet Un-
ion and the United States.
9. A sizeable international aid
effort with a strong U.S. compon-
ent but under United Nations
auspices to help rebuild Vietnam
and assist the economic develop-
ment of all countries in the
MR. CHAIRMAN, in conclusion,
let me thank you and all of your
colleagues for your time and your
natience in listening to us. In Dro-
tion-building, we are in the process
of destroying whatever still re-
mans of non-communist nation-
alism in South Vietnam.
IN THE light of these circum-
stances to win the war in Vietnam,
that is to secure a Korea-type
settlement, recent optimism not
withstanding, would require a level
nam that our capacity to meet our
treaty commitments and obliga-
tions in other parts of the world
would be seriously weakened. Thus,
the very credibility of our commit-
ments for which we are allegedly
fighting in Vietnam would be pro-
Moreover, such a high degree of
escalation in the U.S. war effort
WHAT ARE the alternatives to
this cataclysmic course? Adminis-
tration spokesmen almost always
present the problem of Vietnam
in polarized terms: persevere to
victory or betray your commit-
ments with consequent collapse of
the free nations of Southeast Asia
and the credibility of our commit-
ments in other parts of the world.