Peace Process
Post-Arafat, all sides in Middle East struggle are entangled.
LESLIE SUSSER
Jewish Telegraphic Agency
Jerusalem
he post-Arafat era has begun
with high hopes in Washington,
London, Jerusalem and even
Ramallah — but many of the obstacles
that prevented peace in Yasser Arafat's
day remain, and it's not clear if any of
the major players has the single-minded
determination to make peace happen.
The United States is not as actively
involved as it may have to be; the
Europeans, who would like to be inti-
mately involved, don't have the necessary
political clout; the Israeli leadership,
insulated by strong American backing
and facing a recalcitrant right wing, sees
no need to hurry; and the new
Palestinian leaders, hamstrung by radi-
cal, violent opponents, may not be able
to make concessions beyond what the
late Palestinian Authority president
countenanced.
President Bush gave an inkling of the
ambivalence inherent in American poli-
cy after a meeting last week in
Washington with British Prime Minister
Tony Blair.
Bush rejected Blair's call for an inter-
national conference and a speedy transi-
tion to talks on a final peace agreement,
saying the Palestinians first would have
to stop terrorism against Israel. At the
same time, however, Bush said he still
believed the establishment of a
Palestinian state is the only way to
resolve the conflict.
The essence of American policy can be
gleaned from those ostensibly incongru-
T
Palestinians revere Yasser Arafat at his Nov. 12 funeral.
Photo by Brian Hendler/JTA
ous statements: The United States will
help the Palestinians achieve statehood
on condition that they stop violence and
carry out economic, security and politi-
cal reforms. In other words, it's up to
them to make the first move.
Bush also seemed to alter
the time frame for Palestinian
statehood. Whereas the road-
map peace plan — presented
in 2002
spoke of 2005 as the target
date, Bush said he was determined to
work toward a Palestinian state by the
time he leaves office, in January 2009.
This reinforced the president's main
message to the Palestinians:
They must get their act together
before the United States will be ready to
help. If they're slow, there will be a price
to pay in the deferral of national aspira-
tions. The quicker they act,
the quicker statehood can be
achieved.
European officials believe
the American role primarily
should be to help the new Palestinian
leadership establish its legitimacy. First,
they say, the United States can help with
elections for a new Palestinian Authority
president by leaning on Israel to allow
ANA USE
—
optimum conditions for a free election,
with as few signs of occupation as possi-
ble.
The election process will have two
salutary effects, the Europeans argue:
bringing to power a Palestinian leader
accepted by the people and creating a
sense of democracy at work.
The Europeans also believe that they
and the Americans can aid Palestinian
democratization by helping to build
institutions and train P.A. security forces.
But they know that Europe alone can-
not effect a breakthrough, and that the
United States must take the lead.
As for the Palestinians, they cannot
take things forward unless the new lead-
ers establish a stable government.
So far, the signs do not augur well. An
incident Nov. 14, in which militiamen
from the PLO's mainstream Fatah
movement opened fire on the mourners'
tent for Arafat — when his heir-appar-
ent, Mahmoud Abbas, and Gaza
strongman Mohammed Dahlan were
inside — is symptomatic of a fairly
widespread refusal to accept Abbas'
authority. Two of Abbas's bodyguards
were killed.
Though it apparently wasn't an assassi-
nation attempt, the shooting was meant
to warn Abbas not to diverge from
Arafat's hardline. The assailants shouted,
"No Abbas, no Dalilan and no CIA,"
suggesting that some Palestinians see the
two as American puppets capable of sell-
ing out Palestinian interests.
For his part, Abbas believes only
America can deliver the goods.
On the Israeli side, Prime Minister
Ariel Sharon wants to give Abbas every
PEACE PROCESS on page 33
Arafat's Life
New York/JTA
The following is a time-
line of the life of Palestinian leader Yasser
Arafat:
• 1929 — Arafat is born to a family of mer-
chants in Egypt (though he often claimed
to have been born in Jerusalem).
• 1952-1956 — Attends Cairo University,
where he joins the Islamist movement
known as the Muslim Brotherhood. Also
organizes the Union of Palestinian Students.
• 1956 — Arafat has said he fights in the
Egyptian army during the Suez War, but
some believe he is in Czechoslovakia,
attending a Communist-sponsored student
—
11/19
2004
30
congress.
• 1957 — He leaves Egypt and, a year later,
settles in Kuwait, where he works as an
engineer.
• Late 1950s — Co-founds Fatah, a
Palestinian political movement dedicated ro
armed struggle against Israel.
• 1964 — The Palstine Liberation
Organization is founded at an Arab League
summit. Fatah w ill soon become its central
element.
• 1965 — Fatah carries out its first terrorist
attack on Israel, an attempt to blow up the
National Water Carrier.
• 1968 — Losses the PLO inflicts on Israeli
soldiers at the battle of Karameh, in Jordan,
and Arafat's daring escape from the battle
on a motorcycle add to his mystique and
solidify his growing hold on the PLO.
• 1969 — Arafat is elected chairman of the
PLO's Executive Committee.
• 1970 — PLO attempts to destabilize and
ultimately take over Jordan prompt King
Hussein to crack down on the PLO and
kick them out of the country. Thousands of
Palestinians are killed in what comes to be
known as "Black September." Arafat choos-
es Lebanon as his new base of operations.
• 1972 — Palestinian terrorists kill 11
Israeli athletes at the Munich Olympics.
The attack and other terrorist actions,
mainly airplane hijackings, put the
Palestinian cause on the international stage.
• 1974 — Wearing a pistol holster, Arafat
addresses the U.N. General Assembly. The
assembly recognizes "the right of the
Palestinian people to sovereignty and
national independence" and gives the PLO
observer status at the world organization.
• 1982 — Israeli forces drive Arafat from
Beirut, forcing him to set up his base in
Tunisia.