Israel's capacity to respond to Palestinian terror. If
Arafat were expelled, Steinitz says, the army would
have an easier job.
On the far right, politicians like Benjamin Elon
from the Moledet Party and Israel Our Home's
Avigdor Lieberman actually welcome the chaos that
might ensue, as it would give Israel a chance to
"really crack down on Palestinian terror.
Israel also would be freer to advance political plans
like Lieberman's proposed cantonization of the West
Bank and Gaza Strip, or Elon's transfer of
Palestinians to neighboring Arab states.
Among Labor politicians, however, there is con-
sensus that expelling Arafat would be a huge blun-
der. They argue that it is simplistic to personalize
the conflict as if the only problem were Arafat, and
to claim that if only he would go away the rest of
the Palestinians would fall into line.
Moreover, Arafat wandering the world would be
free to stir up trouble against Israel, while still
pulling the strings in the Palestinian territories.
The Laborites also make another, more subtle
argument: Part of the struggle with the Palestinians,
they say, is over images and perceptions. Expelling
Arafat and allowing him to play the victim would be
a public relations coup for the Palestinians.
Finally, they say, even if Arafat is the problem, the
only way he can effectively be replaced is through an
authentic internal Palestinian process, in which
Israel is plainly not involved.
Expelling Arafat would defeat the purpose of the
exercise: No Palestinian would dare claim the exiled
president's mantle, at least while Arafat is still alive.
U.S. Is Formulating
Drawing lessons from the past, Bush ponders a Mideast initiative.
"
Few Options
Several months ago, in an unusually candid interview,
Sharon said he regretted not having killed Arafat 20
years ago when the Palestine Liberation Organization
was expelled from Beirut, and that he regretted hav-
ing promised President Bush last year that he would
not harm the Palestinian leader physically.
Realistically, that leaves Sharon only with the
option of expulsion.
But, as the internal debate in Israel shows, the
prime minister is in a Catch-22 situation. What he
wants to get rid of is not so much Arafat as Arafat's
influence, but any action he takes against Arafat
could well backfire and increase the Palestinian
leader's sway. ❑
MATTHEW E. BERGER
Jewish Telegraphic Agency
Washington, D. C.
he White House is
grappling with one of
the oldest problems in
modern Middle East
peacemaking: how to construct
parameters for peace that can
withstand the tests of diplomacy
and violence.
On Monday, President Bush
completed an extensive consulta-
tion period with Middle East
leaders, hosting Israeli Prime
Minister Ariel Sharon for the
sixth time since taking office, just
days after hosting Egyptian
President Hosni Mubarak.
Appearing with Sharon after
their meeting, Bush backed Israel's
right to defend itself against
Palestinian attacks, and continued
his criticism of Palestinian
Authority leader Yasser Arafat.
He also downplayed expectations
of an international peace conference
being planned for this summer, say-
ing, "The conditions aren't even
there yet" and highlighting the need
for a much-discussed restructuring
of Palestinian institutions.
Over the weekend, Bush indicat-
ed that he would not bow to Arab
pressure on the United States to
lay out a firm timeline for the
establishment of a Palestinian state.
"We are not ready to lay down
a specific calendar, except for the
fact we need to get started quickly
— soon — so that we can seize
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State Department official
said.
Since the 1967 Six-Day
War changed the borders
of the Middle East,
American leaders have
been crafting peace plans
in an attempt to show
leadership in the region.
Many of the plans shared
goals and visions, but none
has succeeded in ending
President Bush, right, and Israeli Prime
the
conflict between Israel
Minister Ariel Sharon met June 10.
and the Palestinians.
Analysts say American
the moment," Bush said in a news
plans
don't
work mostly because they
conference with Mubarak at
do
not
have
the support of the par-
Camp David on Saturday.
ties
themselves,
and are rejected
With consultations with region-
either by the leadership of one or the
al leaders completed and two U.S.
other side or become moot in the
envoys back from the Middle
wake
of a violent backlash.
East, the next few weeks are
Analysts
say that, aside from the
expected to be consumed with
Oslo
process,
plans also failed
internal White House debate over
because
they
didn't
have the full
the contours of a Middle East
weight
of
U.S.
pressure
and diplo-
peace initiative.
macy behind them.
At the heart of the debate,
administration officials say, will be
how to restore negotiations
Divided Goals
between Israel and the Palestinians,
"The United States has never
and whether Arafat should be
committed
itself, with the excep-
afforded a place at the table.
tion
of
Camp
David, to a serious
The details will be the crux of
pursuit of a peace plan," said
the internal debate. The broad
Henry Siegman, a senior fellow at
strokes of a final solution already
have been laid out, analysts say, in the Council on Foreign Relations.
President Bill Clinton was the
Secretary of State Colin Powell's
only
American leader to show true
speech in Louisville, Ky., last
commitment
to Middle East peace,
November, and in Bush's Rose
Siegman
says,
and his effort failed
Garden address in April.
only because of a "terrible mistake"
"There will be less of what we
want to see at the end of the rain- by the Palestinian leadership in
FORMULATING on page 25
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